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paulbenedictblog · 5 years

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%news%

New Post has been published on %http://paulbenedictsgeneralstore.com%

News What Pete Buttigieg gets wrong about free tuition - The Washington Post

News

The two Democratic presidential candidates who came out on high in the Iowa caucuses — outdated South Bend, Ind., mayor Pete Buttigieg and Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) — had been butting heads over the query of how to pay for bigger education. All thru the Jan. 14 Democratic debate, Buttigieg sought to say aside himself from Sanders by drawing on the very language of sophistication that has transform the senator’s hallmark. Sanders and Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) maintain proposed to fight the big cost of faculty education in the US thru tuition-free public universities and forgiveness of pupil debt. Buttigieg rejected these proposals, announcing, “I don’t judge subsidizing the young other folks of millionaires and billionaires to pay completely zero in tuition at public colleges is the easiest use of these scarce taxpayer dollars.”

But whereas the moderate Buttigieg embraced the rhetoric of sophistication battle more generally related with Sanders or Select Wall Avenue, he is championing a coverage that has repeatedly — and maybe surprisingly — ruin working-class and heart-broken People for the reason that slack 19th century. Well-liked social programs corresponding to Social Security maintain created a security gather that one and all People are eligible to raise part in. Manner-examined programs, on the other hand — that are on hand only to a shrimp subset of the inhabitants, in conserving with earnings or other factors — had been poorly funded, attacked, marginalized and meagerly supported. This pattern is seemingly to repeat itself with college tuition advantages. While the scions of rich families might maybe well presumably merely not need executive aid, except they're integrated, efforts to address the costs drowning the less fortunate are doomed to fail.

The origins of anti-poverty coverage in the US in the first three a long time of the 20th century illustrate the dichotomy between current and formulation-examined social programs. Clear groups of reformers charted two very diverse visions for making a social security gather for People.

The major, which developed into Again to Households With Dependent Children (AFDC) — or what we now name welfare — started as an experiment in offering declare “mother’s pensions” to single moms. The reformers who created this program, a good deal of them feminine activists, supposed this system to be shrimp and diminutive by blueprint. They believed that the realm off of poverty among ladies folk changed into the absence of male breadwinners, a scenario exacerbated by the Depression, and as well they envisioned the AFDC as a stopgap measure to rescue heart-broken ladies folk whose plights had been non everlasting. As soon as a girl started incomes a current wage, or when she married a particular person anticipated to provide for her, advantages would dwell.

Alternatively, this system soon grew to rework embroiled in bitter debates about which ladies folk had been “deserving” of public enhance and an obsession with conserving welfare rolls low. Because “welfare” changed into understood to be a closing resort, its recipients had been eyed with suspicion in the event that they gave the impact to stay around too long. When financial stipulations improved, affluent People grew far more skeptical of the AFDC.

By the 1960s, Original Deal programs and strong federal spending on infrastructure, housing and education had created a burgeoning white middle class. Nonwhite People, particularly African People and Latinos, had been explicitly excluded from accessing a good deal of these advantages, exacerbating the racial wealth hole and creating the (unsuitable) impact which formulation-examined programs corresponding to AFDC served only nonwhites. The new white middle class changed into largely ineligible for formulation-examined programs corresponding to AFDC and furthermore changed into unable to snatch why others might maybe well presumably need it. AFDC grew to rework a political approved responsibility for liberals, who largely uncared for the underfunded program. As historian Linda Gordon explains, “The truth is that a tiny welfare system affords no one what they need and thus makes itself universally unpopular.”

Foundation in the 1970s, AFDC itself grew to rework related with disgrace and failure. When President Invoice Clinton pledged to “kill welfare as we perceive it” in the 1990s, he resolved to fabricate “welfare” officially non everlasting (altering the name from AFDC to TANF — Brief Assistance for Needy Households). Recipients had been held to diminutive aid phrases, strict morality policing and new laws stressful they meander to monumental lengths to safe paying jobs. As sociologist Myra Marx Ferree explained, welfare recipients’ “dependency and neediness had been the necessities of help, nonetheless furthermore the basis for marginalizing them.”

By distinction, Social Security, which emerged at the same time as AFDC, changed into crafted as an entitlement on hand to all People and has never persisted the same political assaults that AFDC has weathered. As a consequence of its purported universality, Social Security changed into not imagined as a program offering “lend a hand” nonetheless as a make of insurance, offering unemployment, illness and oldschool-age advantages as a straightforward moral of citizenship. But, whereas touted as benefiting all People, Social Security in the origin omitted the huge majority of African People and white ladies folk, who had been employed in occupations particularly excluded in the laws.

This actuality exposed the truth that AFDC and Social Security had been more related than they seemed. Each and each programs relied on assumptions about which forms of staff “deserved” a serving to hand and which of them had been “entitled” to security. But because most People had been eligible for Social Security and, crucially, since almost all white men had been eligible, this system grew to rework understood, in the phrases of Ferree, as “a moral of social citizenship.” While AFDC weathered a large substitute of political assaults by the purpose it changed into dismantled in the 1990s, even moral-cruise activists generally shield entitlement programs corresponding to Medicare.

This two-tiered system of “welfare” and “entitlements” has been particularly devastating for ladies folk, African People and Latinos. Cultural narratives connect African People and Latinos with welfare, despite the truth that bigger than half of of security-gather recipients are white. While distorting the scurry of recipients, these narratives furthermore attack their worthiness, presuming that they fight not thanks to inequality and structural impediments corresponding to the legacies of slavery, immigration coverage and redlining, nonetheless thanks to their very possess heart-broken choices. This perception that recipients are not well-known has resulted in stringent stipulations on advantages, and aid ranges which might maybe well presumably be inadequate to help preserve families out of poverty.

This historic previous teaches us that whereas it sounds shapely to help “millionaires and billionaires” from going to school freed from tuition, this rhetoric might maybe well presumably without considerations transform step one against making a reform that pleases no one. Manner-examined tuition advantages — worthy worship we now maintain got in the make of Pell Grants, that are meagerly funded — elevate administrative burdens whereas nice looking questions on whether or not grant recipients in point of truth “deserve” enhance. These which might maybe well presumably be ineligible surprise why recipients deserve advantages whereas they assemble not.

This logic is one reason Pell Grants are so shrimp and disbursed to this kind of shrimp substitute of faculty college students. Applying this same logic to a broader system of tuition enhance would lead to a program that affords inadequate aid to a shrimp pool of People, since non-recipients would maintain little passion in forking over more in taxes to fabricate bigger advantages. Buttigieg proposes a answer that is, genuinely, a lose-lose proposition.

Most importantly, strong public enhance for public universities would maintain one other aid, one that might maybe well presumably lessen the flexibility of the filthy rich. Over the last 10 years, states maintain diminished their spending on bigger education by $9 billion, leaving public universities in a budget crunch that has opened mountainous questions on who will be footing the bills. One byproduct has been the hike in tuition that college students pay, using a pupil debt disaster that limits young adults’ opportunities to pursue the careers they need, purchase homes and begin families.

One more, far-less-discussed consequence has been that public universities maintain had to undercover agent more and more to personal donors to balance the budget, which essentially formulation aligning with the priorities of the filthy rich. Federal enhance for public universities that fabricate them tuition-free to all college students attributable to this truth would fabricate them less beholden to the filthy rich and more accountable to all of us who depend on bigger education to help resolve the well-known considerations of the 21st century.

Correction: An earlier model of this share acknowledged that TANF stood for Brief Again to Needy Households. It's in point of truth Brief Assistance to Needy Households.

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thisdaynews · 5 years

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The most consequential moment of the 2020 primary

New Post has been published on https://thebiafrastar.com/the-most-consequential-moment-of-the-2020-primary/

The most consequential moment of the 2020 primary

Harris’ pronouncement that day that she was endorsing Bernie Sanders’ left-wing prescription for fixing the nation’s health care system would turn out to be one of the most consequential moments of the 2020 presidential primary. A week after the town hall, Sen. Elizabeth Warren announced her support for Sanders’ bill. A few days after that, Sen. Jeff Merkley joined in. The next day, Sens. Kirsten Gillibrand, Al Franken and Cory Booker got on board.

By Sept. 13 — just two weeks after Harris’ town hall — all of them, along with severalother senators and progressive activists, surrounded Sanders at a Capitol Hill news conference and talked about how “proud” they were to co-sponsor his legislation to upend the health care industry.

“Kamala’s decision started a stampede,” said a 2020 campaign operative familiar with the talks to enlist support for the bill in 2017.

But what seemed like a bold stroke for the senators at thetimewould come back to haunt many of them. Warren has spent months tied up on single-payer, sliding in polls as she’s struggled to explain her stance. Harris equivocated after her initial declaration, reinforcing nagging questions about her core beliefs. She dropped out of the race on Tuesday. The only person who hasn’t budged is Sanders himself.

The story of the embrace and then retreat from single-payer closely tracks the arc of the Democratic Party since Donald Trump’s election. This account is based on interviews with more than a dozen people with intimate knowledge of that story, from the negotiations to win support for Sanders’ legislation in 2017 to the current fallout in the campaign.

At the time of Harris’ town hall, the progressive wing of the party appeared ascendant, and potential presidential contenders were intent to keep pace. After Sanders, a 74-year-old democratic socialist, had given a scare to Hillary Clinton in 2016, and left-wing activism exploded in a backlash toTrump’s election, Harris and other Democratic senators eyeing 2020 runs determined that they needed to tap into that energy.

“Let’s be clear, it is not only about what is the right thing to do morally and ethically, it’s also smart in terms of the fiscal impact — taxpayers will benefit,” Harris said at the Sept. 2017 news conference where she and other Democratic senators locked arms with Sanders.

Back then, the toppling of the old guard of the Democratic Party by a re-energized left looked more possible than ever, even inevitable. But the health care debate this year has put the left on the defensive and exposed deep divides within the party over the the best way to defeat Trump: with a new sweeping liberal agenda, or a more restrained one based on the legacy of former President Barack Obama..

When politics trumped policy

Sanders’ office hadn’t even completed the full legislative text of his Medicare for All bill when Harris’ announcement began ricocheting across Capitol Hill. A group of health policy aides from several Senate offices had been meeting for weeks over the summer, but it was still unclear whether a consensus could be reached.

There were some misgivings. Aides to Sen. Sherrod Brown,anotherpotential presidential candidate, surprised other offices when they withdrew from the meetings after concluding that Medicare for All could be politically toxic. Others involved the discussions believed Sanders’ team, which initially insisted on a rapid, one-year transition to single-payer, would ultimately be too obstinate to attract support from other senators. His 2013 single-payer bill had no co-sponsors.

Two policy aides involved in the 2017 talks told POLITICO that they expressed doubtsabout the legislation at the time, worried that it wasn’t close to a finished product.

But for the would-be 2020 hopefuls, any reservations about the policy were trumped by the political imperative of the moment.

“Some of them were checking the box of doing what they felt they needed to in order to appease the progressives,” said a senior adviser to one of the senators who co-sponsored the bill and is not running for president. “It was so clear that some of them didn’t really believe it,” the person added, referring to the actual policy.

The casualty list is extensive.

Harris co-sponsored Sanders’ bill again this past spring, then crafted her own plan after repeatedly getting twisted in knots discussing the future of private health insurance. The muddle exacerbated the narrative that Harris didn’t know why she was running and contributed to her unexpected withdrawal from the race this week.

Gillibrand was instrumental in crafting a compromise in Sanders’ bill calling for a four-year transition to single payer, in order to make it more palatable to some senators. But before she dropped out of the race in August, the New York senator also backed away from the legislation, citing concerns about eliminating private insurance.

Booker appeared to have been wary of the bill as soon as he endorsed it. He argued for it in broad moral terms but emphasized that it was just one of many health care proposals he backed.

And then there’s Warren.

After giving vague answers about single-payer in the early months of her campaign, she became the lone senator running for president to stand by Sanders’ bill. Looking to silence grumbling on the left that she was equivocating on a litmus test issue, Warren declared at the June debate: “I’m with Bernie.”

But that hardly settled the matter. Starting in the summer, Warren faced tough questions from the other side of the Democratic spectrum about how she would pay for single payer and whether her position would make her damaged goods in a general election.

In November, Warren put out her own two-part plan. It called for passing a public option first — an idea broadly supported by Democrats — and then, later, approving a full single-payer system. Though Warren said she would still get to single payer within four years, her idea to require two difficult votes on an already treacherous issue was seen by some single-payer advocates as unrealistic.

Moderates, meanwhile, went after her financing proposal, which Warren said would raise $20 trillion-plus without raising middle-class taxes. And Sanders jabbed at her plan from the left when he argued his plans to raise the necessary money were more progressive.

The fallout hasn’t been limited to senators running for president. South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg has struggled to explain why he’s now a fierce critic of Sanders’ proposal,after tweeting in early 2018his wholehearted support for Medicare for All. Outsider candidate Andrew Yang scrubbed the words “single payer” from his website and said eliminating private insurance would be “too disruptive.”

Health policy experts said Warren and the other Democratic senators who signed on to Sanders’ plan should have anticipated the scrutiny.

“It played out with the Clinton health plan. It played out with the Affordable Care Act,” said Larry Levitt, senior vice president for health reform at the Kaiser Family Foundation. “As details get filled in and opponents really start to attack, plans never get more popular.”

“The elimination of private insurance and the taxes that would replace premiums and out-of-pocket costs — these are the things that make the public nervous about Medicare for All,” Levitt added, citing his group’s polling.

Biden and Sanders capitalize

The candidates’ stumbles have given both former Vice President Joe Biden and Sanders clear lines of attack to criticize their rivals — as either too far left or too timid.

“She has things in her plan that are just not realistic,” Biden said of Warren last month. He’s kept up the drumbeat: In Iowa this week, Biden said the majority of Democrats know that single-payer health care “will take a long time, they know it costs a lot of money, and it’s causing some consternation for people.”

Sanders, meanwhile, has told his supporters over and over that he indeed “wrote the damn bill” — another way of saying that he’s the only true believer in a field of pretenders.

Some on the left believe that the tortuous responses to the issue show the power of the health care industry, which has mounted a multimillion dollar campaign against Sanders’ plan. Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.), who has endorsed Sanders, told POLITICO she’s “not surprised that folks are now backing away amid the gaslighting. Corporate greed seems to be festering in this conversation about how we fix our inhumane health care system.”

Sanders has remained defiant in the face of the criticism — refusing to offer a concrete financing plan, openly acknowledging that taxes will go up, insisting that any disruption will be for the greater good and calling on his followers to fight for the rights of others even if they themselves don’t need Medicare for All.

In some ways, his stance has worked. Over the course of just a few years, he has brought Medicare for All from the political fringes to the heart of the debate about who should lead the party in 2020. Though he’s not the clear frontrunner in the primary and Medicare for All polls much lower than a public option, voters still rank him as the person who best understands health care and is best equipped to fix the problems in the current health system. (Surveys also show most Democratic voters also still approve of Medicare for All.)

“What’s clear from this debate is that for the other candidates, health care policy is a political issue,” said a Sanders campaign aide. “For Bernie, providing heath care as a human right is a moral issue that’s the cause of his lifetime, and he will never waver from that fight. And that’s why Bernie will win.”

#Foreign #moment #Politics #primary

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fullspectrum-cbd-oil · 5 years

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The 2020 Twenty — Mark Sanford

This is IJR’s fifth segment of The 2020 Twenty. We’re asking every 2020 presidential candidate 20 questions on their plans, policies, outlook, and background as well as some lighter ones to help our readers get to know the people and their personalities as they compete to run the country.

Former Congressman and Governor Mark Sanford is the third Republican to throw his hat in the ring to take on President Donald Trump for the presidential nomination. While candidates Bill Weld and Joe Walsh had a lot of strong words against Trump in their conversations with IJR, Sanford was much more hesitant to go after the president. Instead, he’s making his campaign about what he sees as an impending crisis: the national debt. Instead of taking down Trump, he’s hoping to spark a nationwide conversation about what the federal government must do to live within its means.

1. As president, what would be your day one, number one priority?

Beginning the process of righting our financial ship. It’s telling to me that the former director of the Congressional Budget Office [Douglas Holtz-Eakin] over the weekend labeled the national debt as the biggest threat to our civilization. It’s telling to me that Mike Mullen, former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, has labeled it the same. That would be day one for me.

2. You are running to bring attention to the national debt. The debt is largely driven by entitlement programs like Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. What changes would you make to these programs to cut the debt?

Let’s see, what would I do? I would focus on reforming. So, for instance, when I was in Congress, I offered a bill in my first stint in Congress that would move and transition the system to a system of personal accounts. I think that reform is vital to its longevity and it’s my hope to improve the financial picture of our country. You look at any of the numbers: They cannot continue to exist as they are. Reform is mathematically a necessity and I think it, at a practical level, you look, for instance, at the rate of return for a young person, today, is actually negative on Social Security. For every dollar you put in, you get less than a dollar back out. That is hardly a way in which to build wealth for young millennials and the generation that follows. And so, I don’t want to get into the weeds but the short form answer is: I believe that reform to these programs is vital and would propose such.

Would your reforms be minor changes or a complete overhaul of the entitlements system?

I would propose overhauling the system. So, I mean small tweaks are good, but what they do for a young person is they make the return more negative. You know, Flemming v. Nestor was a 1960 Supreme Court decision that said none of us have any legal claims whatsoever to our Social Security checks. And the system worked well when we had the Baby Boomer generation moving through. What you don’t want to do is to guarantee generational inequity which is what the programs, in many cases, offer now. The first Social Security recipient put $20 into the system and got out $42,000. Needless to say, she loved the system. But talk to anyone of my four sons or a lot of other young people out there, they’d say they’re more likely to believe in a UFO than to believe they’ll get their taxes fully paid back from Social Security.

3. You have said that you are running to bring about awareness of the national debt and to change the narrative on spending in the Republican Party, but you have been open about your slim chances of winning and have said that you would vote for Trump in the general. In his interview with IJR, your fellow competitor Joe Walsh questioned why you would run against Trump in the primary if you don’t think you could win. What is the main reason you are running? Does Walsh have a point?

I respectfully disagree. I mean, I think it’s very healthy to be realistic. I mean it is decidedly unrealistic to say, ‘No problem. We’re gonna win.’ What’s history say on that? Primary challengers since the 1950s — in fact, the last person to be overtaken and not get the party’s nomination from a sitting president was Chester Arthur and it was like in the 1860s. (Editor’s note: President Arthur lost the GOP nomination to James Blake in 1884.) And so, if you’ve got, you know, 150 years of history should tell you something. Look at any of the recent five challengers, not one of them got the nomination, but in every instance, they were able to shape the debate. As a consequence of their run, they changed the electoral outcome. Not for themselves, but for the nominee.

So I think that certainly, one can win. One might win. One can be hopeful about winning, but I think you’ve got to go in with your eyes wide open and say, ‘If I don’t win, could I still succeed? Could there be any success outside of outright electoral winning.’ That’s why if people look at my website they see we’ve laid out three goals. One, can we shape the debate. I think it’s telling, I watched the Democratic debate the other night and there was not one mention of debt or deficit as an issue. Many issues were discussed, but that was not one of them. And so my point is, I think we ought to discuss it. I mean think about this. A deficit is nothing more than deferred taxes. We’re now running record levels of deferred deficit in peacetime, which is to say, we’re deferring taxes like we never have before.

Our country was founded on no taxation without representation, but why in the world is it fair for young people to be handed the bill for government that’s consumed today. Because that’s what a deficit is. And so the idea of highlighting that and making that part of this national debate that occurs once every four years, I think would be a win. If we get further down the pike and get some number of delegates, we could have an impact at changing the Republican Party platform at the convention in Charlotte, that’d be a win. And third, would be winning and doing something about it. That’d be a win, too, but I think you have to lay out goals sequentially based on odds of achievement. I think history says it’s certainly a long shot with the last goal, but it’s not a long shot on the first two.

You’ve noted that you would vote for Trump if he’s the Republican nominee. Why would you vote for Trump in the general, given that he has added to the national debt and annual deficit while in the White House?

Let me explain that. What I’ve said is, I’m a Republican. It would be quite natural for me to support whoever is closest to the ideas that I believe in. I’ve laid out debt and deficit as being the bullseye of things that need to be discussed in the presidential debate. I’m going to vote for whoever is closest to the ideas that I believe in. And what I was saying in that interview was everything is relational in politics. I mean, there’s no perfect candidate out there. Who relationally is closest to where you are is the question. And so, Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders seem to be on the rise in the Democratic side and my point was, you can’t say to me that Bernie Sanders is closest to my top issues than Donald Trump.

4. What is your favorite show to binge-watch?

I’m fairly pathetic on that front. I don’t really watch much television. The answer is that I don’t binge-watch, but you know, I need to start.

5. While serving as governor, you received an endorsement from the environmental group The Sierra Club for your work to conserve state lands. Climate change has been a top issue for Democrats while Trump brushes it off as a hoax. What do you think is the government’s role in battling climate change?

I think the government has a real role. Let’s begin with, I believe in science. I mean, it is inconceivable to me that people can say, you know, ‘It’s amazing what science can do in the human body and I went to this hospital and they did whatever to me.’ And they believe in science there but then they say, ‘Oh, when it comes to the larger climate, I don’t believe this.’ That to me is nonsensical.

So, I believe in science broadly. I think the government has a role always in being the arbiter between private and public interests. And if you’re a conservative, you say, ‘Your rights extend until they begin to infringe upon mine.’ They don’t go further. And so, government’s role is to, again, define and enforce that line between your rights and my rights. Now, where it gets difficult, where political philosophy often falls in is one, where is that line, and two, what’s the enforcement mechanism. How do you resolve this? And that’s where people based on different political philosophies will say, ‘I think this way or that way.’ But I think it’s, to me, crazy to deny that it exists.

Are there any specific policies, such as a carbon tax, that you would support to reduce emissions?

I will look at all of them. I have not settled on a course yet. I think as a policy question, we first off need to decide what’s your alternative. And for me, along with renewables — which are great, I believe in wind and solar and someday, something on tidal and wave action — I think we have to really be open to the debate on nuclear. Which I say to a lot of my environmental friends and they just want to do renewables. And again, I’m for renewables. But if somebody’s driving an electric car and happens to get electricity through a typical plant in South Carolina maybe feels good about themselves but they’re not making as big a change as they would like to claim in regard to a carbon footprint. So I believe in very strongly looking at the nuclear options with regard to an energy source.

6. Several states, including South Carolina, have canceled their Republican primaries and party nominating conventions, signaling their loyalty to Trump. What do you think about this decision?

Well, I just held a press conference a few moments ago and I’m on my way to do another one in Columbia and later in the week in Charleston to speak up against what the executive committee [of the South Carolina GOP] has decided here in South Carolina. It’s a mistake. I think it takes from South Carolinians their historic voice in the Republican process of electing their next president. I think that’s important. It’s anti-American. I mean, you think about it, you know. In some countries they have coronations. In some countries, they have a military coup. Some have fixed elections. The American way is winning an election and I think taking that away so you might preserve the president’s political options and help him going forward, I think, may help him but it hurts the voters. And I think it’s a big mistake.

7. Do you have any hidden talents?

I wouldn’t say it’s a talent, but certainly an acquired skill over time, but I operate heavy equipment. I grew up on a farm about an hour south of Charleston and, you know, I grew up running bulldozers and tractors, and those kinds of things and I guess that could maybe be described as a hidden talent. Well, I don’t know. It’s a talent, a skill. I’m trying to think what else. I think that would be the first one that jumps to mind.

8. You, like President Trump, have had a controversial personal life. What do you say to Americans who are tired of controversies and want to see a role model in the White House?

I would say that I don’t think anybody should be judged in life based on their best day, nor their worst day. They should look at the totality of one’s life and where they’re coming from. And outside of that one incident, you wouldn’t find controversy in my life. And so, it’s something that I have apologized for. I believe in the Christian model of repentance and second chances and I was afforded one. After that, people back home who knew me best said, ‘Look, we don’t approve of how you handled that chapter of life, but we know you and we trust you. Not only will we give you a second chance, we’ll take you to Washington to be our representative in the United States Congress.’ And that’s a pretty humbling journey to go on.

Again, I’m not trying to conditionalize, but I’m saying, I guess I would say there’s been more of a pattern with the president with regard to a whole host of different controversies, rather than a one-off event that’s obviously very well documented. It was obviously a big deal for myself, the state, and those that I love. But those are different things. And I would just add this: It’s my personal belief that, in the wake of public failure which obviously I went through, you can be the better for it. I mean, the president has said there’s nothing in his life for which he apologizes or regrets. I do regret that chapter of life. And I think in wake of regret, public shame, and all the good with that, you can learn a new level of humility that makes you a better person, better leader, better dad, better a lot of things. And a different level of empathy in recognizing that we all have feet of clay; we all make mistakes. We all wish we had a chapter of life that we wish we could hit rewind and play on, but that’s not how life works. So you live with the scar tissue that comes with whatever your event was and either you learn from and it makes you a better person or you pretend it doesn’t exist which you don’t learn a lot from.

9. You have argued that the government shouldn’t be involved in health care, instead supporting health savings plans to incentivize personal savings for medical expenses. Do you believe there is any role for government to play in providing health care to Americans?

Well, what I’ve said is the government ought to be there to help those who can’t help themselves, to help the needy, the underprivileged, the person who’s between chapters in life. That’s absolutely the role of government as far as what makes for a working society. But what we’ve had evolve in many cases there are middle-class taxes to help people who don’t need help. The idea that Bill Gates gets the same Medicare program that somebody in South Carolina upon clicking through some years of your life is fairly profound. It means our focus is undirected. Therefore, that means we give less help to maybe some of the folks who need it most. And more help than is needed to some of the folks who are better off.

And so, I think the help ought to be directed and focused. I think that what I’ve said about health savings accounts is there’s nothing more personal than one’s health. The idea of having the ability to alter the way in which you get the benefits of government to be something that makes sense. For instance, the fatal flaw of the Affordable Care Act [ACA] was that it set a floor-level of insurance. So, if I said to you, ‘I’ve got a great insurance policy for you and it’s a spectacular policy and it’ll cover your house like you can’t believe. It’ll cover up to $2 million worth of damage.’ And you’re like, ‘Well, my house is only worth $200,000. I don’t need a $2 million policy.’ Nope, this is the plan that we mandate. One of the things that I offered in a bill that I offered back in Congress was to make less expensive insurance legal again. It’s not even legal under the ACA. And so, what that means is young people, like my four sons, they ended up just saying, ‘Well I don’t need all those bells and whistles. I just risk it going out and, given how the exchanges work, I can get it at the last minute. Well wait, that’s not insurance. That is waiting until your house is burning to buy a policy on your house.

So, what I was trying to say was: How do we allow more young people, more healthy people to buy insurance that works for them. If they’re, you know, athletic and they’re eating right, and they’re healthy, they ought to be rewarded for that rather than lumped in with some couch potatoes that sits around watching sitcoms all day — binge-watching as you called it — drinking Coke and eating potato chips. All I’m after is personalizing the system so the individual initiative is rewarded. I agree with what the ACA did on not knocking people out with pre-existing conditions. I agreed with what the ACA offered in not taking you off your parent’s plan until age 26. I think there’s a middle ground there where you are better able to rifle-shot benefits to people that need it and reward people for good behaviors and personalize based on what you do and don’t need.

10. You have voted for wall funding in the past. Do you believe a wall is necessary for a sound immigration policy?

Yeah. It’s simply another tool in the tool kit. We have some existing border wall. We’ve got about a 2,000-mile border. We have about 700 miles of wall, border, fencing, etc. And so, you know, the whole debate, that was for 80 additional miles. And I kept telling my Republican friends, you’ve got to understand here, when they say wall, they’re overplaying it. There are still 1,300 miles that are open. And then I remember my Democratic friends said, ‘Oh I didn’t know that’ too. So, I think it is part of a larger strategy on making sure that we have a secure border. Some of which will include wall. Some of which will include technology. Some of which will include a variety of different technologies and people to secure our border.

11. If you could get a drink with any previous president, who would it be?

Thomas Jefferson. I mean, you know, I went to his academic village — the University of Virginia. And to walk on the lawn at UVA is to walk and be inspired by the incredible contributions that he made to our republic in not only UVA but obviously in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights.

12. You support free trade and generally oppose tariffs, which have been Trump’s main tool in negotiations with China. You have acknowledged that China must be brought to the table to discuss issues like climate change and intellectual property theft. Do you support Trump’s trade war?

I do not. You know, when I was in Congress, I actually had a bill that would allow Americans to travel to Cuba. My point being that, you know, engagement I think is much more productive in changing regimes than non-engagement and isolation. So I think, one, if we’re about changing China, I think engagement is a better way to go. Two, tariffs are simply taxes that are imposed on the American consumer and if you look at the cost of washing machines and dryers and the way that they’ve gone up in the wake of Trump’s tariffs — and a whole host of other products — this is something that hurts us.

And more to the point, it won’t have an effect. In the same way that other trade-embargo that they put in place in Cuba kept in place the Castro family for much longer than any of these presidents have been around, I think it often calcifies and freezes in place existing institutions. What we’ve said is, no unilateral tariffs don’t work, just as unilateral embargos don’t work. It’s got to be multi-lateral which is why I think something along the line of TPP [the Trans-Pacific Partnership pushed by President Obama], which the Obama administration had been moving us toward is the answer. You have to be multi-lateral to have an effective impact with China.

13. Most Americans feel their tax system is unfair. You’ve argued for a “flatter, broader” tax structure in the United States. Why do you think that is the best option?

The ideal, in my view, would be the Fair Tax or a flat tax.

(Editors note: The Fair Tax is a proposal that would do away with the IRS by ending income taxes in exchange for a nationwide sales tax. This proposal includes a “prebate” which pre-funds households with the taxes they would pay, up to the poverty level so low-income families do not face more taxes, but the law is applied equally to everyone, without loopholes. The Flat Tax is an income tax which impacts everyone the same. Millionaires and the middle class would all pay the same percentage with no loopholes, deductions, or credits.)

I like the Fair Tax because you get at the underground economy. But I’m open to either one, Fair or Flat. They both have different bells and whistles that I like. I like the simplicity of a flat tax; the idea of saying, you know, here, on the back of a notecard, here’s what you owe and the transparency is important and the simplicity is important. Either of those I’m open to and supportive of.

14. Do you support the legalization of marijuana?

I believe in federalism. I think that states ought to decide what works for themselves and their citizens. So I voted against a number of different federal bills. For instance, marijuana is legal in Colorado, but based on federal law, a legitimate business in Colorado cannot access the federal banking system. And I think that that’s so inconsistent. Republicans have said we believe in federalism, then not all decisions need to be made in Washington D.C. You ought to push power and authority down to the most local level possible. And yet when this happens with something that some conservatives don’t like, like marijuana legalization in Colorado, they’re going to use every tool against them to basically keep those businesses operating as illicit businesses in their inability to access the federal banking system. I guess what I’d say is, I’m not for or against, but I’m for states deciding what makes sense for them. And in that case, I think that if a state votes to legalize marijuana, they ought to be treated just as any other business would be.

15. Is there any part of your childhood that might have prepared you to be president?

I was a boy scout, an eagle scout at that. And you know, you learn about organizing folks, and organizing things, and I think there’s probably some value to that. And my dad was notoriously frugal. We had the whole family move into my parent’s room in the summer to save electricity, though he didn’t need to do it. But he was raised in the Depression and so, you know, my mom and dad would be on the bed and my sister got the window. My brothers and I would sleep on the floor in sleeping bags. In retrospect, you’re like, ‘Oh my goodness, that’s crazy.’ But I guess he was prepping me for my focus on frugality, which I’m now trying to talk to a few folks about.

16. What do you see as the greatest foreign policy threat facing the United States?

The American debt. I mean, I think, again, Admiral Mike Mullen, the former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, when asked what’s the biggest threat to American’s security answered not the Taliban, not the Chinese, not the Russians, but the American debt.

17. While you campaign on cutting spending and reducing the national debt, 2020 Democrats like Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders are climbing in the polls while promising programs like Medicare for All and the Green New Deal. What do you say to Americans who are not concerned about the national debt and would like to see the U.S. implement these programs?

I understand where they’re coming from. And I frankly don’t blame them. I mean, it’s not a failure of working Americans that the debt and deficit issue is not front-burner. It’s a failure of political leadership. And because, to your point earlier, some of the solutions are complex or difficult or perceived to be one of those two, political figures have refused to talk about them. They give them lip service and they move on. Even President Trump said, ‘If you elect me, I’ll cut the debt in the eight years I might be in office.’ And now he’s ballooning it. And so, if nobody’s talking about it in the elected leadership level, people think some more of that, or some more of that, won’t hurt. And politicians are asking, ‘Would you like that; would you like that?’ Without concern as to how do we pay for the promises already on the table.

18. What is your favorite kind of music to listen to on the campaign trail?

I’m rather dull and boring on that front. I can’t say that I listen to a lot of music on the campaign trail. I do if I’m on a piece of heavy equipment, oddly enough, going back to our heavy equipment point. And so, oddly enough — Have you heard of Rüfüs Du Sol? He’s an Australian thing that my boys turned me onto. I think he’s kind of cool and I like Rüfüs.

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19. With the recent mass shootings in mind, what would you do to curb gun violence?

I am big on the Second Amendment, but what I’m saying is these ideas on Red Flag Laws, in the same way that you can lose your rights based on the threat of domestic violence, I think you ought to be able to pull a Red Flag order on the perceived threat of gun violence. (Editor’s note: Red Flag laws allow law enforcement to take the guns of someone when they believe they could be a threat to the public. Critics argue that such laws infringe on the due process rights because the owner is not notified of the proceedings or allowed to pose a defense until after the guns are confiscated.)

I don’t think that’s a permanent abridgment of a Constitutional right. It’s a temporary abridgment based on the level of proof of a threat. If you think about Parkland, many of the kids had raised a complaint against the gunman. There had been any number of different notices down that way, but folks on the local level were not empowered to do anything. That’s a mistake. I’m a conservative’s conservative and I believe that my rights end when they begin to infringe upon yours. The greatest of all infringements is taking somebody’s life. So you have to have levels of protection to come with that. I get that some conservatives think that’s not consistent with gun rights, but I think it’s totally consistent within the blanket rights we get as Americans. Also, given my personal experience, extending the so-called Charleston loophole is something that makes sense. You know, in that case, the federal system failed to clear him within three days so he could automatically go purchase whatever. The shooter in question in Charleston might have been caught with a couple more days in the system. So I think it’s common sense to say, again, a couple more days is not a loss of my right.

20. Abortion remains a controversial topic in the U.S., especially surrounding the recent debate on late-term abortions. You have a pro-life voting record from your time in Congress. Do you support federal abortion restrictions or would you leave that to the states?

I believe that Roe v. Wade is the law of the land. It is a federal statute. I think that, ultimately, yes. I’d go back to federalism on that front, recognizing that a lot of the more difficult decisions that we need to make in the world of politics ought to be made with people making their voices heard in the electoral process at the local level. And I’ve always said that there ought to be exclusions for rape, incest, or life of the mother.

Editor’s note: The preceding interview has been edited for ease of reading.

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trunewsofficial · 5 years

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Now We Know How Far Democrats Will Go to Beat Trump in 2020

Text messages between FBI counterintelligence agent Peter Strzok and FBI lawyer Lisa Page show that he thought “the CIA” was behind the leaks of misinformation about the course of the Russia-collusion investigation. Now Sens. Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) and Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) are demanding that the Intelligence Community spill the beans. The chairmen of the Senate finance and foreign affairs committees sent Intelligence Community Inspector-General Michael Atkinson the following letter: “On April 25, 2019, we sent a letter to Attorney General Barr highlighting a November 2017 text message exchange between Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) employees Peter Strzok and Lisa Page in which they discussed sending a ‘CI guy’ to a briefing for the Trump presidential transition team to ‘assess’ the attendees and possibly ‘develop potential relationships.’ In addition to questions about the meaning of these text messages, we also highlighted our continued concerns about leaks to the media about ongoing investigations. “We write today to highlight other information regarding the FBI’s apparent awareness of leaks by other agencies or entities to the media. Specifically, in a December 2016 text message between Mr. Strzok and Ms. Page, Strzok told Page: ‘Think our sisters have begun leaking like mad. Scorned and worried and political, they’re kicking in to overdrive.’ “Later, in April 2017, Strzok e-mailed FBI colleagues and once again discussed leaks by others to the press. Specifically, with regard to the publication of an article in The Guardian titled, ‘British spies were first to spot Trump team’s links with Russia,’ Strzok said: ‘I’m beginning to think the agency got info a lot earlier than we thought and hasn’t shared it completely with us. Might explain all these weird/seemingly incorrect leads all these media folks have. Would also highlight agency as source of some of the leaks.’ “These texts and emails raise a number of serious questions and concerns. For example, who are the ‘sisters’ and what does it mean to say that the ‘sisters have [been] leaking like mad’? What are they worried about, and what are they kicking into ‘overdrive’? Which ‘agency’ is he referring to and why does Strzok believe the referenced news article highlights that ‘agency as [a] source of some of the leaks’? “We are looking forward to the Justice Department Inspector General’s forthcoming reports reviewing potential FISA abuses and leaks from FBI personnel in order to gain a better understanding of what happened during the Russia investigation. However, these texts and emails demonstrate the need to investigate leaks from agencies or entities other than FBI. Accordingly, has the Intelligence Community Office of the Inspector General initiated an investigation into these apparent leaks? If not, please explain why not.” They’re not alone. Counselor to the President Kellyanne Conway says the White House would like to know who the leakers are, too. But Democrats have refused to back down—likely because they intended to use the “Russia Narrative” in their 2020 campaigns. Speaking at Cornell University’s Institute of Political & Global Affairs, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi explained Democrat priorities ahead of the 2020 election. Here’s what they said: “[W]e have to make sure that the Constitution wins the next presidential election. We can’t be worrying about well, how long is this going to take? Well, that will take as long as it does. And we will press the case so that in the court of public opinion people will know what is — is right. But we cannot accept a second term for Donald Trump if we are going to be faithful to our democracy and to the Constitution of the United States. “And that is just the fact,” she continued. “So we have to operate on many fronts. We have to operate in the Congress, in the courts, and in the court of public opinion, and we must win the next election.” But former Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker says Democrats are engaging in an effort called “Sue Until They’re Blue” aimed at guaranteeing electoral victories for at least a generation to come. Speaking this morning on “FOX & Friends,” he said: "What you've got is Eric Holder with the support of Barack Obama spending hundreds of millions of dollars across the nation, and they just go in from one state after the next and they sue until it’s blue. They are using a litigation process to take redistricting out of the hands of the people we elect, the people we hold accountable in our state legislative bodies, and trying to send it to the courts where they have friendly folks, many of whom have been appointed by some of their allies, and they are trying to sue to change the makeup really for, I think, a generation to come in terms of putting Democrats in power." In her speech, Pelosi said she thinks the president is trying to “goad” Democrats into impeaching him. She says it would only work to divide the country and solidify the president’s base. But that didn’t prevent Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), a 2020 Democrat presidential candidate, from calling for impeachment in a floor speech. She said: “We took an oath not to try to protect Donald Trump. We took an oath to protect the—and serve the Constitution of the United States of America. And the way we do that is we begin impeachment proceedings now against this president." Now, as House Democrats begin considering a resolution to find Attorney General William Barr in contempt of Congress, they have another reason to be outraged. Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin has officially announced they have no “legitimate legislative purpose” for reviewing the president’s tax returns for the past six years, so he’s making them off-limits to them. South Bend, Ind., Mayor Pete Buttigieg slammed the president during a campaign stop in South Carolina on Monday. He said: "Our current president targeted with a message saying that we could find greatness by just stopping the clock and turning it back, and making America great again. When that past that he is promising to return us to was never as great as advertised." Mayor Pete’s comments aren’t really all that different from the nonsense the vast majority of the 20 other Democrats in the 2020 primary field are spewing every day on the campaign trail. They push for open borders, they’re pro-abortion, and they can’t stand American exceptionalism. Exactly who will challenge President Trump in the 2020 general election is still for grabs, but the media has a clear frontrunner they’re pushing: former Vice President Joe Biden. The Hill has released a new poll that shows him with a seemingly insurmountable 32-point lead over second-place Senator Bernie Sanders. (Photo Credit: The White House) source https://trunews.com/stream/now-we-know-how-far-democrats-will-go-to-beat-trump-in-2020

#TRUNEWS - Rick Wiles

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carleysetser5-blog · 7 years

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Property Investment Decision Problems

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colbystroud2751-blog · 7 years

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Planning To Buy Genuine Estate?

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edenbenton56-blog · 7 years

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Buy Fethiye Property And Get Best Offers

Inspect your property. Analyze every single corner, each room. Identify its finest capabilities. That would be your guiding light-weight as to how you can package it properly. Use the particular characteristics of your property as a factor for convincing potential buyers to at minimum just take a appear. These could be your place, a swimming pool, your garden, many bedrooms, your exteriors, etc. Mainly, buying a property in abroad can be extremely worrying worked given that you dont know effectively, their worthy of, property particulars, etc. Nonetheless if you just will choose out reputed organization for that argument, it's likely to assist heaps. They are likely to lead you properly and give you total assist just about just about every individual action. Their specialist structures advisor will go to on you in all spots, give you complete details about the Fethiye property, serving to the you to get hold of best property faster for you! 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