#Rss Chief

[bhagavanbhakthi]

Arun Yogiraj felicitated by RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat | Arun Yogiraj taking blessings from Mohan Bhagwat

#arunyogiraj #rss #mohanbhagwat #rsschief #ramlallasculptor #arunyogirajfelicitation #ayodhya #ayodhyarammandir #ayodhyatemple #ayodhyaramtemple

Know more about #Hinduism from here: https://bhagavanbhakthi.com/

[rightnewshindi]

राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ प्रमुख मोहन भागवत के बयान और सरकार के काम में बड़ा अंतर; कपिल सिब्बल

राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ प्रमुख मोहन भागवत के बयान और सरकार के काम में बड़ा अंतर; कपिल सिब्बल #RSS #chief #MohanBhagwat #KapilSibal

Kapil Sibal News in Hindi : राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ (RSS) प्रमुख मोहन भागवत के विजयादशमी पर संबोधन के एक दिन बाद राज्यसभा सदस्य कपिल सिब्बल ने रविवार को कहा कि भागवत के बयान और भारतीय जनता पार्टी (BJP)-नीत सरकार के जमीनी स्तर पर किए जा रहे कार्यों में बड़ा अंतर है। भागवत के संबोधन का जिक्र करते हुए सिब्बल ने कहा, मोहन भागवत ने विजयादशमी पर अच्छा बयान दिया। आरएसएस प्रमुख ने शनिवार को कहा कि पिछले…

[todayworldnews2k21]

RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat Urges Unity Among Hindus To Protect Minorities In Bangladesh

RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat addressed the recent violence against Hindus in neighbouring Bangladesh during his speech at the Vijaya Dashami celebration on Saturday. He emphasised that, for the first time, Hindus united and took to the streets to demand protection, asserting that they needed support from Hindus worldwide.  “What happened in our neighbouring Bangladesh? It might have some immediate…

[asombarta]

RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat Commences 3-Day Visit to Assam

#RSS Chief #MohanBhagwat Commences 3-Day Visit to #Assam

Mohan Bhagwat, the prominent Chief of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), has embarked on a momentous three-day visit to Assam, underscoring the organization’s commitment to its activities in the region. The visit is set to strengthen ties with Swayamsevaks and bolster their ideological training at the ongoing Sangh Shiksha Varg (2nd year) camp. The training camp, which kicked off on July 12, has…

[shaktiknowledgeblog]

mohan bhagwat | rss mohan bhagwat | rss | rss founder | Haryana latest news | RSS chief

The British ruined the education system, earlier 70% of Indians were literate – Sangh chief Mohan Bhagwat Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat accused the British rulers of ruining India’s education system and said that “70 per cent” of the country’s population was literate before British rule. Sangh chief Bhagwat Atma Manohar had arrived in Karnal to inaugurate a…

[stackumbrella1]

RSS Chief Mohan Bhagwat Critisized After He Gave This Controversial Statement on Brahmins!!

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat is spreading hatred against Brahmins, saying caste was created by Brahmins, not God. People criticized the RSS Chief by saying that the time has come that so-called fake Hindu organizations like RSS should be banned in the country.

Read More: https://www.stackumbrella.com/rss-chief-mohan-bhagwat-statement-on-brahmin/

[townpostin]

RSS Chief And Home Minister To Visit Ranchi In July

Mohan Bhagwat’s Three-Day Trip Precedes Amit Shah’s BJP Executive Meeting High-profile visits come ahead of upcoming assembly elections in Jharkhand. JAMSHEDPUR – Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat is set to visit Ranchi for three days starting July 9, with key meetings scheduled with RSS province pracharaks. "Bhagwat will participate in meetings from July 12 to 14," an RSS…

[easterneyenews]

Narendra Modi: Everything About The PM Of India

Narendra Modi, the current Prime Minister of India, is a leader who has left an indelible mark on the nation's political, economic, and social landscape. Known for his dynamic leadership, visionary policies, and charismatic personality, Modi has transformed India in numerous ways. This comprehensive blog delves into everything about Narendra Modi, offering insights into his early life, political journey, significant achievements, and influence on India and the world.

Early Life and Background

Narendra Damodardas Modi was born on September 17, 1950, in Vadnagar, a small town in northern Gujarat, India. Coming from a humble background, Modi's early life was marked by hardship and determination. He helped his father sell tea at the local railway station, an experience that shaped his understanding of grassroots issues and the common man's struggles.

Education and Early Interests

As per the UK Newspapers News Modi completed his schooling in Vadnagar and later pursued a degree in political science, earning an M.A. from Gujarat University in Ahmedabad. His early interest in serving the nation led him to join the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a Hindu nationalist organization, in the early 1970s. Modi set up a unit of the RSS’s students’ wing, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, in his area, where he honed his leadership skills and ideological beliefs.

Political Journey

Modi's political journey began with his active involvement in the RSS, which eventually led to his association with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 1987. Within a year, he was made the general secretary of the Gujarat branch of the party. Modi played a pivotal role in strengthening the party’s presence in the state, contributing to the BJP's success in the 1995 state legislative assembly elections and the formation of the first-ever BJP-controlled government in India.

Chief Minister of Gujarat

In 2001, Narendra Modi was appointed the Chief Minister of Gujarat, following the poor response of the incumbent government to the Bhuj earthquake. He entered his first-ever electoral contest in a February 2002 by-election, winning a seat in the Gujarat state assembly.

Modi’s tenure as chief minister was marked by both achievements and controversies. His role during the 2002 communal riots in Gujarat drew international criticism, with allegations of condoning the violence or failing to act decisively to stop it. Despite these controversies, Modi’s political career in Gujarat was marked by repeated electoral successes in 2002, 2007, and 2012, establishing him as a formidable leader within the BJP.

Rise to National Leadership

Modi's success in Gujarat laid the foundation for his rise to national prominence. In June 2013, Modi was chosen as the leader of the BJP’s campaign for the 2014 elections to the Lok Sabha. His campaign focused on development, good governance, and anti-corruption, resonating with millions of Indians. In the 2014 elections, he led the BJP to a historic victory, securing a clear majority of seats in the Lok Sabha.

First Term as Prime Minister (2014-2019)

Modi was sworn in as Prime Minister on May 26, 2014. His first term was marked by several significant initiatives and reforms aimed at transforming India:

Goods and Services Tax (GST): Launched in 2017, GST is one of the most significant tax reforms in India's history, simplifying the indirect tax structure.

Demonetization: In 2016, Modi announced the demonetization of high-value currency notes to curb black money and counterfeit currency.

Swachh Bharat Abhiyan: Launched in 2014, this nationwide cleanliness campaign aimed to eliminate open defecation and improve solid waste management.

Digital India: An ambitious program to transform India into a digitally empowered society and knowledge economy.

Make in India: Aimed at making India a global manufacturing hub, this initiative encourages companies to manufacture their products in India.

Modi's foreign policy achievements included hosting Chinese President Xi Jinping and making a highly successful visit to New York City, where he met with U.S. President Barack Obama.

Second Term as Prime Minister (2019-2024)

The Modi-led BJP won a majority again in the 2019 general election. His second term saw continued efforts to promote Hindu culture and implement economic reforms:

Revocation of Jammu and Kashmir's Special Status: In October 2019, Modi's government revoked the special status of Jammu and Kashmir, bringing it under the direct control of the union government.

COVID-19 Pandemic Response: Modi took decisive action to combat the COVID-19 outbreak, implementing strict nationwide restrictions and promoting vaccine development and distribution.

Despite facing protests and criticism for some policies, such as agricultural reforms, Modi's leadership remained influential. The BJP faced setbacks in state elections in late 2018, but Modi's charisma and a security crisis in Jammu and Kashmir boosted his image ahead of the 2019 elections.

Third Term as Prime Minister (2024-Present)

In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP won 240 seats, and the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) secured 293 of the 543 seats, allowing Modi to become Prime Minister for a third consecutive term. Although the BJP did not secure a majority on its own, the NDA's coalition support ensured their continued governance.

Personal Life and Public Image

Narendra Modi is known for his disciplined lifestyle, early morning yoga sessions, and simple living. Despite his high-profile status, he remains deeply connected to his roots and continues to draw inspiration from his early life experiences.

Communication and Public Engagement

Modi's communication skills are unparalleled, often using social media and public addresses to connect with citizens. His monthly radio program, "Mann Ki Baat," has become a popular platform for sharing his thoughts and initiatives with the nation.

Conclusion

Narendra Modi's journey from a small-town boy to the Prime Minister of the world's largest democracy is a testament to his resilience, dedication, and visionary leadership. His impact on India's socio-economic fabric, governance, and international relations is profound and continues to shape the country's future.

Whether admired or criticized, Narendra Modi's influence on India and the global stage is undeniable. His story is not just about a political leader but also about the transformative power of determination and leadership.

Stay tuned to our blog for more updates and in-depth analyses of Narendra Modi's policies, initiatives, and their impact on India and the world.

[newsmrl]

MP CM OATH : पीएम नरेंद्र मोदी और गृहमंत्री अमित शाह की मौजूदगी में मध्य प्रदेश के नए मुख्यमंत्री मोहन यादव ने ली पद और गोपनीयता की शपथ

MADHYAPRADESH:  सोमवार को मुख्यमंत्री नामित होने के बाद यादव ने राज्यपाल मंगूभाई पटेल से मुलाकात की और अगली सरकार बनाने का दावा पेश किया। जिसके बाद बुधवार को प्रदेश के नए मुख्यमंत्री के रूप में मोहन यादव ने पद और गोपनीयता की शपथ ली। लाल परेड ग्राउंड में राज्यपाल मंगुभाई पटेल ने शपथ दिलाई। मोहन यादव को राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघ (आरएसएस) का करीबी माना जाता है और उन्हें शीर्ष पद के दावेदार के रूप में…

[sauolasa]

Super Bowl, i Kansas City Chiefs si aggiudicano la 57 edizione

Hanno battuto i Philadelfia Eagles con il punteggio di 38 a 35. La finale è stata giocata allo State farm stadium di Glendale, in Arizona.

[queersatanic]

Hindutva's Foreign Tie-up in the 1930s

Archival Evidence

To understand militant Hinduism, one must examine its domestic roots as well as foreign influence. In the 1930s Hindu nationalism borrowed from European fascism to transform 'different' people into 'enemies'. Leaders of militant Hinduism repeatedly expressed their admiration for authoritarian leaders such as Mussolini and Hitler and for the fascist model of society. This influence continues to the present day. This paper presents archival evidence on the would-be collaborators.

By Marzia Casolari

Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Jan. 22-28, 2000, Vol. 35, No. 4 (Jan. 22-28, 2000), pp. 218-228

'Fascist' was in Sumit Sarkar's words, "till the other day a mere epithet" ('The Fascism of the Sangh Parivar', Economic and Political Weekly, January 30, 1993, p 163). It has come to define the ideology and practice of the Hindu militant organisations. It is a common place, accepted by their opponents, as well as by those who have a critical, but not necessarily negative, view of Hindu fundamentalism. Defining the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) and, in general, the organisations of militant Hinduism I as undemocratic, with authoritarian, paramilitary, radical, violent tendencies and a sympathy for fascist ideology and practice, has been a major concern for many politically oriented scholars and writers. This has been the case with the literature which started with Gandhi's assassination and continues up to the present day with works such as Amartya Sen's India at Risk (The New York Review of Books, April 1993) and Christophe Jaffrelot's The Hindu Nationalist Movement in India (Viking, New Delhi, 1996), the latest book published on the subject, or the well known Khaki Shorts and Saffron Flags (Orient Longman, New Delhi, 1993), which came out soon after the destruction of the Babri masjid. As a result, the fascist ideological background of Hindu fundamentalism is taken for granted, never proved by systematic analysis. This is an outcome that is, to a certain extent, explained by the fact that most of the above-mentioned authors are political scientists and not historians.

It is a fact that many of those who witnessed the growth of Hindu radical forces in the years around the second world war were already convinced of the Sangh's fascist outlook. Particularly acute was the perception that the Congress had of these organisations and their character. There is no need to mention the already well known opinion of Nehru, who, right from the beginning, had pointed at these organisations as communalist and fascist.

Less well known is the fact that, as shown by a confidential report circulated within the Congress most probably at the time of the first ban of the RSS, after Gandhi's assassination, the similarity between the character of the RSS and that of fascist organisations was already taken for granted. In fact, the report itself states that the RSS

...Started in Nagpur some sort of Hindu Boys Scout movement. Gradually it developed into a communal militarist organisation with violent tendencies.

The RSS has been purely Maharashtrian brahmin organisation. The non-brahmin Maharashtrians who constitute the bulk of C P and Maharashtra have no sympathy with it.

Even in the other provinces the chief organisers and whole-time workers will be found to be inevitably Maharashtrian brahmins.

Through the RSS the Maharashtrian brahmins have been dreaming of establishing in India 'a Peshwa Raj' after the withdrawal of Britishers. The RSS flag is the Bhagwa Flag of the Peshwas - Maharashtrian rulers [who] were the last to be conquered by the British - and after the termination of British rule in India, the Maharashtrians should be vested with political powers.

The RSS practises secret and violent methods which promote 'fascism'. No regard is paid to truthful means and constitutional methods.

There is no constitution of the organisation; its aims and objects have never been clearly defined. The general public is usually told that its aim is only physical training, but the real aims are not conveyed even to the rank and file of the RSS members. Only its 'inner circle' is taken into a confidence.

There are no records or proceedings of the RSS organisation, no membership registers are maintained. There are also no records of its income and the expenditure. The RSS is thus strictly secret as regards its organisation. It has consequently... (National Archives of India (NAI), Sardar Patel Correspondence, microfilm, reel no 3, 'A Note on the RSS', undated). Unfortunately the document stops abruptly here, but it contains enough evidence of the reputation the RSS already had by the late 1940s.

This document, however, is by no means exceptional. An accurate search of the primary sources produced by the organisations of Hindu nationalism, as well as by their opponents and by the police, is bound to show the extent and the importance of the connections between such organisations and Italian fascism. In fact the most important organisations of Hindu nationalism not only adopted fascist ideas in a conscious and deliberate way, but this happened also because of the existence of direct contacts between the representatives of the main Hindu organisations and fascist Italy.

To demonstrate this, I will reconstruct the context from which arose the interest of Hindu radicalism in Italian fascism right from the early 1920s. This interest was commonly shared in Maharashtra, and must have inspired B S Moonje's trip to Italy in 1931. The next step will be to examine the effects of that trip, namely how B S Moonje tried to transfer fascist models to Hindu society and to organise it militarily, according to fascist patterns. An additional aim of this paper is to show how, about the end of the 1930s, the admiration for the Italian regime was commonly shared by the different streams of Hindu nationalism and the main Hindu leaders.

Particular attention will be devoted to the attitude adopted by the main Hindu organisations during the second world war. During those crucial years, Hindu nationalism seemed to uneasily oscillate between a conciliatory attitude towards the British, and a sympathy for the dictators. This is in fact far from surprising because - as will be shown - in those years, militant Hindu organisations were preparing and arming themselves to fight the so-called internal enemies, rather than the British.

More generally, the aim of this paper is to disprove Christophe Jaffrelot's thesis that there is a sharp distinction between nazi and fascist ideology on one side and RSS on the other as far as the concept of race and the centrality of the leader are concerned.^2

I Hindu Nationalists and Italian Fascism

None of the works mentioned above, Jaffrelot's included, deals with what I consider a most important problem, namely, the existence of direct contacts between the representatives of the fascist regime, including Mussolini and Hindu nationalists. These contacts demonstrate that Hindu nationalism had much more than an abstract interest in the ideology and practice of fascism.

The interest of Indian Hindu nationalists in fascism and Mussolini must not be considered as dictated by an occasional curiosity, confined to a few individuals, rather, it should be considered as the culminating result of the attention that Hindu nationalists, especially in Maharashtra, focused on Italian dictatorship and its leader. To them, fascism appeared to be an example of conservative revolution. This concept was discussed at length by the Marathi press, right from the early phase of the Italian regime.

From 1924 to 1935 Kesari regularly published editorials and articles about Italy, fascism and Mussolini. What impressed the Marathi journalists was the socialist origin of fascism and the fact that the new regime seemed to have transformed Italy from a backward country to a first class power. Indians could not know, then, that, behind the demagogic rhetoric of the regime, there was very little substance.

Moreover, the Indian observers were convinced that fascism had restored order in a country previously upset by political tensions. In a series of editorials, Kesari described the passage from liberal government to dictatorship as a shift from anarchy to an orderly situation, where social struggles had no more reason to exist.^3 The Marathi newspaper gave considerable space to the political reforms carried out by Mussolini, in particular the substitution of the election of the members of parliament with their nomination (ibid, January 17, 1928) and the replacement of parliament itself with the Great Council of Fascism. Mussolini's idea was the opposite of that of democracy and it was expressed by the dictator's principle, according to which 'one man's government is more useful and more binding' for the nation than the democratic institutions (ibid, July 17, 1928).%4 Is all this not reminiscent of the principle of 'obedience to one leader' ('ek chalak anuvartitva') followed by the RSS?

Finally, a long article of August 13, 1929, 'Italy and the Young Generations', stated that the Italian young generation had succeeded the old one to lead the country. That had resulted in the 'fast ascent of Italy in every field'. The article went on to describe at length the organisation of the Italian society according to fascist models. The principal reasons of the discipline of the Italian youths were strong religious feelings, widespread among the population, attachment to the family, and the respect of traditional values: no divorce, no singles, no right to vote for women, whose only duty was to sit at home, by the fireplace. The article focused then on the fascist youth organisations, the Balilla and the Avanguardisti.

One may wonder how the Indian journalists could be so well informed about what was going on in Italy. Very possibly, among their sources there was a pamphlet in English, published by an Italian editor in 1928, entitled The Recent Laws for the Defence of the State (copy in NAI, Foreign and Political Department, 647G, 1927). Emphasised, right from the beginning, was the importance of the National Militia, defined as "the bodyguard of the revolution". The booklet continued with the description of the restrictive measures adopted by the regime: a ban on the "subversive parties", limitations to the press, expulsion of "disaffected persons" from public posts, and, finally, the death sentence.

Significantly, the shift from the liberal phase to fascism is described by the pamphlet in strikingly similar terms to those employed by the above-mentioned articles:

This step [the shift to fascism] has struck a death blow to the thread-bare theories of Italian liberalism, according to which the sovereign state must observe strict neutrality towards all political associations and parties. This theory explains why in Italy the ship of state was drifting before the wind, ready to sink in the vortex of social dissolution or to be wrecked on the rocks of financial disaster.

Another inspiring source of the literature published in Kesari must have been the work by D V Tahmankar, the correspondent of the Marathi newspaper from London and admirer of the Italian dictator. In 1927 Tahmankar published a book entitled Muslini ani Fashismo, (Mussolini and Fascism), a biography of the dictator, with several references to the organisation of the fascist state, to the fascist social system, to the fascist ideology, and to Italy's recent past. An entire chapter, the last, was devoted to description of fascist society and its institutions, especially the youth organisations.

One can easily come to the conclusion that, by the late 1920s, the fascist regime and Mussolini had considerable popularity in Maharashtra. The aspects of fascism which appealed most to Hindu nationalists were, of course, both the militarisation of society and what was seen as the real transformation of society, exemplified by the shift from chaos to order. The anti-democratic system was considered as a positive alternative to democracy which was seen as a typically British value.

Such literature made an implicit comparison between fascism and the Italian Risorgimento. The latter's influence on Indian nationalism, both moderate and radical, is well known.^5 However, whereas the Risorgimento appealed to both moderates and extremists, fascism appealed only to the radicals, who considered it as the continuation of the Risorgimento and a phase of the rational organisation of the state.

The first Hindu nationalist who came in contact with the fascist regime and its dictator was B S Moonje, a politician strictly related to the RSS. In fact, Moonje had been Hedgewar's mentor, the two men were related by an intimate friendship. Moonje's declared intention to strengthen the RSS and to extend it as a nationwide organisation is well known. Between February and March 1931, on his return from the round table conference, Moonje made a tour of Europe, which included a long stop-over in Italy. There he visited some important military schools and educational institutions. The highlight of the visit was the meeting with Mussolini. An interesting account of the trip and the meeting is given in Moonje's diary, and takes 13 pages (Nehru Memorial Museum and Library (NMML), Moonje papers, microfilm, m 1).^6

The Indian leader was in Rome during March 15 to 24, 1931. On March 19, in Rome, he visited, among others, the Military College, the Central Military School of Physical Education, the Fascist Academy of Physical Education, and, most important, the Balilla and Avanguardisti organisations. These two organisations, which he describes in more than two pages of his diary, were the keystone of the fascist system of indoctrination - rather than education - of the youths. Their structure is strikingly similar to that of the RSS. They recruited boys from the age of six, up to 18: the youths had to attend weekly meetings, where they practised physical exercises, received paramilitary training and performed drills and parades.

According to the literature promoted by the RSS and other Hindu fundamentalist organisations and parties, the structure of the RSS was the result of Hedgewar's vision and work. However Moonje played a crucial role in moulding the RSS along Italian (fascist) lines. The deep impression left on Moonje by the vision of the fascist organisation is confirmed by his diary:

The Balilla institutions and the conception of the whole organisation have appealed to me most, though there is still not discipline and organisation of high order. The whole idea is conceived by Mussolini for the military regeneration of Italy. Italians, by nature, appear ease-loving and non-martial like the Indians generally. They have cultivated, like Indians, the work of peace and neglected the cultivation of the art of war. Mussolini saw the essential weakness of his country and conceived the idea of the Balilla organisation...Nothing better could have been conceived for the military organisation of Italy...The idea of fascism vividly brings out the conception of unity amongst people...India and particularly Hindu India need some such institution for the military regeneration of the Hindus: so that the artificial distinction so much emphasised by the British of martial and non-martial classes amongst the Hindus may disappear. Our institution of Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh of Nagpur under Dr Hedgewar is of this kind, though quite independently conceived. I will spend the rest of my life in developing and extending this Institution of Dr Hedgewar all throughout the Maharashtra and other provinces.

He continues describing drills and uniforms:

I was charmed to see boys and girls well dressed in their naval and military uniforms undergoing simple exercises of physical training and forms of drill.

Definitely more meaningful is the report of the meeting with Mussolini. On the same day, March 19, 1931 at 3 pm, in Palazzo Venezia, the headquarters of the fascist government, he met the Italian dictator. The meeting is recorded in the diary on March 20, and it is worth reproducing the complete report.

...As soon as I was announced at the door, he got up and walked up to receive me. I shook hands with him saying that I am Dr Moonje. He knew everything about me and appeared to be closely following the events of the Indian struggle for freedom. He seemed to have great respect for Gandhi. He sat down in front of me on another chair in front of his table and was conversing with me for quite half an hour. He asked me about Gandhi and his movement and pointedly asked me a question "If the Round Table Conference will bring about peace between India and England". I said that if the British would honestly desire to give us equal status with other dominions of the Empire, we shall have no objection to remain peacefully and loyally within the Empire; otherwise the struggle will be renewed and continued. Britain will gain and be able to maintain her premier position amongst the European Nation (sic) if India is friendly and peaceful towards her and India cannot be so unless she is given Dominion Status on equal terms with other Dominions. Signor Mussolini appeared impressed by this remark of mine. Then he asked me if I have visited the University. I said I am interested in the military training of boys and have been visiting the Military Schools of England, France and Germany. I have now come to Italy for the same purpose and I am very grateful to say that the Foreign Office and the War Office have made good arrangements for my visiting these schools. I just saw this morning and afternoon the Balilla and the Fascist Organisations and I was much impressed. Italy needs them for her development and prosperity. I do not see anything objectionable though I have been frequently reading in the newspapers not very friendly criticisms about them and about your Excellency also. Signor Mussolini: What is your opinion about them? Dr Moonje: Your Excellency, I am much impressed. Every aspiring and growing Nation needs such organisations. India needs them most for her military regeneration. During the British Domination of the last 150 years Indians have been waved away from the military profession but India now desires to prepare herself for undertaking the responsibility for her own defence and I am working for it. I have already started an organisation of my own, conceived independently with similar objectives. I shall have no hesitation to raise my voice from the public platform both in India and England when occasion may arise in praise of your Balilla and Fascist organisations. I wish them good luck and every success. Signor Mussolini - who appeared very pleased - said - Thanks but yours is an uphill task. However I wish you every success in return. Saying this he got up and I also got up to take his leave.

The description of the Italian journey includes information regarding fascism, its history, the fascist 'revolution', etc, and continues for two more pages. One can wonder at the association between B S Moonje and the RSS, but if we think that Moonje had been Hedgewar' s mentor, the association will be much clearer.^7 The intimate friendship between Moonje and Hedgewar and the former's declared intention to strengthen the RSS and to extend it as a nationwide organisation prove a strict connection between Moonje and the RSS. Moreover, it makes sense to think that the entire circle of militant Hinduism must have been influenced by Moonje's Italian experience.

II Moonje’s Plans for Militarising Hindus

III Eve of Second World War

IV Savarkar and Nazism

V Waiting for the Right Enemy

VI Conclusions

Notes

[bhagavanbhakthi]

BJP Politicians (Leaders) in RSS Dress Code

#bjp #rss #india #narendramodi #modi #kattarhindu #jaishreeram #indian #bharat #vhp #hindurashtra #bhagwa #ram #amitshah #bajrangdal #yogiadityanath #hindu #politics #yogiadityanath #delhi #indian #bjpindia #namo #hinduism #news #hindutva #indianpolitics #bhfyp #covid #hindustan #mumbai #bharat #instagram #yogi #godimedia #memes #maharashtra #sanatandharma #rammandir #jaishriram #yogi #indianpolitics #politics #rahulgandhi

Know more about #Hinduism from here: https://bhagavanbhakthi.com/

[rightnewshindi]

RSS प्रमुख मोहन भागवत को मिली मोदी-शाह जैसी Z+ से एडवांस सुरक्षा, विशेष हेलीकॉप्टरों में करेंगे हवाई यात्रा

RSS Chief Security: आरएसएस प्रमुख मोहन भागवत की सुरक्षा के स्तर को काफी बढ़ा दिया गया है। उनकी सुरक्षा कैटेगरी के जेड प्ल से बढ़ाकर एडवांस सिक्योरिटी लाइजन (एएसएल) कर दिया गया है। उनकी सुरक्षा व्यवस्था अब प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र मोदी और गृह मंत्री अमित शाह जैसी की जाएगी। इसको लेकर हाल ही में गृह मंत्रालय के द्वारा समीक्षा की गई थ, जिसमें पाया गया कि गैर भाजपा दलों के द्वारा शासित राज्यों में ढिलाई…

[shut-up-rabert]

Rant timeeee

Sometimes I feel like “open minded hindus” need to form a society of our own so to make sure that neither extreme left nor extreme right hijacks the religious movement and give people a wrong Idea of Hinduism.

The way local “Hindu” orgs push for more orthodoxy really scares me. Today I heard a debate on how only salwar kameez and traditional dresses should be allowed in the temple. What is a religious person like me who doesn’t wear trad clothing supposed to do? Not pray anymore?! Not go to temples despite being a god loving Hindu?

What about Vidur’s wife who ran to see Lord Shree Krishna and forgot to put clothes on out of excitement and had to be reminded by him, who was moved by her devotion? What about Mata Bhadrakali who dons skulls, limbs and blood of demons as garments? Are they not respectable women for you?

What the fuck do you mean when you speak of muslim women the way you do? You repay those who harm Hindu Women by doing the same to innocent muslim women? What the fuck do you think women are? What happened to Hari hi Narayani? What happened to us being your equals according to the sacred texts?

What do you mean when you say Lgbtq should be punished? You seem to think you know hinduism more than doctor bhagwat, the RSS chief who unconditionally accepts the validity of Queer existence? More than lord mercury (Budhha, not Budhhā) who loved his partner even tho he turned out to be a different gender than believed? More than lord Shree Krishna who let Shikhandi have his preffered gender? More than Shree Rama who was moved to tears by his Eunech devotees? More than the Narayan who created us all fully knowing what we were going to be?

What should the Queer people who revert to Hindu because of its acceptance do? Revert again? Would your convert hungry self want that?

Do these people not realise how much they are harming Sanatan by this? Not realise that our openness and tolerance to different practices is what makes us, us?

This is not how you preserve Sanatan. The clothes and traditions are a considerable part, but our wisdom and awareness are the major ones.

Protect it from any threat and enemies who want it gone, but don’t go about making enemies from your own people who practice in a different way or aren’t what you want them to be.

If you want to create awareness about Hinduism, learn to be calm and wise and the kind of person a Hindu is supposed to be. Read the sacred texts if you will. Valour plays a big part, but Knowledge and acceptance plays aswell.

*closes powerpoint*

And this is why learned Hindus (and Sanatanis in general) need to speak up more. Thank you for coming to my Ted Talk. Your money will be refunded shortly. :)

[anarchistin]

The Fight Against Hindutva Is Congruent With The Fight Against Zionism

If you have been following the situation in Palestine and have come across virulent Hindu nationalists online – known as Sanghis for their rabid support for the fascist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) i.e. the National Volunteer Organisation – please know that they've been wreaking havoc of a whole new level in India since 2014, when the electoral arm of the RSS, the BJP came to power at the centre with Narendra Modi at the helm after serving three terms as the Chief Minister in his home province, Gujarat. That is where the party and its key ministers honed its methods and genocidal tactics which it is now very casually bringing to almost every other region of India.

It has an eye on "eradicating" Muslims and Christians from India, and on claiming back territory it considers "lost" to the states of Pakistan and Bangladesh. Its founders admired Nazi Germany and Italy under Mussolini and wants to emulate many of its ideas and practices.

This regime is friendly with Israel because both of them share supremacist values, in particular a burning hatred for Muslims. What the Zionists do to Palestinians the Sanghis do to the Muslims in India. Both regimes share knowledge and weapons and pursue ethnic cleansing.

One must remember that while Muslims in India face grave persecution at the hands of fascist Sanghis, Kashmir is meted out an especially cruel treatment. The fascist Hindu state has set in motion a settler colonial campaign not unlike the Zionists' to cleanse the region of Muslims, who form 90 percent of Kashmir's population.

One would be remiss to not mention that the "upper-caste" Hindus (especially Brahmins), and not just the ones who support the regime, have been dishing out this kind of treatment to those they deem to be of a lower caste and even untouchable (who actually form the majority of the population of the subcontinent), for over 2000 years.

Brahminism/Hinduism is a system of apartheid and slavery and has been battled all this while, with the newest and strongest movement against it being the one waged by Dr BR Ambedkar in the 20th century. His pamphlet Annihilation of Caste is a must-read if you want a quick peek into what the Hindu/Brahminical religion is about.

[meetdheeraj]

Rape is a rape. It is a crime. Who commits it, where it is committed should hardly matter for you to speak out against a rape. But speaking about every rape is not humanly possible. Some 100 rapes occur in India every day. India is a beautiful and culturally rich country. We have so many gods and goddesses. Goddesses we worship every year. But we have a system. We refuse to talk about certain rapes. Rape has to be gruesome or rapist has to be from certain mileu for us to care enough to talk about it. So when Chief Justice of India (highest judge of a highest court) is alleged to have molested his staff, we maintain silent. Oh the judge then sits on his own case and clears himself. We maintain sweet silent. He is then given Rajyasabha seat by RSS-BJP govt. Absolutely silent. I know I know. You don't follow news and so you didn't know. Now you do. Will you talk now? Did you not know of Bilkis and her rapists and murderers? Oh you only speak about hospitals? How gruesomely were doctors killed in Gaza.. Oh that's geopolitical now, you only talk about local I see. I like you already.

Rapes don't happen because of harmones. They happen because how men perceive women. Women, in our religious books and in our culture, have no value. There purpose is to reproduce. They're not seen as humans that get hurt or experience emotions. Even if they act up, it's because it's that time of month. Everything boils down to reproductive system. It is okay to rape women during wars. I can quote half a dozen examples of gods raping/molesting women here but what's the point? Many of you are speaking about this case for political gains and so are refusing to have conversations that are at heart of why men think it is okay to rape women. Patriarchy manifests in many subtle ways. It is on most days not direct.