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#Sultan Serkan I
amorprohibido20 · 24 days
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Hola soy la escritora de la saga AmorProhibido aquí pondré cosas de la saga
Amor Prohibido trata de una historia de amor reencarnado, de amor en el palacio otomano con una hermosa sultana criada por piratas con leyendas del mar
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pazaryerigundem · 1 month
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Erzurum Kültür Yolu Festivali'ne coşkulu start
https://pazaryerigundem.com/haber/186307/erzurum-kultur-yolu-festivaline-coskulu-start/
Erzurum Kültür Yolu Festivali'ne coşkulu start
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Kültür ve Turizm Bakanlığı tarafından Türkiye’nin marka değerine katkıda bulunmak üzere bu yıl 16 şehirde düzenlenen Türkiye Kültür Yolu Festivali’nin sekizinci durağı Erzurum oldu.
ERZURUM (İGFA) – İbrahim Erkal Dadaş Kültür ve Sanat Merkezi, Nurullah Akçayır’ın, “Yürekten Dile Türküler” konserine ev sahipliği yaptı. Meâli Semâ Anlatımlı Sema Mukâbelesi ise Üç Kümbetler Millet Bahçesi’nde Erzurumlular ile buluştu.
Kültür Yolu Festivali Aşıklar Sahnesi’nde; Erol Ergani, Mustafa Aydın, Ali Serhati ve Aşık Emircan sahne aldı. Aşıklar Sahnesi’nde düzenlenen bir diğer etkinlik olan, “Yerel Sesler, Bizden Ezgiler” de ise Metin Kara Erzurumlular’a keyifli bir gece yaşattı.
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ŞEHRİN DÖRT BİR YANI SERGİ ALANI
Farklı iki ekolün buluştuğu, ebru sanatının büyük üstadı Hikmet Barutçugil ile klasik yağlı boya çalışmalarını Mukaddes mekanlara uygulamasıyla tanınan ressam Amine Sultan Tan’ın karışık teknikler ile Kudüs çalışmalarından oluşan, hem Filistin’de yaşananlar hem de Kudüs’ün tarihi, kültürel ve dini önemi ile ilham kaynağı olan sergi; “Suyun Üstündeki Rüya: KUDÜS” Yakutiye Medresesi Türk İslam Eserleri ve Etnografya Müzesi’nde ziyaretçilerini ağırladı. Erzurum Resim ve Heykel Müzesi Küçük Galeri “Biz-den” sergisine, Büyük Galeri de Zekiye Çomaklı’nın “100 Yıllık Oyalar” sergisine ev sahipliği yaptı.
“Coğrafya Geleneğin Kaderi: Oltu” Sergisi ve hattatlar Osman Özçay, Serkan Selalmaz, Majid Alyousef, Sami Naddah, Abdurrahman Depeler, Davut Bektaş, Mehmed Özçay, Muhammed Yaman, Aydın Kızılyar, Yusuf Mazı, Menaf Nam, İbrahim Şengül, Seyit Ahmet Depeler’in hat sanatı eserleri ile Albayrak Hat Koleksiyonu’ndan “Besmele-i Şerif Hat Sergisi” Çifte Minareli Medrese’de sanatseverlerle buluştu.
“Gelenekten Sanata: Erzurum Yöresi Halı-Kilim” sergisi, Atatürk Üniversitesi Sanat Galerisi’nde, Geç Tunç Çağından başlayarak Milattan sonra 18-19. yüzyıllara kadar uzanan süreçte Erzurum ve yakın bölgesine ait takı koleksiyonundan oluşan “Metal Eserler” sergisi Erzurum Müzesi Geçici Sergi Salonu’nda, “Erzurum’un Geleneksel Dokuması Ehram” sergisi Erzurum Olgunlaşma Enstitüsü’nde, “Gelenekli Türk Sanatları” sergisi Atatürk Üniversitesi Güzel Sanatlar Fakültesi Dekanlık Fuayesi’nde, Filistin davasına vurgu yapan karikatürleriyle dikkat çeken Naci El Ali’nin, özgürlük mücadelesinin sembollerinden biri haline gelen Hanzala karakterlerinden oluşan ‘’Naci El-Ali’den Hanzala’’ sergisi Erzurum Müzesi Fuaye Alanı’nda, Dijital sergi ‘’Sonsuzluk Kapıları’’ ise Yakutiye Medresesi Türk İslam Eserleri ve Etnografya Müzesi’nde Erzurumlularla buluştu.
ÜNLÜ İSİMLERLE SÖYLEŞİLER
Festival süresince birbirinden önemli isimler de söyleşilerde dinleyicileriyle bir araya geliyor. Festivalin birinci günü Yazar Altay Cem Meriç, İbrahim Erkal Dadaş Kültür ve Sanat Merkezi’nde keyifli bir söyleşiye imza attı. Erzurum Resim ve Heykel Müzesi Konferans Salonu’nda Zekiye Çomaklı’nın, “Geçmişten Bugüne Oyalarımız” başlıklı söyleşisi gerçekleşti.
Sümmani Baba Aşıklar Kıraathanesi’nde; Mehmet Göktaş ile Alvarlı Efe ve İbrahim Hakkı Hazretleri konuşuldu.
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BU Haber İGF HABER AJANSI tarafından servis edilmiştir.
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save-the-sky · 4 years
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The Dizi Tag Game
Rules: Answer the questions and then tag people you want to participate! (Also tag it #The Dizi Tag Game so we can see everyone’s lists)
Tagged by: @thescorpioracer
1. Your first dizi & how you discovered Turkish dramas: it was a sad spring of 2019 and I stumbled upon a set of Erkenci Kuş gifs, and the chemistry between two main characters made me curious. At first I was obsessed with the show and was watching it non stop (I barely slept), then I lost my interest a little bit.  And although I was seriously hooked on the episodes that were released up to March, 2019, the end of season 1 and season 2 were rather disappointing.
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2. Show(s) you’re currently watching: I'm currently rewatching Afili Aşk and as of current shows: Hercai and Sen Çal Kapımı (although I haven't watched 2 latest episodes)
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3. Your favorite genre of dizi (romcom, mafia show, contemporary drama, historical/fantasy, etc.): I guess romcom and drama. I like beautiful views, stylish outfits, yearning, enemies to lovers and working at the same place tropes, drama and intrigues.
4. The show you rewatch (parts of) the most: definitely Kiralik Aşk. I also rewatched Erkenci Kuş when I was still on the peak of my obsession but I couldn't watch season 2 cause it's just bad
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5. Favorite Turkish actor and actress (feel free to pick multiples): Elçin Sangu, Burcu Özberk, Demet Özdemir, Kerem Bürsin, İbrahim Çelikkol, Çağlar Ertuğrul
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6. A show you quit before finishing: Kara Sevda - I think I watched 10 episodes or something like that but got bored (also I knew how the show would end, and the ending wasn't worth it). Kuzey Güney - I stopped in the middle of the first episode cause I felt too depressed just by watching it. Kiraz Mevsemi - also stopped mid first episode cause I wasn't really entertained
7. Favorite song(s) you’ve discovered in dizis:
Mehmet Güreli - Kimse Bilmez
Demet Evgar - Farkemeden
Nil Karaibrahimgil - Resmen Aşığım
Yalin - Deva Bize Sevişler
Ufuk Beydemir -  Yüreğimdesin
Aydilge - Sorma
basically almost all songs from Erkenci Kuş and Kiralik Aşk
8. The show whose plot disappointed you the most: the second part of Erkenci Kuş, Serkan’s memory loss (Sen Çal Kapımı), whatever is happening now in Hercai. Also can we talk about the last episode of Dolunay cause I got beef with it. It’s like a 2-hour music show with 15 minutes worth of scenes???
9. A show that was cancelled too soon / ran too long: Hercai - it's just insane, my brain hurts every time I watch a new episode, so I think it's high time they finish it cause the plot lines are just too absurd already. I know I should stop watching it but I invested too much time in this dizi so I gotta finish it
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10. Favorite Character(s): Eda Yildiz (Sen Çal Kapımı), Defne Topal (KIralik Aşk), Zeynep Tunç, Veli Cevher (Çarpışma) and definitely more 
11. Your favorite romantic pairing(s): Eda x Serkan (Sen Çal Kapımı), Can x Sanem (Erkenci Kuş), Ayse x Kerem (Afili Aşk), Selin x Demir (Her Yerde Sen), Asli x Ferhat (Siyah Beyaz Ask), Cemre x Kerem (Çarpışma), Defne x Omer (KIralik Aşk)
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12. Favorite side character(s): Samet (Afili Aşk), Bulut (Dolunay), Harun - when he was just introduced (Hercai), Veli (Çarpışma), Sultan (Hercai), that goat from Her Yerde Sen
13. Best kiss: Can and Sanem on the theatre balcony in episode 11 (Erkenci Kuş), Reyyan and Miran in episode 19 (Hercai)
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14. An underrated show more people should watch: I feel like Her Yerde Sen deserves more love
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15. A show everyone loves that you aren’t interested in: Kara Sevda
16. A show you want to recommend right now: that's a tough one cause I can't really think of a dizi, which never disappointed me, and I don't really recommend anything if I'm not 100% sure. But I think Kiralik Aşk and Her Yerde Sen are good choices
17. The next show on your list: Kuzgun, Alev Alev, maybe Teşkilat (but who knows which obsession my brain will pick next and I gotta admit after making this post I kinda wanna rewatch Her Yerde Sen)
tagging: @baharsahin @carogables @fillabook @vforeverithing @ohsexyhalder​ I’m not sure who else out of my mutuals watches dizi, so you are welcome to do it if you want to ;)
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fashionbooksmilano · 4 years
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The Lost Paintings
Taner Ceylan
In collaborazione con Standard Press. Testi di Cüneyt Çakirlar, Dan Cameron, Serkan Delice
Damiani, Bologna 2013, 118 pagine, 70 illustrazioni, English,                          ISBN: 9788862083126
euro 20,00
email if you want to buy: [email protected]
Pubblicato in occasione della mostra di Taner Ceylan alla Paul Kasmin Gallery di New York, questo volume presenta una nuova raccolta di opere dell’artista dal titolo Lost Paintings Series. Ribaltando le versioni ufficiali delle storie occidentali e orientali, Lost Paintings Series presenta figure orientali in un’affascinante ricognizione di storia, potere e narrazione. Esma Sultan, la raffigurazione realizzata da Ceylan di una principessa ottomana del XVIII secolo nota per la sua inclinazione alla crudeltà, attinge alla mitologia potenziante della femminilità appassionata, spietata e assertiva che caratterizza le cronache della sua vita. Visualizzando l’azione femminile e le trasgressioni sociali come elementi al cuore della vicenda, Ceylan interroga ciò che è storicamente invisibile. Le Lost Paintings Series, che indagano nel passato per parlare di uno spaventoso presente, danno voce a un gruppo di personaggi e voci perduti, che incarnano i molti ridotti al silenzio sia dagli orientalisti sia dalle storie nazionaliste ufficiali. Un ottomano guarda con aria di sfida, sigaretta alla mano; una coppia di amanti maschi fa trapelare un casto congedo; una donna velata sosta davanti all’Origine del mondo di Courbet. Ceylan cominciò a esporre le sue opere nel 1991, in una mostra collettiva e in una personale nello stesso anno, a Norimberga. La sua mostra e performance Monte Carlo Style (1995) produsse un impatto significativo sulla scena artistica turca. Le sue opere sono presenti in collezioni private e in musei, compresi la Sveaas Art Collection e l’Istanbul Museum of Modern Art.
23/05/20
orders to:     [email protected]
ordini a:        [email protected]
twitter:@fashionbooksmi
instagram:         fashionbooksmilano, designbooksmilano      tumblr:                fashionbooksmilano, designbooksmilano
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derdiderun · 5 years
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Şahımerdan sarı hakkında ne düşünüyorsunuz?
Hakkında herhangi bir malumatım yok ama güvendiğim kaynaklar takip ettiğim hocalar önermiyor....
SELEFÎ & VEHHÂBÎ MÜELLİFLER ve YAYINEVLERİ
[Guraba Yayınevi]
[Polen & Karınca Yayınevi]
[Takva Yayınları]
[Ashab Yayınları]
[Hivda İletişim]
[ÜmmülKura Yayınevi]
[Tevhid ve Sünnet Yayınevi]
[Ey İnsanlar Yayınları]
[Beyaz Karınca Yayınları]
[Tevhid Yayınları]
[BeyazMinare Yayınevi]
....
* İbn Teymiyye
* Muhammed Bin Abdülvehhab
* Said el Kahtani
* Nasır el Umer
* Amr Abdulmünim Selim
* Abdullah Bin Abdulhamid El-Eseri
* Muhammed El-Humeyyis
* Ebu Muhammed El Makdisi
* İbn Useymin
* Necmi Sarı
* Ahmed Muhammed Davud
* Şahımerdan Sarı
* Ahmed Ferid el Mısri
* Yasir Burhami
* Alaaddin Palevi
* Hanifi Akın
* Ahmed Kalkan
* Feyzullah Birışık
* Sefer bin Abdurrahman el-Havali
* Mehmet Alptekin
* Abdülkadir bin Abdülaziz
* Süleyman b. Abdullah
* Muhammed b. Sultan el-Masumi
* Seyfullah Erdoğmuş
* Kadı Allame Şeyh Muhammed Buhayt el-Muti'i
* Hasan el-Arumi
* Ali Haşşan
* Ahmed Sa'd Hamdan
* Abdulaziz b. Abdillah b. Baz
* Abdurrahman b. Nasır el-Berrak
* Yahya b. Muhammed ed-Dilemi
* Abdülkayyüm es-Süheybani
* Ubeydullah Arslan
* Abdullah Yolcu
* Hüseyin Cinisli
* Emrah Orhan Kurugöllü
* Faysal B. Kazzar el-Casim
* Fadl İlahi
* Ziyaeddin el Kudsi
* Abdullah b. Abdülmuhsin et-Türki
* Bender b. Nayif el-Uteybi
* Abdülkayyüm es-Süheybani
* Muhammed el Arifi
* Ali b. Nufeyyi el-Uleyyani
* Ebu Hanzala (Halis Bayuncuk)
* Abdullah Yolcu
* Abdülhamid Es-Suheybani
* Ahmed b. Abdurrahman el-Kadi
* Müfrih b. Süleyman el-Kavsi
* Salih el Fevzan
* Ömer Süleyman Abdullah el-Eşkar
* Ahmed Er Rumi El-Hanefi
* Muhammed b. Ahmed b. İsmail el-Mukaddem
* Selim b. el-Hilali
* Kevser Muhammed el-Minavi
* Salih Abdurrahman el-Husayyin
* Hamed b. İbrahîm el-Harikî
* Nasır El-Kıfari
* Abdulazim b. Bedevi el-Halefi
* Hafız B. Ahmed El-Hakemi
* Muhammed Abdullah el-Vuheybi
* Muhammed Nasruddin Elbani
* Amr Abdulmünim Selim
* Ahmed B. Osman El-Mezyed
* Abdulkerim Bekkar
* Nasır B. Abdülkerim El-Akl
* Abdulaziz B. Nasır El-Cüleyyil
* Muhammed Surur Zeynelabidin
* Nazım b. Muhammed Sultan El-Misbah
* Naci B.Dayil Es-Sultan
* Selman Nasif ed-Dahduh
* Ebu Basir et-Tartusi
* Alihan Musayev
* Ahmet Ferit
* M. Abdülhadi el-Mısri
* Halil Herras
* Ebu Abdullah Abdurrahman Abdullah
-------------------------------
Şİİ MÜELLİFLER ve YAYINEVLERİ
[ASR YAYINEVİ]
[KEVSER YAYINCILIK]
[Ahlulbeyt Yayınları]
[Al-i Taha Yayınları]
[Asr Yayıncılık]
[Ensariyan]
[Kevser Yayınları]
[Neva Yayınları]
[Oniki İmam Yayınları]
[Önsöz Yayıncılık]
[Velayet Yayınları]
[Fecr Yayınları]
....
* İmam Humeyni
* Ayetullah Hamanei
* Muhammed Ticanî Semavî
* Mehdi Aksu
* Muhammed Cevad Horasani
* Seyit Mehdi Saidi
* Hasan Alimi Bektaş
* Cevad Muhaddisi
* Ammar İlter
* Seyyid Cevad Mustafavi
* Hüseyin B. Muhammed İbrahim El-Tiflisi
* Metin Atam
* Abbas Azizi
* Ayetullah İbrahim Emini
* Mehdi Pişvai
* H. Şeyh Necmu'd-din Tabesi
* Seyyid Ali Musevi Germarudi
* Ayetullah Destgayb
* Ayetullah Seyyid Ali Hamenei
* M. Muhammedi İştihardi
* Cafer el-Beyati
* Metin Hasanov,, Hilal Hasanov,
* Muhammedi Reyşehri
* Serdar Aytekin
* Kerim Uçar
* Cumhur Atam
* Hidayet Koşaca
* Ebulfez Kocadağ
* Allame Şerafüddin
* Dr. Muhammed Rıza Yektai
* Muhsin Kıraati
* Kasım Süphani
* Zeynep Sercani
* Fatih Kahramani
* Metin Atam
* Seyyid Mesut Masumi
* Muhammed Hüseyin F.Zade
* Abdullah Turan
* Yalçın Bulut - Serkan Ünlü
* Cafer Bendiderya - Cafer Bayar
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mitchbeck · 4 years
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CANTLON: HOCKEY NEWS AND NOTES
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BY: Gerry Cantlon, Howlings HARTFORD, CT - While in our safe places under a pandemically-induced house arrest, there is some limited hockey news still going on. XL CENTER The XL Center, despite being shut down, progress on the facility's brand spanking new chiller project has officially begun. According to Michael W. Freimuth, the Executive Director of the CRDA (Capital Regional Development Corporation), a construction management contract was awarded to Hartford's Consigli Construction Co., Inc. “Consigli has bid out the chiller package to two qualified bidders who have completed NHL chillers in the past – Cimeco & Ice Builders – those bids are currently under review. The remaining bid packages are going out today and the bid packages are due on April 15th.” The project schedule indicates mobilization to begin in May and is set for completion by September 2020 in time for the start for both of the 2020-21 college hockey and AHL Wolf Pack regular seasons. NHL DRAFT Sadly, another victim to the COVID-19 virus that initially began in Wuhan, China is the summer NHL Draft spectacular that was slated to be held in Montreal on June 26-27. The NHL combines, NHL Awards Show in Las Vegas and the NHL Draft were all shut down. It looks like the NHL Draft will be held remotely at the NHL offices and will likely occur with a video hookup with all 31 teams. It will be handled with NBCSN and TSN who were going to broadcast Day 1 and TSN Day two. That is unless conditions dramatically change in the next three months in the US, Canada, and Europe and that doesn’t seem very likely. PRO SIGNINGS Ex-Bridgeport Sound Tiger, Matt Donovan, has re-signed with the Milwaukee Admirals for the 2021-22 AHL season. The team also signed ex-Pack captain, Cole Schneider (UCONN), to a new AHL, one-year deal for next season. Meanwhile, in Sweden, 2019 second-round draft pick of the Rangers center Karl Henriksson signs a deal with Frolunda HC (Sweden-SHL) and is eligible to play for Sweden 2021 WJC Team. This season just concluded, he played a majority of his games with Frolunda HC J-20 team in the Super Elite League, got in eight SHL games and was loaned out to Sodertalje SK in Allsvenskan League and skated for the 2020 Sweden WJC Team. -Ex-Pack Nick Latta signs with EHC Straubing (Germany-DEL) for next season after three seasons with EHC Wolfsburg. While ex-Pack Steven Moses goes from Jokerit Helsinki (Finland-KHL) to SC Rapperswil-Jona (Switzerland-LNA). -Greg Ireland, former AHL head coach with Grand Rapids and San Antonio was named Italian Nation team coach replacing Clayton Beddoes who he replaced with HC Bolzano (Italy-EBEL) mid-season. Beddoes had a solid college career with Lake Superior State in their heyday in the early 1990s and played for several years with Providence before heading over to Europe. COLLEGE HOCKEY The player signing numbers have picked up over the past week with several each day. The Wolf Pack latest signing was skating not far from the XL Center. Alex Whelan, a 6-0, 210-pound native of Ramsey, NJ, played four seasons at Quinnipiac University (ECACHL), including 13 goals,11 assists and a 24-point performance in 29 games this year as a senior for the Bobcats. Whelan, 22, an assistant captain led the Bobcat squad in plus/minus, with a plus 16, and finished second on the team in goals and third in points. He notched his second collegiate hat trick January 17th, in a 4-3 win at Holy Cross, and had a college career-best six-game point-scoring streak (4-3-7) from November 30 through January 10. In 141 career games with Quinnipiac, Whelan totaled 48 goals and 30 assists for 78 points, along with 38 penalty minutes.  He led the Bobcats in goals his sophomore season, 2017-18, with 16 in 38 games, and twice topped Quinnipiac skaters in shots-on-goal, with 175 in 2017-18 and 152 in 2018-19 his junior season. Whelan also earned ECACHL All-Academic Team honors for three straight years, from 2016-17 through 2018-19. - The latest signing came late Friday afternoon as freshmen Trevor Zegras (Avon Old Farms) left Boston University after one year and signed a standard three-year two-way entry-level contract. Joining him in SoCal in a rare Ivy League early exit is forward Jack Badini (Old Greenwich/CT Oilers-EHL) from Harvard to the Ducks. Hobey Baker candidate, Jason Cotton of Sacred Heart University (AHA) and his brother David of Boston College (HE) both signed with the Carolina Hurricanes. Jason signed a one-year free-agent deal and David, a two-year entry-level deal earlier in the week. Mattias Samuelsson, son of former New Haven Nighthawk and one time Ranger Kjell Samuelsson, has left Western Michigan (NCHC) for the Buffalo Sabres on a standard three year, two-way entry-level deal. Several Notre Dame (Big 10) players have signed deals like Callahan Burke (Colorado-AHL) and Colton Poolman (Calgary-NHL). The top school with the most signees is the Western Michigan Broncos (NCHC) with six, including the recently inked Rangers forward Austin Rueschhoff at 6’7 and 230 lbs. departing a year early on a two year, two-way entry-level deal. The other school with five signees is the Ferris State Bulldogs (WCHA), then with four are the University Vermont Catamounts (HE) and Michigan St. Spartans (Big 10) led by Patrick Khorodorenko who played one game with the Wolf Pack after signing before the season was suspended. In total, 58 Division I players have signed and 68 in total have signed pro deals so far. The Big 10 conference has 15 players, Hockey East has 14 signees and the WCHA and NCHC each have 10. Just one player has signed in Europe, in Teemu Pulkinnen Nebraska-Omaha (NCHC) with Jukerit (Finland-FEL) and there is just one grad transfer in Sean Dhooggee from University Wisconsin Badgers (Big 10) to Arizona State Sun Devils (NCAA Division-1 Independent). -Ryan Donald, an assistant coach with Yale University (ECACHL) has left to become head coach/GM of the expansion Cranbrook Bucks (BCHL) signing a four-year deal. He has been an assistant to head coach Keith Allain since 2014-15 and played four years for Yale. -The 10 finalists for the Mike Richter Award for the top college hockey goalie were announced including Spencer Knight (Darien/Avon Old Farms) of BC, unsigned Rangers draft pick senior Tyler Wall UMASS-Lowell (HE) and Jeremy Swayman, Maine (HE) who recently signed with the Boston Bruins. -The NCAA Division I/IIII Player of the Year is Norwich University Cadets (Northfield, VT) goalie Tom Aubruen (Chamonix, France). He finished with a 23-2-2 record and an obscene 0.77 GAA and a .967 save percentage in gaining, the Sid Watson Award. He was no academic slouch either with a 3.77 GPA in business management. His career playing numbers 65 games, a record of 50-8-5 and a .946 save percentage. He should get a training camp deal from some team in the NHL, AHL or ECHL. JUNIORS Very sadly, the Canadian Hockey League, the governing body for all three Canadian junior hockey leagues the OHL, QMJHL, and WHL formally canceled the playoffs and the 101st edition of the Memorial Cup, one of the great hockey treats in late spring. -The WHL has set its Bantam Draft for April 22nd and completed its first-ever US Prospects Draft on Wednesday, a two-round 44 player process of selecting prospects from the Western US. The only name of local interest is Riley Bassen, son of former NY Islander and Springfield Indian Bob Bassen, the current Director of Alumni Relations for the Dallas Stars who resides in Frisco, Texas.   EUROPE The KHL became the last hockey league to shut down as they canceled the rest of the Gagarin Cup playoffs at the quarterfinal round. This was necessary after two teams from outside Russia, Barys Nur-Sultan in Kazakhstan and Jokerit Helsinki in Finland, because of their governmental restrictions they couldn’t host playoff games and travel restrictions prevented them from leaving their country. -The NHL announced this week that KHL free agents cannot be signed by NHL clubs till after May 1st. -One of two leagues to finish its tournament and crown a new champion was Turkey. The seven-team short season Turkish Super League (TSL) saw Buz Beykov SK of Istanbul end the five year run of Zeytinburnu SK as champion with a 4-2 championship-clinching win. Serkan Gumus, the first Turkish born non-import to win the scoring title tallied all four goals in the victory for Beykov. The Telford Tigers of the English Tier two National Ice Hockey League (NIHL) defeated the Peterborough Phantoms 8-3 to win the title with Brandon Whistle, nephew of former New Haven Nighthawk, Rob Whistle scoring a hat trick in the National Cup victory. In Serbia, they played just one game before the finals were canceled as Crvena Zvezda (Belgrade) won 4-2 over Vojvodina. -The Southern Hemisphere hockey season set to begin next month has been paused as well. The AIHL (Australian Ice Hockey League) has delayed the opening of its 30-game 2020 season that was slated to begin on April 18th. Neighboring nation New Zealand is still ready for its short season 16 game per team (five teams) NZIHL schedule and is holding firm on a May 15th start date, but are monitoring developments like the rest of the planet. The Southern Hemisphere is now entering its winter season and the possibility of a COVID-19 outbreak is expected from South Africa, New Zealand, and Australia. -The IIHF has canceled the Worlds Championships scheduled to be held next month in Davos, Switzerland (Belarus, Canada, Czech Republic, Denmark, Finland, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Kazakhstan, Latvia, Norway, Russia, Slovakia, Sweden, Switzerland, United States) and all the other world championships tournaments as well. Division I: Group A in Ljubljana, Slovenia (Austria, France, Hungary, Romania, Slovenia, and South Korea), Division I Group B to be held in Katowice, Poland (Estonia, Japan, Lithuania, Poland, Serbia, and Ukraine ). Division II: Group A in Zagreb, Croatia (Australia, China, Croatia, Israel, Netherlands, and Spain) and Division II Group B in Reykyavik, Iceland (Belgium, Bulgaria,  Georgia, Iceland, Mexico, and New Zealand). Division III: Group A set for Kockelscheuer, Luxembourg (Luxembourg, North Korea, Taiwan, Turkey, Turkmenistan, and United Arab Emirates-UAE). Then Division III Group B in Cape Town, South Africa (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Hong Kong, South Africa, and Thailand) Lastly, Division IV in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan (Kuwait, Kyrgyzstan, Malaysia and the Philippines) all were canceled. Read the full article
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hasanbulut68-2 · 7 years
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Madımak Olayı'nda kimler hayatını kaybetti? 2 Temmuz 1993'te Sivas'ta Pir Sultan Abdal Şenlikleri sırasında başlayan olaylar tarihe Sivas Katliamı ve Madımak Olayı olarak geçti. 2 Temmuz'da bu şenliklere katılanları hedef alan saldırılar, 3 Temmuz'da katılımcı aydın, sanatçı ve siyasetçilere yöneldi. Çok sayıda sanatçı, aydın ve siyasetçinin kaldığı Madımak Oteli taşlandı ve yakıldı. Çıkan olaylarda otelde bulunan 31'i sanatçı 2'si otel görevlisi 35 kişi, saldırganlardan da 2 kişi olmak üzere toplam 37 kişi yanarak veya dumandan zehirlenerek hayatını kaybetti. Madımak Oteli’nde hayatını kaybeden sanatçı ve aydınlar; Asım Bezirci – 67 yaşında (Araştırmacı, yazar) 1928 Erzincan doğumlu olan Asım Bezirci üniversite yıllarında sosyalizm ile tanışarak Türkiye Sosyalist Partisi'ne üye oldu. Yayınlanmış 70 kitabı bulunmaktadır. Rıfat Ilgaz’ın yakın arkadaşı olan Asım Bezirci’nin yaşamını konu alan bir inceleme kitabı yayınlanmıştır. Nesimi Çimen – 67 yaşında (Şair, Sanatçı) Alevi Bektaşi halk ozanı olan Nesimi Çimen 1931 yılında Adana’da doğdu. İstanbul’a yerleştikten sonra geçimini sağlamak için ozanlık yapmaya başladı. Tunceli’de 1967 yılında sahnelenen Pir Sultan Abdal oyununda görev aldı. Aynı gün çıkan olaylarda tutuklanarak gözaltına alındı. Serbest kaldıktan sonra ailesiyle birlikte Zeytinburnu’nda bir gecekondu da yaşamaya başladı. Evinde dava arkadaşları olan, aralarında Yaşar Kemal ve Yılmaz Güney’in de bulunduğu çok sayıda sanatçı, ozan ve aydın kalmıştır. Türkülerini göğsünde taşıdığı “cura” ile söyledi ve bununla ünlendi. Nesimi Çimen Üç telli curanın son ustasıdır. Metin Altıok - 52 yaşında (Şair, Yazar) İzmir Bergama’da 1941 yılında dünyaya geldi. Ankara Üniversitesi Felsefe bölümünü bitirdi. Madımak Olayı'ndan ağır yaralı olarak çıktı fakat 9 Temmuz 1993 yılında kurtarılamayarak Ankara’da hayatını kaybetti. Metin Altıok 60’lı yıllarda genç şairlerden biri olarak anılmaya başladı. Ancak şiirleri ilk olarak 1970’li yıllarda yayınlandı. Romantik ve yalın bir dile sahip olan sanatçı çok sayıda şiir ve sanat etkinliklerine katıldı. Asaf Koçak – 35 yaşında (Karikatürist) 1958 yılında Yozgat'ta doğan sanatçı Kırşehir Eğitim Enstitüsü'nü bitirdikten sonra öğretmenlik yapmaya başladı. Daha sonra istifa ederek Ankara’ya gitti ve burada kişisel sergiler açtı. Yaşamının son 14 yılını karikatürist olarak geçiren Asaf Koçak’ın çizimleri Sorun, Yapıt, Yeni Olgu, Türkiye Yazıları, 2000’e Doğru, Bilim ve Sanat, Yarın, Edebiyat 81, Cumhuriyet, Günaydın ve Yeni Çuval’da yayımlandı. Sinemada da şansını deneyen Koçak, Simbad isimli kısa metrajlı bir filmde oynadı. Ayrıca musluk tamirciliği de yapan Asaf Koçak, Özgür Gelecek isimli derginin görsel danışmanlığı ve Pir Sultan Abdal dergisinin karikatüristliği görevlerini de üstlendi. Behçet Sefa Aysan – 44 yaşında (Şair) 1949 yılında Ankara'da doğdu. Kuleli Askeri Lisesi'ni bitirdikten sonra Ankara Üniversitesi Tıp Fakültesi'ne girdi. 12 Mart döneminde eğitimine ara verdi. Mezuniyetinden sonra Önce İzmir’e atandı, ardından da Ankara’da Psikiyatri ihtisası yaptı. Madımak olaylarında hayatını kaybetmesinden sonra Türk Tabipler Birliği Behçet Aysan’ın anısını yaşatmak için adına şiir ödülü vermeye başladı. Edibe Sulari - 40 yaşında (Sanatçı) Edibe Sulari çok sayıda plakta dişi sulari olarak görev aldı. Avrupa’da yaşamasına rağmen Türkiye’de düzenlenen tüm Alevi etkinliklerine katılırdı. Erdal Ayrancı – 35 yaşında (Şair) ODTÜ’ye 1978 yılında giriş yapan Erdal Ayrancı 1958 doğumlu. 12 Eylül döneminde hayatı değişti. Erdal Ayrancı, 1980-1983 yılları arasında Mamak, Ankara Kapalı, Niğde, Bor Cezaevlerinde hapis yattı. Hasret Gültekin – 23 yaşında (Şair, Saz sanatçısı) 1971 yılında Sivas’ın Han köyünde doğdu. 6 yaşında saz çalmaya başlayan Hasret Gültekin ilk olarak 11 yaşında sahne aldı. Resmi olarak çıkan ilk Kürtçe kaset olan Nevroz 1990 yılında piyasaya Hasret Gültekin tarafından çıkarıldı. 1991 yılında Rüzgarın Kanatları isimli albüm çıkardı ve pekçok sanatçının albümünde müzik yönetmenliği de yaptı. Mehmet Atay – 25 yaşında (Gazeteci) 1968 Divriği doğumlu. Gazeteci ve fotoğrafçıdır. Muhlis Akarsu – 45 yaşında (Sanatçı) Saz sanatçısı olan Muhsin Akarsu 1948'de Sivas'ta doğdu. 100’ün üzerinde plak, 4 kaset ve çok sayıda deyişi vardır. 1970’li yıllarda İstanbul’a yerleşti ve aynı yıl ilk plağını çıkardı. Her yıl çeşitli şekillerde düzenlenen hemen tüm Alevi etkinliklerine katıldı. Yaptığı türkülerden dolayı 1980’li yıllarda hapis cezası aldı. Sanatında Karacaoğlan’dan ve Pir Sultan Abdal’dan etkilendiği açıkça görülmektedir. Muammer Çiçek – 26 yaşında (Aktör) 1967 yılında Tokat’ın Zile ilçesinde dünyaya geldi. 1992 yılında Gazi Üniversitesi Şehir ve Bölge Planlama bölümünü bitirdi. Muammer Çiçek şiirle ve tiyatro ile de ilgilenerek özellikle oyunculuğa emek ve gönül vermiştir. Uğur Kaynar – 37 yaşında (Şair) 1956 yılında Sivas’ın Zara ilçesinde doğdu. Şiirlerinin ana teması sevgi olan Kaynar, 12 Eylül döneminde 2 yıl Mamak Cezaevi'nde yattı. Hayatını kaybeden diğer isimler ise şöyle: Ahmet Özyurt – 21 yaşında (Öğrenci) Asuman Sivri – 16 yaşında (Öğrenci) Belkıs Çakır – 18 yaşında (Öğrenci) Carina Cuanna – 23 yaşında (Hollandalı gazeteci) Gülender Akça – 25 yaşında Gülsün Karababa – 25 yaşında Handan Metin – 20 yaşında (Öğrenci) Huriye Özkan – 22 yaşında (Öğrenci) İnci Türk – 22 yaşında Koray Kaya – 12 yaşında Menekşe Kaya – 17 yaşında (Öğrenci) Muhibe Akarsu – 45 yaşında (Misafir) Murat Gündüz – 22 yaşında (Öğrenci) Nurcan Şahin – 18 yaşında (Öğrenci) Özlem Şahin – 17 yaşında (Öğrenci) Sait Metin – 23 yaşında (Öğrenci) Sehergül Ateş – 30 (Öğrenci) Serpil Çanik – 19 yaşında (Öğrenci) Serkan Doğan – 19 yaşında (Öğrenci) Yasemin Sivri – 17 yaşında (Öğrenci) Yeşim Özkan – 20 yaşında (Öğrenci) Ayrıca olay sırasında içeride bulunan Ahmet Öztürk (21) ile Kenan Yılmaz (21) isimli iki otel görevlisi de yaşamını yitirdi. Saldırgan guruptan ölen iki kişinin isimleri ise 1971 doğumlu Ahmet Alan ve 1976 doğumlu Hakan Türkgil.
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newestbalance · 6 years
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Turkey’s Presidential Election Will Test Love for Erdogan’s Megaprojects
From soaring bridges to a giant mosque to plans for the world’s biggest airport, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey has used gargantuan building projects as an engine of growth and a signature way of leaving an indelible stamp on his nation.
As he campaigns for re-election on Sunday, Mr. Erdogan has promised his most ambitious project yet: a canal that would bisect the country and create a Turkish-owned trade route, which he says would make Turkey a great power and leave a legacy for the history books.
“What makes Panama is the Panama Canal,” Mr. Erdogan told supporters at a rally in Istanbul last weekend. “Suez is the biggest source of revenue for Egypt. Let’s have a vote. God willing the Istanbul Canal will be another fresh breath for our city.”
The election is shaping up as an up-or-down vote on how Mr. Erdogan has transformed Turkey during 15 years in charge. He has amassed sultanlike powers, jailed political enemies and trimmed civil liberties, even as average annual economic growth of 5 percent has spawned and nurtured a middle class.
But the most obvious way Mr. Erdogan has left his mark stands before the eyes of any visitor: grandiose monuments and infrastructure investments in just about every town.
There are signs that the public is weary of Mr. Erdogan’s building mania. The canal is the latest dividing line between those who see Mr. Erdogan’s projects as visionary, and those who say the works are guided by an insatiable construction industry that has enriched his ruling circle, raising questions about his management of a faltering economy.
Mr. Erdogan called the election a year and a half ahead of schedule, hoping to beat the economic downturn nipping at his heels. A once-fractured opposition has united against him, making it increasingly uncertain whether Mr. Erdogan will meet the 50 percent threshold to win outright and avoid a runoff against his top challenger.
Mr. Erdogan counts his building feats at virtually every election rally and warns that his opponents plan to tear down everything his Justice and Development Party, or A.K.P., has built. The party “built 284,000 classrooms,” he declared recently in the town of Mugla, adding “Are you going to demolish them too?”
He lists his big canal project in first place on his campaign posters. Not one shovel has been put in the ground, but Mr. Erdogan has vowed to begin construction immediately if he is re-elected as president and assumes sweeping new powers.
All of his megaprojects have been about creating symbols of his strength as he aims for a place in the pantheon of great Turkish leaders, from the Ottoman sultans to the founder of the republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk.
But the 28-mile canal linking the Black Sea to the Sea of Marmara — estimated to cost $15 billion, though critics say the figure is closer to $65 billion, and displace some 800,000 people — has been dubbed his “crazy idea” since Mr. Erdogan first conceived it seven years ago.
“It means crazy, wow, in a good sense,” said Mehmet Akarca, head of Turkey’s general directorate for press and information and an adviser to the president. “It will make money, and ships will use it, and they will pay tolls to use it.”
That is the hope, at least, though many doubt whether it will ever happen — or whether it will work if it does.
Environmentalists warn that the canal would damage the ecosystem so much that Istanbul could become uninhabitable. Archaeologists caution that it would threaten a top-class Paleolithic site. Economists say the project is not financially viable.
“It’s like playing Moses,” said Serkan Taycan, an artist and opponent of the canal who has mapped the area that would be disturbed.
Ozgur Unluhisarcikli, the Ankara director for the German Marshall Fund of the United States, a research organization, credits Mr. Erdogan for building infrastructure that has helped Turkey’s rapid urbanization by linking cities to one another and to their suburbs. The construction sector has also provided millions of jobs to Turkey’s largely uneducated work force.
“One aspect of the big projects is that they are generating growth,” Mr. Unluhisarcikli said.
But Mr. Erdogan’s opponents say his economic model is dubious, even corrupt.
Abdullatif Sener, a former deputy prime minister, has alleged that Mr. Erdogan’s way of governing is all about the profit that the president and his close circle can gain in kickbacks.
Mr. Sener was a co-founder of the Justice and Development Party, as was Mr. Erdogan, but he resigned from the party in 2008 because of corruption, he says, and is now running for Parliament with the opposition Republican People’s Party.
“They don’t think about the concerns of the citizens,” Mr. Sener said of the government at a campaign rally in Aziziye, in central Turkey. “They think about ‘How can I make my friend, my family, my close circle, my buddy richer.’ With this mentality, this country could not escape disaster.”
Mr. Erdogan has accused his opponents of peddling lies. “We invested billions in Istanbul, and now they say we robbed the country?” he said last week at a rally in Istanbul.
Others criticize Mr. Erdogan for prioritizing construction over industry and trade, which would generate more income.
“We are not using the resources in the best way to earn money,” Durmus Yilmaz, a former chief of the Turkish central bank and a co-founder of a new opposition party, the Good Party, said in an interview at his home in Ankara.
“This is all financed through foreign borrowing,” he said. “Are these investments generating enough income so we can pay back the loans?”
Turkish industry has shrunk since 2002, when Mr. Erdogan first came to power — to 16 percent of gross domestic product from 22 percent — and the construction sector has grown in its place.
The decline has left new ports and tunnels underutilized and Turkey lacking enough exports to finance its ballooning foreign debt, Mr. Yilmaz said.
Then there are the extravagant projects — such as the presidential palace, four times the size of Versailles — that seem to be more about Mr. Erdogan’s legacy than profitability.
On Istanbul’s highest hill above the Bosporus, Mr. Erdogan is building the white marble Camlica mosque, appointing it with six minarets, the insignia of greatness.
Many wonder if he plans to build a mausoleum for himself beside his project, as did the sultans of old.
“Some are white elephants, that’s very clear,” said Refet Gurkaynak, a professor of economics at Bilkent University in Ankara.
The government has said that growth has been more than 7 percent in the last two quarters, but the economy is already stumbling, Mr. Gurkaynak said.
“We are in recession,” he said, and “we are going to have a painful recession.”
Housing construction has reached its limit, and two million apartments are unsold in the country. Construction work is grinding to a halt, and companies are offering real estate on soft loans or barter.
In such a climate, Mr. Gurkaynak said, “Canal Istanbul makes no sense whatsoever and will be impossible to finance.”
It does not help that the proposed canal route would run parallel to the Bosporus, where transit is free under the 1936 Montreux Convention.
Officials insist there will be enough traffic to make the canal profitable. But Mr. Gurkaynak and others argue that shippers would be unlikely to pay when there is a free passage a few miles away.
New oil and gas pipelines are already reducing tanker traffic through the straits, according to a report by Istanbul’s Chamber of Environmental Engineers.
The looming pitfalls are familiar. Two of Mr. Erdogan’s much vaunted bridges — the Osman Gazi Bridge over the Gulf of Izmit, and the Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge, which spans the Bosporus — have little traffic partly because of the high tolls charged. The government is paying the shortfall.
Mr. Akarca, the presidential adviser, defended the projects’ financing system, which has been mostly a variety of public-private partnerships.
“Turkey actually is not borrowing any money,” he said. “These are the Turkish firms that are borrowing money; it is individual debt.”
But the government has guaranteed the loans and the revenue, so some economists have said that the financing model is enriching private firms while saddling the country with debt.
Other resistance to Mr. Erdogan’s building spree is centered on the environment and conservation.
To the horror of archaeologists, Mr. Erdogan started the $4 billion Marmaray railway project beneath Istanbul’s historic peninsula, and built a highway along the Byzantine city walls of a World Heritage site, over Unesco protests.
Residents have pushed back against projects that have favored construction magnates, most prominently at the central Taksim Square, where huge protests exploded in May 2013 to save the park from commercial developers.
The protests, which left eight people dead and hundreds more injured, drew many citizens to oppose Mr. Erdogan’s headlong drive to modernize Turkey’s cities.
Yet instead of listening to them, Mr. Erdogan doubled down on his projects. Taksim became a symbol of his determination to impose his will.
“He needed opponents and victories and symbols,” said Mucella Yapici, an activist and a member of Istanbul’s Chamber of Architects. “Taksim is the most important.”
Last month, Istanbul’s cultural center, an emblem of Ataturk’s openness to the West, was pulled down at the site, and a vast domed mosque raised opposite it, dwarfing Ataturk’s statue and robbing the square of its republican nature.
“This is an attempt to erase the collective memory of the space,” Ms. Yapici said.
Much more stands to be erased in the canal project — entire towns and villages, as well as the ecology of Istanbul’s main water source.
The greatest concern is the potentially huge inflow of nutrient-rich water from the Black Sea, which scientists say would encourage the growth of algae and kill life in Sea of Marmara.
The Bosporus is so deep that it allows a countercurrent. The canal would have no such balancing effect.
One scientist has warned that Istanbul will come to stink of bad eggs from hydrogen sulfide. Other environmentalists warn that the vital wetlands used by migratory birds will be destroyed.
The government held a single meeting in March with landowners to introduce an environmental impact assessment. It claimed the canal would have negligible effect.
Istanbul’s Chamber of Environmental Engineers produced its own assessment, warning that the canal project — which includes plans for a new city for as many as three million people — would cause irreversible harm.
“In the long run we will lose the Sea of Marmara and do damage to the Black Sea,” said Sedat Durel, an environmental engineer who worked on the report.
Mr. Durel estimated that as many as 800,000 people would be displaced.
They include several thousand Crimean Tatars, refugees from the Crimean War who settled in the Sazlidere Valley west of Istanbul 150 years ago, after being granted the land by the sultan of the Ottoman Empire.
Their descendants, mostly farmers and factory workers, are anticipating with some dread any official orders to be uprooted again.
“Of course the canal is important,” said Oktay Teke, the mayor of Sazlibosna, a village amid meadows beside the river. “But what about all these villages? What will happen?”
The post Turkey’s Presidential Election Will Test Love for Erdogan’s Megaprojects appeared first on World The News.
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cleopatrarps · 6 years
Text
Turkey’s Presidential Election Will Test Love for Erdogan’s Megaprojects
From soaring bridges to a giant mosque to plans for the world’s biggest airport, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey has used gargantuan building projects as an engine of growth and a signature way of leaving an indelible stamp on his nation.
As he campaigns for re-election on Sunday, Mr. Erdogan has promised his most ambitious project yet: a canal that would bisect the country and create a Turkish-owned trade route, which he says would make Turkey a great power and leave a legacy for the history books.
“What makes Panama is the Panama Canal,” Mr. Erdogan told supporters at a rally in Istanbul last weekend. “Suez is the biggest source of revenue for Egypt. Let’s have a vote. God willing the Istanbul Canal will be another fresh breath for our city.”
The election is shaping up as an up-or-down vote on how Mr. Erdogan has transformed Turkey during 15 years in charge. He has amassed sultanlike powers, jailed political enemies and trimmed civil liberties, even as average annual economic growth of 5 percent has spawned and nurtured a middle class.
But the most obvious way Mr. Erdogan has left his mark stands before the eyes of any visitor: grandiose monuments and infrastructure investments in just about every town.
There are signs that the public is weary of Mr. Erdogan’s building mania. The canal is the latest dividing line between those who see Mr. Erdogan’s projects as visionary, and those who say the works are guided by an insatiable construction industry that has enriched his ruling circle, raising questions about his management of a faltering economy.
Mr. Erdogan called the election a year and a half ahead of schedule, hoping to beat the economic downturn nipping at his heels. A once-fractured opposition has united against him, making it increasingly uncertain whether Mr. Erdogan will meet the 50 percent threshold to win outright and avoid a runoff against his top challenger.
Mr. Erdogan counts his building feats at virtually every election rally and warns that his opponents plan to tear down everything his Justice and Development Party, or A.K.P., has built. The party “built 284,000 classrooms,” he declared recently in the town of Mugla, adding “Are you going to demolish them too?”
He lists his big canal project in first place on his campaign posters. Not one shovel has been put in the ground, but Mr. Erdogan has vowed to begin construction immediately if he is re-elected as president and assumes sweeping new powers.
All of his megaprojects have been about creating symbols of his strength as he aims for a place in the pantheon of great Turkish leaders, from the Ottoman sultans to the founder of the republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk.
But the 28-mile canal linking the Black Sea to the Sea of Marmara — estimated to cost $15 billion, though critics say the figure is closer to $65 billion, and displace some 800,000 people — has been dubbed his “crazy idea” since Mr. Erdogan first conceived it seven years ago.
“It means crazy, wow, in a good sense,” said Mehmet Akarca, head of Turkey’s general directorate for press and information and an adviser to the president. “It will make money, and ships will use it, and they will pay tolls to use it.”
That is the hope, at least, though many doubt whether it will ever happen — or whether it will work if it does.
Environmentalists warn that the canal would damage the ecosystem so much that Istanbul could become uninhabitable. Archaeologists caution that it would threaten a top-class Paleolithic site. Economists say the project is not financially viable.
“It’s like playing Moses,” said Serkan Taycan, an artist and opponent of the canal who has mapped the area that would be disturbed.
Ozgur Unluhisarcikli, the Ankara director for the German Marshall Fund of the United States, a research organization, credits Mr. Erdogan for building infrastructure that has helped Turkey’s rapid urbanization by linking cities to one another and to their suburbs. The construction sector has also provided millions of jobs to Turkey’s largely uneducated work force.
“One aspect of the big projects is that they are generating growth,” Mr. Unluhisarcikli said.
But Mr. Erdogan’s opponents say his economic model is dubious, even corrupt.
Abdullatif Sener, a former deputy prime minister, has alleged that Mr. Erdogan’s way of governing is all about the profit that the president and his close circle can gain in kickbacks.
Mr. Sener was a co-founder of the Justice and Development Party, as was Mr. Erdogan, but he resigned from the party in 2008 because of corruption, he says, and is now running for Parliament with the opposition Republican People’s Party.
“They don’t think about the concerns of the citizens,” Mr. Sener said of the government at a campaign rally in Aziziye, in central Turkey. “They think about ‘How can I make my friend, my family, my close circle, my buddy richer.’ With this mentality, this country could not escape disaster.”
Mr. Erdogan has accused his opponents of peddling lies. “We invested billions in Istanbul, and now they say we robbed the country?” he said last week at a rally in Istanbul.
Others criticize Mr. Erdogan for prioritizing construction over industry and trade, which would generate more income.
“We are not using the resources in the best way to earn money,” Durmus Yilmaz, a former chief of the Turkish central bank and a co-founder of a new opposition party, the Good Party, said in an interview at his home in Ankara.
“This is all financed through foreign borrowing,” he said. “Are these investments generating enough income so we can pay back the loans?”
Turkish industry has shrunk since 2002, when Mr. Erdogan first came to power — to 16 percent of gross domestic product from 22 percent — and the construction sector has grown in its place.
The decline has left new ports and tunnels underutilized and Turkey lacking enough exports to finance its ballooning foreign debt, Mr. Yilmaz said.
Then there are the extravagant projects — such as the presidential palace, four times the size of Versailles — that seem to be more about Mr. Erdogan’s legacy than profitability.
On Istanbul’s highest hill above the Bosporus, Mr. Erdogan is building the white marble Camlica mosque, appointing it with six minarets, the insignia of greatness.
Many wonder if he plans to build a mausoleum for himself beside his project, as did the sultans of old.
“Some are white elephants, that’s very clear,” said Refet Gurkaynak, a professor of economics at Bilkent University in Ankara.
The government has said that growth has been more than 7 percent in the last two quarters, but the economy is already stumbling, Mr. Gurkaynak said.
“We are in recession,” he said, and “we are going to have a painful recession.”
Housing construction has reached its limit, and two million apartments are unsold in the country. Construction work is grinding to a halt, and companies are offering real estate on soft loans or barter.
In such a climate, Mr. Gurkaynak said, “Canal Istanbul makes no sense whatsoever and will be impossible to finance.”
It does not help that the proposed canal route would run parallel to the Bosporus, where transit is free under the 1936 Montreux Convention.
Officials insist there will be enough traffic to make the canal profitable. But Mr. Gurkaynak and others argue that shippers would be unlikely to pay when there is a free passage a few miles away.
New oil and gas pipelines are already reducing tanker traffic through the straits, according to a report by Istanbul’s Chamber of Environmental Engineers.
The looming pitfalls are familiar. Two of Mr. Erdogan’s much vaunted bridges — the Osman Gazi Bridge over the Gulf of Izmit, and the Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge, which spans the Bosporus — have little traffic partly because of the high tolls charged. The government is paying the shortfall.
Mr. Akarca, the presidential adviser, defended the projects’ financing system, which has been mostly a variety of public-private partnerships.
“Turkey actually is not borrowing any money,” he said. “These are the Turkish firms that are borrowing money; it is individual debt.”
But the government has guaranteed the loans and the revenue, so some economists have said that the financing model is enriching private firms while saddling the country with debt.
Other resistance to Mr. Erdogan’s building spree is centered on the environment and conservation.
To the horror of archaeologists, Mr. Erdogan started the $4 billion Marmaray railway project beneath Istanbul’s historic peninsula, and built a highway along the Byzantine city walls of a World Heritage site, over Unesco protests.
Residents have pushed back against projects that have favored construction magnates, most prominently at the central Taksim Square, where huge protests exploded in May 2013 to save the park from commercial developers.
The protests, which left eight people dead and hundreds more injured, drew many citizens to oppose Mr. Erdogan’s headlong drive to modernize Turkey’s cities.
Yet instead of listening to them, Mr. Erdogan doubled down on his projects. Taksim became a symbol of his determination to impose his will.
“He needed opponents and victories and symbols,” said Mucella Yapici, an activist and a member of Istanbul’s Chamber of Architects. “Taksim is the most important.”
Last month, Istanbul’s cultural center, an emblem of Ataturk’s openness to the West, was pulled down at the site, and a vast domed mosque raised opposite it, dwarfing Ataturk’s statue and robbing the square of its republican nature.
“This is an attempt to erase the collective memory of the space,” Ms. Yapici said.
Much more stands to be erased in the canal project — entire towns and villages, as well as the ecology of Istanbul’s main water source.
The greatest concern is the potentially huge inflow of nutrient-rich water from the Black Sea, which scientists say would encourage the growth of algae and kill life in Sea of Marmara.
The Bosporus is so deep that it allows a countercurrent. The canal would have no such balancing effect.
One scientist has warned that Istanbul will come to stink of bad eggs from hydrogen sulfide. Other environmentalists warn that the vital wetlands used by migratory birds will be destroyed.
The government held a single meeting in March with landowners to introduce an environmental impact assessment. It claimed the canal would have negligible effect.
Istanbul’s Chamber of Environmental Engineers produced its own assessment, warning that the canal project — which includes plans for a new city for as many as three million people — would cause irreversible harm.
“In the long run we will lose the Sea of Marmara and do damage to the Black Sea,” said Sedat Durel, an environmental engineer who worked on the report.
Mr. Durel estimated that as many as 800,000 people would be displaced.
They include several thousand Crimean Tatars, refugees from the Crimean War who settled in the Sazlidere Valley west of Istanbul 150 years ago, after being granted the land by the sultan of the Ottoman Empire.
Their descendants, mostly farmers and factory workers, are anticipating with some dread any official orders to be uprooted again.
“Of course the canal is important,” said Oktay Teke, the mayor of Sazlibosna, a village amid meadows beside the river. “But what about all these villages? What will happen?”
The post Turkey’s Presidential Election Will Test Love for Erdogan’s Megaprojects appeared first on World The News.
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dani-qrt · 6 years
Text
Turkey’s Presidential Election Will Test Love for Erdogan’s Megaprojects
From soaring bridges to a giant mosque to plans for the world’s biggest airport, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey has used gargantuan building projects as an engine of growth and a signature way of leaving an indelible stamp on his nation.
As he campaigns for re-election on Sunday, Mr. Erdogan has promised his most ambitious project yet: a canal that would bisect the country and create a Turkish-owned trade route, which he says would make Turkey a great power and leave a legacy for the history books.
“What makes Panama is the Panama Canal,” Mr. Erdogan told supporters at a rally in Istanbul last weekend. “Suez is the biggest source of revenue for Egypt. Let’s have a vote. God willing the Istanbul Canal will be another fresh breath for our city.”
The election is shaping up as an up-or-down vote on how Mr. Erdogan has transformed Turkey during 15 years in charge. He has amassed sultanlike powers, jailed political enemies and trimmed civil liberties, even as average annual economic growth of 5 percent has spawned and nurtured a middle class.
But the most obvious way Mr. Erdogan has left his mark stands before the eyes of any visitor: grandiose monuments and infrastructure investments in just about every town.
There are signs that the public is weary of Mr. Erdogan’s building mania. The canal is the latest dividing line between those who see Mr. Erdogan’s projects as visionary, and those who say the works are guided by an insatiable construction industry that has enriched his ruling circle, raising questions about his management of a faltering economy.
Mr. Erdogan called the election a year and a half ahead of schedule, hoping to beat the economic downturn nipping at his heels. A once-fractured opposition has united against him, making it increasingly uncertain whether Mr. Erdogan will meet the 50 percent threshold to win outright and avoid a runoff against his top challenger.
Mr. Erdogan counts his building feats at virtually every election rally and warns that his opponents plan to tear down everything his Justice and Development Party, or A.K.P., has built. The party “built 284,000 classrooms,” he declared recently in the town of Mugla, adding “Are you going to demolish them too?”
He lists his big canal project in first place on his campaign posters. Not one shovel has been put in the ground, but Mr. Erdogan has vowed to begin construction immediately if he is re-elected as president and assumes sweeping new powers.
All of his megaprojects have been about creating symbols of his strength as he aims for a place in the pantheon of great Turkish leaders, from the Ottoman sultans to the founder of the republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk.
But the 28-mile canal linking the Black Sea to the Sea of Marmara — estimated to cost $15 billion, though critics say the figure is closer to $65 billion, and displace some 800,000 people — has been dubbed his “crazy idea” since Mr. Erdogan first conceived it seven years ago.
“It means crazy, wow, in a good sense,” said Mehmet Akarca, head of Turkey’s general directorate for press and information and an adviser to the president. “It will make money, and ships will use it, and they will pay tolls to use it.”
That is the hope, at least, though many doubt whether it will ever happen — or whether it will work if it does.
Environmentalists warn that the canal would damage the ecosystem so much that Istanbul could become uninhabitable. Archaeologists caution that it would threaten a top-class Paleolithic site. Economists say the project is not financially viable.
“It’s like playing Moses,” said Serkan Taycan, an artist and opponent of the canal who has mapped the area that would be disturbed.
Ozgur Unluhisarcikli, the Ankara director for the German Marshall Fund of the United States, a research organization, credits Mr. Erdogan for building infrastructure that has helped Turkey’s rapid urbanization by linking cities to one another and to their suburbs. The construction sector has also provided millions of jobs to Turkey’s largely uneducated work force.
“One aspect of the big projects is that they are generating growth,” Mr. Unluhisarcikli said.
But Mr. Erdogan’s opponents say his economic model is dubious, even corrupt.
Abdullatif Sener, a former deputy prime minister, has alleged that Mr. Erdogan’s way of governing is all about the profit that the president and his close circle can gain in kickbacks.
Mr. Sener was a co-founder of the Justice and Development Party, as was Mr. Erdogan, but he resigned from the party in 2008 because of corruption, he says, and is now running for Parliament with the opposition Republican People’s Party.
“They don’t think about the concerns of the citizens,” Mr. Sener said of the government at a campaign rally in Aziziye, in central Turkey. “They think about ‘How can I make my friend, my family, my close circle, my buddy richer.’ With this mentality, this country could not escape disaster.”
Mr. Erdogan has accused his opponents of peddling lies. “We invested billions in Istanbul, and now they say we robbed the country?” he said last week at a rally in Istanbul.
Others criticize Mr. Erdogan for prioritizing construction over industry and trade, which would generate more income.
“We are not using the resources in the best way to earn money,” Durmus Yilmaz, a former chief of the Turkish central bank and a co-founder of a new opposition party, the Good Party, said in an interview at his home in Ankara.
“This is all financed through foreign borrowing,” he said. “Are these investments generating enough income so we can pay back the loans?”
Turkish industry has shrunk since 2002, when Mr. Erdogan first came to power — to 16 percent of gross domestic product from 22 percent — and the construction sector has grown in its place.
The decline has left new ports and tunnels underutilized and Turkey lacking enough exports to finance its ballooning foreign debt, Mr. Yilmaz said.
Then there are the extravagant projects — such as the presidential palace, four times the size of Versailles — that seem to be more about Mr. Erdogan’s legacy than profitability.
On Istanbul’s highest hill above the Bosporus, Mr. Erdogan is building the white marble Camlica mosque, appointing it with six minarets, the insignia of greatness.
Many wonder if he plans to build a mausoleum for himself beside his project, as did the sultans of old.
“Some are white elephants, that’s very clear,” said Refet Gurkaynak, a professor of economics at Bilkent University in Ankara.
The government has said that growth has been more than 7 percent in the last two quarters, but the economy is already stumbling, Mr. Gurkaynak said.
“We are in recession,” he said, and “we are going to have a painful recession.”
Housing construction has reached its limit, and two million apartments are unsold in the country. Construction work is grinding to a halt, and companies are offering real estate on soft loans or barter.
In such a climate, Mr. Gurkaynak said, “Canal Istanbul makes no sense whatsoever and will be impossible to finance.”
It does not help that the proposed canal route would run parallel to the Bosporus, where transit is free under the 1936 Montreux Convention.
Officials insist there will be enough traffic to make the canal profitable. But Mr. Gurkaynak and others argue that shippers would be unlikely to pay when there is a free passage a few miles away.
New oil and gas pipelines are already reducing tanker traffic through the straits, according to a report by Istanbul’s Chamber of Environmental Engineers.
The looming pitfalls are familiar. Two of Mr. Erdogan’s much vaunted bridges — the Osman Gazi Bridge over the Gulf of Izmit, and the Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge, which spans the Bosporus — have little traffic partly because of the high tolls charged. The government is paying the shortfall.
Mr. Akarca, the presidential adviser, defended the projects’ financing system, which has been mostly a variety of public-private partnerships.
“Turkey actually is not borrowing any money,” he said. “These are the Turkish firms that are borrowing money; it is individual debt.”
But the government has guaranteed the loans and the revenue, so some economists have said that the financing model is enriching private firms while saddling the country with debt.
Other resistance to Mr. Erdogan’s building spree is centered on the environment and conservation.
To the horror of archaeologists, Mr. Erdogan started the $4 billion Marmaray railway project beneath Istanbul’s historic peninsula, and built a highway along the Byzantine city walls of a World Heritage site, over Unesco protests.
Residents have pushed back against projects that have favored construction magnates, most prominently at the central Taksim Square, where huge protests exploded in May 2013 to save the park from commercial developers.
The protests, which left eight people dead and hundreds more injured, drew many citizens to oppose Mr. Erdogan’s headlong drive to modernize Turkey’s cities.
Yet instead of listening to them, Mr. Erdogan doubled down on his projects. Taksim became a symbol of his determination to impose his will.
“He needed opponents and victories and symbols,” said Mucella Yapici, an activist and a member of Istanbul’s Chamber of Architects. “Taksim is the most important.”
Last month, Istanbul’s cultural center, an emblem of Ataturk’s openness to the West, was pulled down at the site, and a vast domed mosque raised opposite it, dwarfing Ataturk’s statue and robbing the square of its republican nature.
“This is an attempt to erase the collective memory of the space,” Ms. Yapici said.
Much more stands to be erased in the canal project — entire towns and villages, as well as the ecology of Istanbul’s main water source.
The greatest concern is the potentially huge inflow of nutrient-rich water from the Black Sea, which scientists say would encourage the growth of algae and kill life in Sea of Marmara.
The Bosporus is so deep that it allows a countercurrent. The canal would have no such balancing effect.
One scientist has warned that Istanbul will come to stink of bad eggs from hydrogen sulfide. Other environmentalists warn that the vital wetlands used by migratory birds will be destroyed.
The government held a single meeting in March with landowners to introduce an environmental impact assessment. It claimed the canal would have negligible effect.
Istanbul’s Chamber of Environmental Engineers produced its own assessment, warning that the canal project — which includes plans for a new city for as many as three million people — would cause irreversible harm.
“In the long run we will lose the Sea of Marmara and do damage to the Black Sea,” said Sedat Durel, an environmental engineer who worked on the report.
Mr. Durel estimated that as many as 800,000 people would be displaced.
They include several thousand Crimean Tatars, refugees from the Crimean War who settled in the Sazlidere Valley west of Istanbul 150 years ago, after being granted the land by the sultan of the Ottoman Empire.
Their descendants, mostly farmers and factory workers, are anticipating with some dread any official orders to be uprooted again.
“Of course the canal is important,” said Oktay Teke, the mayor of Sazlibosna, a village amid meadows beside the river. “But what about all these villages? What will happen?”
The post Turkey’s Presidential Election Will Test Love for Erdogan’s Megaprojects appeared first on World The News.
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dragnews · 6 years
Text
Turkey’s Presidential Election Will Test Love for Erdogan’s Megaprojects
From soaring bridges to a giant mosque to plans for the world’s biggest airport, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey has used gargantuan building projects as an engine of growth and a signature way of leaving an indelible stamp on his nation.
As he campaigns for re-election on Sunday, Mr. Erdogan has promised his most ambitious project yet: a canal that would bisect the country and create a Turkish-owned trade route, which he says would make Turkey a great power and leave a legacy for the history books.
“What makes Panama is the Panama Canal,” Mr. Erdogan told supporters at a rally in Istanbul last weekend. “Suez is the biggest source of revenue for Egypt. Let’s have a vote. God willing the Istanbul Canal will be another fresh breath for our city.”
The election is shaping up as an up-or-down vote on how Mr. Erdogan has transformed Turkey during 15 years in charge. He has amassed sultanlike powers, jailed political enemies and trimmed civil liberties, even as average annual economic growth of 5 percent has spawned and nurtured a middle class.
But the most obvious way Mr. Erdogan has left his mark stands before the eyes of any visitor: grandiose monuments and infrastructure investments in just about every town.
There are signs that the public is weary of Mr. Erdogan’s building mania. The canal is the latest dividing line between those who see Mr. Erdogan’s projects as visionary, and those who say the works are guided by an insatiable construction industry that has enriched his ruling circle, raising questions about his management of a faltering economy.
Mr. Erdogan called the election a year and a half ahead of schedule, hoping to beat the economic downturn nipping at his heels. A once-fractured opposition has united against him, making it increasingly uncertain whether Mr. Erdogan will meet the 50 percent threshold to win outright and avoid a runoff against his top challenger.
Mr. Erdogan counts his building feats at virtually every election rally and warns that his opponents plan to tear down everything his Justice and Development Party, or A.K.P., has built. The party “built 284,000 classrooms,” he declared recently in the town of Mugla, adding “Are you going to demolish them too?”
He lists his big canal project in first place on his campaign posters. Not one shovel has been put in the ground, but Mr. Erdogan has vowed to begin construction immediately if he is re-elected as president and assumes sweeping new powers.
All of his megaprojects have been about creating symbols of his strength as he aims for a place in the pantheon of great Turkish leaders, from the Ottoman sultans to the founder of the republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk.
But the 28-mile canal linking the Black Sea to the Sea of Marmara — estimated to cost $15 billion, though critics say the figure is closer to $65 billion, and displace some 800,000 people — has been dubbed his “crazy idea” since Mr. Erdogan first conceived it seven years ago.
“It means crazy, wow, in a good sense,” said Mehmet Akarca, head of Turkey’s general directorate for press and information and an adviser to the president. “It will make money, and ships will use it, and they will pay tolls to use it.”
That is the hope, at least, though many doubt whether it will ever happen — or whether it will work if it does.
Environmentalists warn that the canal would damage the ecosystem so much that Istanbul could become uninhabitable. Archaeologists caution that it would threaten a top-class Paleolithic site. Economists say the project is not financially viable.
“It’s like playing Moses,” said Serkan Taycan, an artist and opponent of the canal who has mapped the area that would be disturbed.
Ozgur Unluhisarcikli, the Ankara director for the German Marshall Fund of the United States, a research organization, credits Mr. Erdogan for building infrastructure that has helped Turkey’s rapid urbanization by linking cities to one another and to their suburbs. The construction sector has also provided millions of jobs to Turkey’s largely uneducated work force.
“One aspect of the big projects is that they are generating growth,” Mr. Unluhisarcikli said.
But Mr. Erdogan’s opponents say his economic model is dubious, even corrupt.
Abdullatif Sener, a former deputy prime minister, has alleged that Mr. Erdogan’s way of governing is all about the profit that the president and his close circle can gain in kickbacks.
Mr. Sener was a co-founder of the Justice and Development Party, as was Mr. Erdogan, but he resigned from the party in 2008 because of corruption, he says, and is now running for Parliament with the opposition Republican People’s Party.
“They don’t think about the concerns of the citizens,” Mr. Sener said of the government at a campaign rally in Aziziye, in central Turkey. “They think about ‘How can I make my friend, my family, my close circle, my buddy richer.’ With this mentality, this country could not escape disaster.”
Mr. Erdogan has accused his opponents of peddling lies. “We invested billions in Istanbul, and now they say we robbed the country?” he said last week at a rally in Istanbul.
Others criticize Mr. Erdogan for prioritizing construction over industry and trade, which would generate more income.
“We are not using the resources in the best way to earn money,” Durmus Yilmaz, a former chief of the Turkish central bank and a co-founder of a new opposition party, the Good Party, said in an interview at his home in Ankara.
“This is all financed through foreign borrowing,” he said. “Are these investments generating enough income so we can pay back the loans?”
Turkish industry has shrunk since 2002, when Mr. Erdogan first came to power — to 16 percent of gross domestic product from 22 percent — and the construction sector has grown in its place.
The decline has left new ports and tunnels underutilized and Turkey lacking enough exports to finance its ballooning foreign debt, Mr. Yilmaz said.
Then there are the extravagant projects — such as the presidential palace, four times the size of Versailles — that seem to be more about Mr. Erdogan’s legacy than profitability.
On Istanbul’s highest hill above the Bosporus, Mr. Erdogan is building the white marble Camlica mosque, appointing it with six minarets, the insignia of greatness.
Many wonder if he plans to build a mausoleum for himself beside his project, as did the sultans of old.
“Some are white elephants, that’s very clear,” said Refet Gurkaynak, a professor of economics at Bilkent University in Ankara.
The government has said that growth has been more than 7 percent in the last two quarters, but the economy is already stumbling, Mr. Gurkaynak said.
“We are in recession,” he said, and “we are going to have a painful recession.”
Housing construction has reached its limit, and two million apartments are unsold in the country. Construction work is grinding to a halt, and companies are offering real estate on soft loans or barter.
In such a climate, Mr. Gurkaynak said, “Canal Istanbul makes no sense whatsoever and will be impossible to finance.”
It does not help that the proposed canal route would run parallel to the Bosporus, where transit is free under the 1936 Montreux Convention.
Officials insist there will be enough traffic to make the canal profitable. But Mr. Gurkaynak and others argue that shippers would be unlikely to pay when there is a free passage a few miles away.
New oil and gas pipelines are already reducing tanker traffic through the straits, according to a report by Istanbul’s Chamber of Environmental Engineers.
The looming pitfalls are familiar. Two of Mr. Erdogan’s much vaunted bridges — the Osman Gazi Bridge over the Gulf of Izmit, and the Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge, which spans the Bosporus — have little traffic partly because of the high tolls charged. The government is paying the shortfall.
Mr. Akarca, the presidential adviser, defended the projects’ financing system, which has been mostly a variety of public-private partnerships.
“Turkey actually is not borrowing any money,” he said. “These are the Turkish firms that are borrowing money; it is individual debt.”
But the government has guaranteed the loans and the revenue, so some economists have said that the financing model is enriching private firms while saddling the country with debt.
Other resistance to Mr. Erdogan’s building spree is centered on the environment and conservation.
To the horror of archaeologists, Mr. Erdogan started the $4 billion Marmaray railway project beneath Istanbul’s historic peninsula, and built a highway along the Byzantine city walls of a World Heritage site, over Unesco protests.
Residents have pushed back against projects that have favored construction magnates, most prominently at the central Taksim Square, where huge protests exploded in May 2013 to save the park from commercial developers.
The protests, which left eight people dead and hundreds more injured, drew many citizens to oppose Mr. Erdogan’s headlong drive to modernize Turkey’s cities.
Yet instead of listening to them, Mr. Erdogan doubled down on his projects. Taksim became a symbol of his determination to impose his will.
“He needed opponents and victories and symbols,” said Mucella Yapici, an activist and a member of Istanbul’s Chamber of Architects. “Taksim is the most important.”
Last month, Istanbul’s cultural center, an emblem of Ataturk’s openness to the West, was pulled down at the site, and a vast domed mosque raised opposite it, dwarfing Ataturk’s statue and robbing the square of its republican nature.
“This is an attempt to erase the collective memory of the space,” Ms. Yapici said.
Much more stands to be erased in the canal project — entire towns and villages, as well as the ecology of Istanbul’s main water source.
The greatest concern is the potentially huge inflow of nutrient-rich water from the Black Sea, which scientists say would encourage the growth of algae and kill life in Sea of Marmara.
The Bosporus is so deep that it allows a countercurrent. The canal would have no such balancing effect.
One scientist has warned that Istanbul will come to stink of bad eggs from hydrogen sulfide. Other environmentalists warn that the vital wetlands used by migratory birds will be destroyed.
The government held a single meeting in March with landowners to introduce an environmental impact assessment. It claimed the canal would have negligible effect.
Istanbul’s Chamber of Environmental Engineers produced its own assessment, warning that the canal project — which includes plans for a new city for as many as three million people — would cause irreversible harm.
“In the long run we will lose the Sea of Marmara and do damage to the Black Sea,” said Sedat Durel, an environmental engineer who worked on the report.
Mr. Durel estimated that as many as 800,000 people would be displaced.
They include several thousand Crimean Tatars, refugees from the Crimean War who settled in the Sazlidere Valley west of Istanbul 150 years ago, after being granted the land by the sultan of the Ottoman Empire.
Their descendants, mostly farmers and factory workers, are anticipating with some dread any official orders to be uprooted again.
“Of course the canal is important,” said Oktay Teke, the mayor of Sazlibosna, a village amid meadows beside the river. “But what about all these villages? What will happen?”
The post Turkey’s Presidential Election Will Test Love for Erdogan’s Megaprojects appeared first on World The News.
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party-hard-or-die · 6 years
Text
Turkey’s Presidential Election Will Test Love for Erdogan’s Megaprojects
From soaring bridges to a giant mosque to plans for the world’s biggest airport, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey has used gargantuan building projects as an engine of growth and a signature way of leaving an indelible stamp on his nation.
As he campaigns for re-election on Sunday, Mr. Erdogan has promised his most ambitious project yet: a canal that would bisect the country and create a Turkish-owned trade route, which he says would make Turkey a great power and leave a legacy for the history books.
“What makes Panama is the Panama Canal,” Mr. Erdogan told supporters at a rally in Istanbul last weekend. “Suez is the biggest source of revenue for Egypt. Let’s have a vote. God willing the Istanbul Canal will be another fresh breath for our city.”
The election is shaping up as an up-or-down vote on how Mr. Erdogan has transformed Turkey during 15 years in charge. He has amassed sultanlike powers, jailed political enemies and trimmed civil liberties, even as average annual economic growth of 5 percent has spawned and nurtured a middle class.
But the most obvious way Mr. Erdogan has left his mark stands before the eyes of any visitor: grandiose monuments and infrastructure investments in just about every town.
There are signs that the public is weary of Mr. Erdogan’s building mania. The canal is the latest dividing line between those who see Mr. Erdogan’s projects as visionary, and those who say the works are guided by an insatiable construction industry that has enriched his ruling circle, raising questions about his management of a faltering economy.
Mr. Erdogan called the election a year and a half ahead of schedule, hoping to beat the economic downturn nipping at his heels. A once-fractured opposition has united against him, making it increasingly uncertain whether Mr. Erdogan will meet the 50 percent threshold to win outright and avoid a runoff against his top challenger.
Mr. Erdogan counts his building feats at virtually every election rally and warns that his opponents plan to tear down everything his Justice and Development Party, or A.K.P., has built. The party “built 284,000 classrooms,” he declared recently in the town of Mugla, adding “Are you going to demolish them too?”
He lists his big canal project in first place on his campaign posters. Not one shovel has been put in the ground, but Mr. Erdogan has vowed to begin construction immediately if he is re-elected as president and assumes sweeping new powers.
All of his megaprojects have been about creating symbols of his strength as he aims for a place in the pantheon of great Turkish leaders, from the Ottoman sultans to the founder of the republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk.
But the 28-mile canal linking the Black Sea to the Sea of Marmara — estimated to cost $15 billion, though critics say the figure is closer to $65 billion, and displace some 800,000 people — has been dubbed his “crazy idea” since Mr. Erdogan first conceived it seven years ago.
“It means crazy, wow, in a good sense,” said Mehmet Akarca, head of Turkey’s general directorate for press and information and an adviser to the president. “It will make money, and ships will use it, and they will pay tolls to use it.”
That is the hope, at least, though many doubt whether it will ever happen — or whether it will work if it does.
Environmentalists warn that the canal would damage the ecosystem so much that Istanbul could become uninhabitable. Archaeologists caution that it would threaten a top-class Paleolithic site. Economists say the project is not financially viable.
“It’s like playing Moses,” said Serkan Taycan, an artist and opponent of the canal who has mapped the area that would be disturbed.
Ozgur Unluhisarcikli, the Ankara director for the German Marshall Fund of the United States, a research organization, credits Mr. Erdogan for building infrastructure that has helped Turkey’s rapid urbanization by linking cities to one another and to their suburbs. The construction sector has also provided millions of jobs to Turkey’s largely uneducated work force.
“One aspect of the big projects is that they are generating growth,” Mr. Unluhisarcikli said.
But Mr. Erdogan’s opponents say his economic model is dubious, even corrupt.
Abdullatif Sener, a former deputy prime minister, has alleged that Mr. Erdogan’s way of governing is all about the profit that the president and his close circle can gain in kickbacks.
Mr. Sener was a co-founder of the Justice and Development Party, as was Mr. Erdogan, but he resigned from the party in 2008 because of corruption, he says, and is now running for Parliament with the opposition Republican People’s Party.
“They don’t think about the concerns of the citizens,” Mr. Sener said of the government at a campaign rally in Aziziye, in central Turkey. “They think about ‘How can I make my friend, my family, my close circle, my buddy richer.’ With this mentality, this country could not escape disaster.”
Mr. Erdogan has accused his opponents of peddling lies. “We invested billions in Istanbul, and now they say we robbed the country?” he said last week at a rally in Istanbul.
Others criticize Mr. Erdogan for prioritizing construction over industry and trade, which would generate more income.
“We are not using the resources in the best way to earn money,” Durmus Yilmaz, a former chief of the Turkish central bank and a co-founder of a new opposition party, the Good Party, said in an interview at his home in Ankara.
“This is all financed through foreign borrowing,” he said. “Are these investments generating enough income so we can pay back the loans?”
Turkish industry has shrunk since 2002, when Mr. Erdogan first came to power — to 16 percent of gross domestic product from 22 percent — and the construction sector has grown in its place.
The decline has left new ports and tunnels underutilized and Turkey lacking enough exports to finance its ballooning foreign debt, Mr. Yilmaz said.
Then there are the extravagant projects — such as the presidential palace, four times the size of Versailles — that seem to be more about Mr. Erdogan’s legacy than profitability.
On Istanbul’s highest hill above the Bosporus, Mr. Erdogan is building the white marble Camlica mosque, appointing it with six minarets, the insignia of greatness.
Many wonder if he plans to build a mausoleum for himself beside his project, as did the sultans of old.
“Some are white elephants, that’s very clear,” said Refet Gurkaynak, a professor of economics at Bilkent University in Ankara.
The government has said that growth has been more than 7 percent in the last two quarters, but the economy is already stumbling, Mr. Gurkaynak said.
“We are in recession,” he said, and “we are going to have a painful recession.”
Housing construction has reached its limit, and two million apartments are unsold in the country. Construction work is grinding to a halt, and companies are offering real estate on soft loans or barter.
In such a climate, Mr. Gurkaynak said, “Canal Istanbul makes no sense whatsoever and will be impossible to finance.”
It does not help that the proposed canal route would run parallel to the Bosporus, where transit is free under the 1936 Montreux Convention.
Officials insist there will be enough traffic to make the canal profitable. But Mr. Gurkaynak and others argue that shippers would be unlikely to pay when there is a free passage a few miles away.
New oil and gas pipelines are already reducing tanker traffic through the straits, according to a report by Istanbul’s Chamber of Environmental Engineers.
The looming pitfalls are familiar. Two of Mr. Erdogan’s much vaunted bridges — the Osman Gazi Bridge over the Gulf of Izmit, and the Yavuz Sultan Selim Bridge, which spans the Bosporus — have little traffic partly because of the high tolls charged. The government is paying the shortfall.
Mr. Akarca, the presidential adviser, defended the projects’ financing system, which has been mostly a variety of public-private partnerships.
“Turkey actually is not borrowing any money,” he said. “These are the Turkish firms that are borrowing money; it is individual debt.”
But the government has guaranteed the loans and the revenue, so some economists have said that the financing model is enriching private firms while saddling the country with debt.
Other resistance to Mr. Erdogan’s building spree is centered on the environment and conservation.
To the horror of archaeologists, Mr. Erdogan started the $4 billion Marmaray railway project beneath Istanbul’s historic peninsula, and built a highway along the Byzantine city walls of a World Heritage site, over Unesco protests.
Residents have pushed back against projects that have favored construction magnates, most prominently at the central Taksim Square, where huge protests exploded in May 2013 to save the park from commercial developers.
The protests, which left eight people dead and hundreds more injured, drew many citizens to oppose Mr. Erdogan’s headlong drive to modernize Turkey’s cities.
Yet instead of listening to them, Mr. Erdogan doubled down on his projects. Taksim became a symbol of his determination to impose his will.
“He needed opponents and victories and symbols,” said Mucella Yapici, an activist and a member of Istanbul’s Chamber of Architects. “Taksim is the most important.”
Last month, Istanbul’s cultural center, an emblem of Ataturk’s openness to the West, was pulled down at the site, and a vast domed mosque raised opposite it, dwarfing Ataturk’s statue and robbing the square of its republican nature.
“This is an attempt to erase the collective memory of the space,” Ms. Yapici said.
Much more stands to be erased in the canal project — entire towns and villages, as well as the ecology of Istanbul’s main water source.
The greatest concern is the potentially huge inflow of nutrient-rich water from the Black Sea, which scientists say would encourage the growth of algae and kill life in Sea of Marmara.
The Bosporus is so deep that it allows a countercurrent. The canal would have no such balancing effect.
One scientist has warned that Istanbul will come to stink of bad eggs from hydrogen sulfide. Other environmentalists warn that the vital wetlands used by migratory birds will be destroyed.
The government held a single meeting in March with landowners to introduce an environmental impact assessment. It claimed the canal would have negligible effect.
Istanbul’s Chamber of Environmental Engineers produced its own assessment, warning that the canal project — which includes plans for a new city for as many as three million people — would cause irreversible harm.
“In the long run we will lose the Sea of Marmara and do damage to the Black Sea,” said Sedat Durel, an environmental engineer who worked on the report.
Mr. Durel estimated that as many as 800,000 people would be displaced.
They include several thousand Crimean Tatars, refugees from the Crimean War who settled in the Sazlidere Valley west of Istanbul 150 years ago, after being granted the land by the sultan of the Ottoman Empire.
Their descendants, mostly farmers and factory workers, are anticipating with some dread any official orders to be uprooted again.
“Of course the canal is important,” said Oktay Teke, the mayor of Sazlibosna, a village amid meadows beside the river. “But what about all these villages? What will happen?”
The post Turkey’s Presidential Election Will Test Love for Erdogan’s Megaprojects appeared first on World The News.
from World The News https://ift.tt/2MNYrmD via Breaking News
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Sebilürreşad Dergisi Sayı: 1013 Ocak 2017 pdf indir
1013’üncü sayısı ile 14 Ocak 2017’de okuyucusuyla buluşan Sebîlürreşad bu sayıda Rusya Müslümanlarını dosya haline getirdi. Türkçe ve Rusça olarak çıkan Sebîlürreşad’da, Rus ve Sovyet tarihinde önemli bir yeri olan, Doğu Halkları’nın hakkı teslim edilmeyen lideri Mir Said Sultan Galiyev’in yaşamı ve idealleri yer aldı. Vefatının 77.yılında Sultan Galiyev dünyada ilk defa bir dergiye kapak oldu. İslam coğrafyasının fazla tanımadığı, bilinmesinin de istenilmediği ve ‘nereye ait olduğu’ olduğu hususu hep bir muamma olarak görülen Sultan Galiyev’i; Erol Cihangir ‘Sultan Galiyev: Doğu Halkları’nın devrimci sesi’ başlıklı yazısında “Sultan Galiyev adı ve daha sonraları pek çok milli bağımsızlıkçı ve anti-emperyalist siyasal hareketlerin tanımlanmasında atıfta bulunulacak, kendi adından mülhem olan ‘Galiyevizm’ netameli bir isim…” diye tanımlarken, Mustafa Armağan ise ‘Avrasyada dolaşan hayalet’ başlıklı yazısında “Eskiden olsa dünyada böyle düşünmezdim. Öyle yeşil komünizmmiş, İslam sosyalizmiymiş; Allah korusun! Hele Lenin’in ‘yoldaşı’ olsun da benden selamın s’sini alsın, olacak şey değildi!”  şeklinde itirafını dile getirdi. Mehmet Poyraz’da Galiyev hakkındaki ‘Turancı Komünist’ iddialarına şiddetle karşı çıkarak ‘Sultan Galiyev’ başlıklı yazısında, “Sultan Galiyev; Turancı Komünist değildi, Mazlum Doğu Halkları’nın savunucusu İslamcı sosyalistti” ifadelerine yer verirken, Rusya Müslümanlarının inançlarını özgürce yaşamak için Bolşeviklere yardım ettiğini de belirtmekte. Emre Yıldırım ‘Rusya Müslümanları’ başlıklı yazısında bölge Müslümanları hakkında çarpıcı bilgiler verdi. Burak Çalışkan ‘Türkistan Ceditçilik Hareketi’ başlıklı yazısında Kırım Türkü İsmail Gaspıralı ve döneminin önemli gazetelerinden Tercüman’ı anlattı. Cumhurbaşkanı Recep Tayyip Erdoğan Sebîlürreşad’da ilk defa yayınlanan ‘Türkiye – Çin stratejik iş birliği’ başlıklı yazısında “Çin bizim dünyada ikinci, Asya’da ise en büyük ticari ortağımızdır. 2010 yılında ikili ilişkilerimizi stratejik iş birliği seviyesine çıkardık, ikili ilişkilerin daha da gelişmesinin teşvik edilmesi ise ortak arzumuzdur” ifadelerine yer vererek Türkiye’nin 15 Temmuz’da ciddi bir tehditle karşı karşıya kaldığını da dikkat çekti. Mehmet Şevket Eygi ‘Ulemanın ve Meşayihin hizmetleri’, Abdurrahman Dilipak ‘Geldi İsmet, gitti kısmet!’, Eşref Edib’in torunu Eşref Fergan ‘II.Kurtuluş Savaşı’, Mehmet Akif’in torunu Selma Ersoy Argon ‘1920 den bakış; iki ayet iki işaret’, Muzaffer Özekin ‘İstiklal Marşı, Mehmet Akif ve Halide Edib’, Burak Yilmaz ‘Ada, Adamındı; adı Süleymandı’, Son Osmanlı Meclisi’nden Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi’ne…’, Mürsel Turbay ‘Kudüs ümmetin utancı olmamalıdır’, Fikri Akyüz ‘Bab-ı Ali Baskını’, Serdar Aydın ‘Fyodor Mihayloviç Dostoyevski; iki ruh tek beden’, Sadık Güneş ‘Kimliğimiz, kültürümüz ve değerlerimiz’, Fatma Özdoğan ‘Bir modernite rüyası olarak ailesiz toplumda kadın’, Abdülhey el-Leknevi ‘Sünneti ihya etmek’, Fatıma Zehra ‘Haacer, muhacir ve ensar’, Ahmet Belada ‘Mehmet Akif Ersoy’, Eşref Edib Fergan ‘Akifin Kuran tercemesi nasıl başladı, sonra nasıl yakıldı?’, Neyzen Özatik ‘Neyzen Tevfik in aks-i sedâsı’, Mustafa Yazgan ‘Oluklar çift’, Servet Aydemir ‘Düzen’, Serkan Yorgancılar ‘Bugünün Türkiyesinden Tanzimatçı Mustafa Reşit Paşaya’, Mesut Dikel ‘Şeyh Hamdullah’, Mehmet Akif Işık ‘Afganistan – Muhammed Bahaeddin Veled Medresesi’, Yusuf Umutlu ‘Bürokraside verimlilik nasıl ölçülüyor?’, Hüseyin Türkmen ‘Tarihin akışı’ ve Fatih Bayhan’ın  ‘İmam – Hatip ve müfredat meselesi’ başlıklı yazılarının yer aldığı Sebîlürreşad’ın Ocak 2017 sayısında Mehmet Akif İnan vefatının 17.yılında unutulmadı. İnan’ın yaşamı ve davası anlatılırken şiirlerine de yer verildi.
Sebilürreşad Dergisi Sayı: 1013 Ocak 2017 pdf indir oku
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