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#Quad Summit 2022:
zvaigzdelasas · 11 months
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NATO is seeking to expand its cooperation structures globally and also intensify its cooperation with Jordan, Indonesia and India. A “NATO-Indonesia meeting” was held yesterday (Wednesday) on the sidelines of the NATO foreign ministers’ meeting in Brussels – a follow-up to talks between Indonesia’s Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi and NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg in mid-June 2022. Last week, a senior NATO official visited Jordan’s capital Amman to promote the establishment of a NATO liaison office. Already back in June, a US Congressional Committee focused on China, had advocated linking India more closely to NATO. India’s External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, however, quickly rejected the suggestion. NATO diplomats are quoted saying that the Western military alliance could conceive of cooperating with South Africa or Brazil, for example. These plans would escalate the West’s power struggle against Russia and China, while non-Western alliances such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) are expanding their membership.
Already since some time, NATO has been seeking to expand its cooperation structures into the Asia-Pacific region, for example to include Japan. Early this year, NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg was in Tokyo, among other things, to sign a joint declaration with Prime Minister Fumio Kishida.[1] In addition, it is strengthening its cooperation with South Korea, whose armed forces are participating in NATO cyber defense and are to be involved more intensively in future conventional NATO maneuvers.[2] Japan’s prime minster and South Korea’s president have already regularly attended NATO summits. The Western military alliance is also extending its cooperation with Australia and New Zealand. This development is not without its contradictions. France, for example, opposes the plan to establish a NATO liaison office in Japan, because it considers itself an important Pacific power and does not want NATO’s influence to excessively expand in the Pacific. Nevertheless, the Western military alliance is strengthening its presence in the Asia-Pacific region – with maneuvers conducted by its member states, including Germany (german-foreign-policy.com reported.[3]).[...]
NATO has been cooperating with several Mediterranean countries since 1994 within the framework of its Mediterranean Dialogue and also since 1994, with several Arab Gulf countries as part of its Istanbul Cooperation Initiative.[4] However, the cooperation is not considered very intensive. At the beginning of this week, NATO diplomats have been quoted saying “we remain acutely aware of developments on our southern flank,” and are planning appropriate measures. The possibility of establishing a Liaison Office in Jordan is being explored “as a move to get closer to the ground and develop the relationship in the Middle East.[5] Last week, a senior NATO official visited Jordan’s capital Amman to promote such a liaison office.[6][...]
NATO diplomats informed the online platform “Euractiv” that “many members of the Western military alliance believe that political dialogue does not have to be limited to the southern neighborhood. One can also seek cooperation with states further away. Brazil, South Africa, India, and Indonesia are mentioned as examples.[7][...]
In a paper containing strategic proposals for the U.S. power struggle against China, the Committee also advocated strengthening NATO’s cooperation with India.[8] The proposal caused a stir in the run-up to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Washington on June 22. He was able to draw on the fact that India is cooperating militarily in the Quad format with the USA as well as NATO partners Japan and Australia in order to gain leverage against China. Close NATO ties could also facilitate intelligence sharing, allowing New Delhi to access advanced military technology.[9] India’s External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, however, rejected Washington’s proposal, stating that the “NATO template does not apply to India”.[10] Indian media explained that New Delhi was still not prepared to be pitted against Russia and to limit its independence.[11] Both would be entailed in close ties to NATO.
The efforts to link third countries around the world more closely to NATO are being undertaken at a time when not only western countries are escalating their power struggles against Russia and above all against China and are therefore tightening their alliance structures. They are also taking place when non-Western alliances are gaining ground. This is true not only for the BRICS, which decided, in August, to admit six new members on January 1, 2024 (german-foreign-policy.com reported [12]). This is also true for the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), a security alliance centered around Moscow and Beijing that has grown from its original six to currently nine members, including India, Pakistan and Iran, and continues to attract new interested countries. In addition to several countries in Southern Asia and the South Caucasus, SCO “dialogue partners” now include Turkey, Egypt and five Arabian Peninsula states, including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar. Iin light of the BRICS expansion, the admission of additional countries as full SCO members is considered quite conceivable. Western dominance will thus be progressively weakened.[13]
12 Oct 23
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mariacallous · 1 year
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When NATO celebrates its 75th anniversary at its Washington summit next year, it will do so from a position of unity and strength. This is a remarkable turnaround from only a few years ago, when trans-Atlantic ties were clouded by mutual suspicion and uncertainty about the bloc’s future. The first large-scale war of aggression in Europe since World War II has reinvigorated the alliance, which now has more member states and greater geographic cohesion than ever before. NATO’s renaissance comes just in time—it may soon face an entirely new geopolitical landscape that will once again test its cohesion and adaptability.
There are four main reasons for NATO’s comeback as an enhanced and more coherent alliance.
The most important and obvious factor is Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which returned NATO to its roots: deterring a Kremlin bent on expansion. It also motivated Finland to abandon its long-standing neutrality and join the alliance, with Sweden expected to join soon as well. The addition of these two Nordic countries will substantially enhance NATO’s position in Northern Europe. Russia’s aggression has also prompted NATO members to markedly increase their 2023 defense expenditures, with more member states on track to fulfill the bloc’s guideline of spending a minimum of 2 percent of GDP on defense, long a bone of contention between Washington and its European allies. Furthermore, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s war in Ukraine has strengthened the U.S. military presence and engagement in Europe.
A second factor behind NATO’s resurgence is the rise of China, with NATO turning into the primary forum for a closer trans-Atlantic security dialogue on China. After the United States announced its rebalance to Asia in 2011, it took the European Union and NATO roughly another decade to categorize China’s rise as a security challenge. NATO’s new Strategic Concept, adopted at the Madrid summit in 2022, identifies China as a challenge to its members’ interests, values, and security. Since then, NATO has been strengthening dialogue and cooperation with its partners in the Indo-Pacific region, including Australia, Japan, New Zealand, and South Korea.
Third, new technologies and interdependencies have broadened NATO’s agenda to cover cyberdefense and disruptive technologies. Economic dependencies on China and Russia have prompted the alliance to launch new initiatives such as the NATO-EU Task Force on Resilience of Critical Infrastructure.
Fourth, the election of U.S. President Joe Biden enabled smoother cooperation between the United States and its allies than had been the case during the Trump administration. This is as much a factor of policies as of trust: According to a June 2021 Pew Research Center survey, the transition from Donald Trump to Biden dramatically improved Washington’s international image, especially among key allies and partners.
Of course, in an era of intensified great-power rivalry, the strengthening of military cooperation is not unique to the Euro-Atlantic West. In Asia, China’s rise has led several countries to reinforce their bilateral security agreements with the United States, including Japan and the Philippines. Minilateral formats—such as the Australia-United Kingdom-United States security pact and the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, or Quad—include efforts to deepen military ties. In August, a historic summit among the leaders of Japan, South Korea, and the United States may be the basis for another such grouping; South Korea could potentially join the Quad as well. China and Russia, in turn, are increasingly closing ranks.
But in terms of scope and depth of cooperation as well as its longevity, NATO has no parallel anywhere. Military alliances, established to address an immediate threat or balance the rise of a regional hegemon, are often dissolved when the external security environment changes. NATO, however, not only survived the collapse of the Soviet Union but also proved adept at adjusting to the post-Cold War era by taking on nontraditional security challenges (such as terrorism and piracy), conducting military operations other than war, and engaging in out-of-area operations.
NATO’s success and endurance stand in sharp relief to the frailty and collapse of a similar military alliance formed during the Cold War: the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). Using NATO as a model, SEATO was established in 1954 to prevent communism from gaining ground in Southeast Asia. Comprising Australia, Britain, France, New Zealand, Pakistan, the Philippines, Thailand, and the United States, SEATO was not a particularly coherent organization, whether in geographic or political terms. Thus, as soon as the security environment in Asia shifted as a result of the 1971 Indo-Pakistani War and U.S.-China rapprochement, members began to withdraw from the bloc. In 1977, it was dissolved.
NATO, on the other hand, consists of countries belonging to a distinct geographic region on both sides of the Atlantic and is founded on a strong political cohesion among its member states, almost all of which share core values of democracy and support the liberal international order. Indeed, safeguarding the principles of democracy, individual liberty, and the rule of law was written into the preamble of the 1949 North Atlantic Treaty, and Francisco Franco’s dictatorial regime was one reason Spain’s accession was delayed until 1982. That said, both Greece and Portugal were dictatorships during parts of their NATO membership, and today, Hungary’s and Turkey’s commitment to liberal democracy is unclear. The importance of political and other nonmilitary cooperation for NATO’s unity has been reiterated numerous times, most recently by an independent expert group appointed by NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg to advise on the alliance’s 2030 agenda. In its final report, the group emphasized that “NATO is an outcome of political cohesion as well as a source of it.”
Will NATO still be a pillar of the security order when it turns 100? That will depend on how the alliance addresses the changing geopolitical order—above all, the threat from a rising, revisionist China. In particular, there are three scenarios for NATO’s future that could look very different from its present and past: a Europe-only NATO, a global NATO, and a fragmented NATO.
A Europe-only NATO is a scenario where the United States decides to withdraw from the alliance, either because it shifts all of its resources to the Indo-Pacific in order to take on China or due to domestic political change in the United States. As long as Washington was committed to containing the Soviet Union during the Cold War, Europe could take the U.S. security guarantee for granted. With China rising as the United States’ main rival, this is no longer the case. In that rivalry, the geographic focus is East Asia, not Europe.
When he was U.S. president, Trump abruptly awakened European elites to the possibility that a U.S. withdrawal from Europe could be just one election away. Instead of being reelected in 2024, Trump may now spend time in jail, and his main criticism of NATO allies—their inability to meet collective defense spending targets—is being addressed. Yet the idea of isolationism is still alive in the Republican Party, with John Bolton, a U.S. national security advisor under Trump, recently warning of a “virus of isolationism” among his fellow Republicans. A U.S. withdrawal would not only force Europe to take care of its own defense. It could even be the end of NATO.
A global NATO is a scenario where both the United States and its European allies shift their energies and resources from Europe to Asia. It entails European member states rebalancing a significant amount of their naval assets to the Indo-Pacific region in order to support the United States in balancing China. Such a state of affairs would differ markedly from the last time NATO went global in the early 2000s, when it deployed peacekeepers to Afghanistan, trained security forces in Iraq, and gave logistical support to the African Union’s mission in Sudan. A long-term major deployment to Asia would stretch European members’ resources to the limit, leave Europe exposed to Russian adventurism, and potentially cause disagreements among European allies. Eastern European member states, in particular, would probably be more concerned with deterring Russia than with balancing China.
Finally, a fragmented NATO is a scenario where the United States remains committed to the defense of Europe but where allies are no longer pursuing a single, coherent strategy—because of different threat perceptions, the disparate interests of new members, or domestic political pressures. Even though Russia remains a serious challenge to European peace and security, it is not as powerful and all-threatening as the Soviet Union was. In the not-too-distant future, Southern European member states may be more concerned with security challenges in North Africa and the Middle East, while Britain and France are more oriented toward global challenges. A further NATO enlargement to include Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and Serbia not only would influence the bloc’s priorities but could also weaken its coherence. What’s more, significant political changes in a number of member states, including the election of leaders less committed to democracy, the liberal international order, and the trans-Atlantic West, would undermine the alliance’s political and military cohesion.
None of these three scenarios have to come true in their extreme versions. But in all likelihood, NATO will have to grapple with elements of all three. Whatever they do, NATO members should not take their present unity and strength for granted.
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tfgadgets · 5 days
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India's 1st Cancer Genome Atlas Launched Ahead Of Quad's 'Cancer Moonshot' Initiative
Cancer cases in India is likely to increase from 1.46 million in 2022 to 1.57 million in 2025 New Delhi: A high profile global initiative to tackle cancer called the ‘Cancer Moonshot’ will be announced on the sidelines of the Quad Summit. Ahead of that an India cancer specific cancer genome atlas has been released. Till date, all cancer treatments were based on western datasets, say the experts…
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xnewsinfo · 8 days
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From left, Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, U.S. President Joe Biden and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi are greeted by Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida upon their arrival for the 2022 Quad leaders summit. File. Picture credit score: AP China will likely be “excessive on the agenda” on the summit of the Quadrilateral Safety Dialogue (Quad), comprising the USA, India, Australia and Japan, in response to White Home spokesman John Kirby. US President Joe Biden will host the Quad leaders in his hometown of Wilmington, Delaware, on September 21. Biden will meet individually with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in addition to Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida. They will even meet to debate "increasing cooperation on a variety of critically necessary points," in response to the White Home.Learn additionally | In Delaware, assembly at a excessive and wobbly Quad desk“Actually, it could be irresponsible to not speak in regards to the issues that also exist within the area, brought on by the Folks’s Republic of China’s aggressive navy motion, for instance, unfair commerce practices and tensions within the Taiwan Strait. I've little doubt that each one of those points will come to gentle,” he mentioned.Additionally on the agenda are well being safety, pure catastrophe response, maritime safety, infrastructure, essential and rising applied sciences, local weather, clear power and cybersecurity, in response to White Home spokesman John Kirby. Requested by a reporter at Wednesday's White Home briefing whether or not Biden would talk about human rights with Modi, Kirby mentioned he didn't need to preempt talks however that if applicable, Biden would accomplish that."There is not a dialog I've with overseas leaders the place I do not speak in regards to the significance of respecting human and civil rights, and that features Prime Minister Modi," Kirby mentioned, including that Biden had beforehand raised the problem with Modi.“And I'm positive that, accordingly, he will likely be [ doing so ] "Wanting forward," he mentioned. Kirby mentioned Thursday that bulletins exhibiting the Quad is “thriving for the long run” are additionally anticipated. The group has acquired commitments from each Democratic and Republican presidents. It was revived in 2017, throughout the presidency of Donald Trump, whereas Biden hosted the primary leader-level assembly of the Quad in September 2021. The summit would be the final such assembly for 2 of the 4 leaders, as Biden and Kishida have introduced they won't search re-election. Revealed - September 19, 2024 03:23 am IST
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affairsmastery · 11 months
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Just to Know!
Recently, the Chief of the Naval Staff Admiral addressed the fourth edition of the Goa Maritime Conclave (GMC) where he stressed that building networks and partnerships like the Indo-Pacific Maritime Domain Awareness (IPMDA) would be instrumental in ensuring the security and stability of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR).
The IPMDA, introduced by the Quad group (consisting of India, Australia, Japan, and the US) at the Tokyo summit, 2022, aims to monitor "dark shipping" and create a more comprehensive and precise real-time maritime overview of partner nations' waters.
It focuses on integrating the Pacific Islands, Southeast Asia, and the Indian Ocean region (IOR) in the Indo-Pacific.
The initiative is a significant endeavour aimed at enhancing the security and stability of the Indo-Pacific region, which holds a central place in global geopolitics.
The Conclave has successfully brought together navies from the Indian Ocean region to collaborate on addressing common maritime challenges. This cooperation has led to coordinated efforts in responding to natural disasters, conducting joint exercises, and sharing critical maritime information.
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mirecalemoments01 · 1 year
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PM Modi Invites US President Joe Biden as Chief Guest for 2024 Republic Day Parade
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In a significant diplomatic move, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has extended an invitation to US President Joe Biden to be the Chief Guest at India's Republic Day celebrations on January 26, 2024. This invitation, made during their bilateral meeting on the sidelines of the G20 summit, marks a gesture of strengthening India-US relations and promoting global cooperation. A Special Invitation During their meeting, Prime Minister Modi personally invited President Biden to grace the Republic Day celebrations, a tradition where India invites world leaders to attend the grand event. This invitation underscores the importance India places on its partnership with the United States and signifies a desire to deepen bilateral ties. The Role of the US Ambassador US Ambassador to India, Eric Garcetti, confirmed this significant development. His announcement came in response to inquiries about reports suggesting that India might also extend invitations to leaders of the Quad nations, which include India, the US, Japan, and Australia, to participate in the Republic Day festivities. Ambassador Garcetti, however, indicated that he was not aware of such plans. A Symbol of India's Commitment The Quad, a strategic forum of these four democratic nations, is a platform for discussions on regional and global issues, including security and climate change. Hosting the Quad summit in India would further signify the country's commitment to fostering collaboration in addressing shared challenges. Republic Day Tradition India's Republic Day celebrations are a prestigious annual event where the country showcases its rich cultural diversity, military prowess, and achievements. It is customary for India to invite a prominent international guest of honor to the parade, reflecting the nation's diplomatic relations and its emphasis on global cooperation. Previous Chief Guests In recent years, several notable leaders have graced India's Republic Day celebrations. Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi was the Chief Guest at this year's event. However, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, there were no Chief Guests in 2021 and 2022. In 2020, Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro was the Chief Guest, while in 2019, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa attended the parade. A History of Distinguished Guests Over the years, India has welcomed an array of international leaders as Chief Guests at the Republic Day parade. This prestigious list includes figures like Nicolas Sarkozy, Vladimir Putin, Nelson Mandela, John Major, Mohammed Khatami, and Jacques Chirac. Each visit has reinforced the importance of India's diplomatic ties with nations across the globe. A Multifaceted Celebration India's Republic Day parade is a multifaceted celebration featuring military displays, cultural performances, and the vibrant tableau of India's states and union territories. It is a moment when the nation showcases its unity in diversity, highlighting its commitment to democratic values and progress. Conclusion Prime Minister Modi's invitation to President Biden for the 2024 Republic Day Parade serves as a testament to the growing India-US partnership and the significance of global collaboration. As India prepares to host this prestigious event, it reinforces its commitment to diplomacy, international cooperation, and the celebration of democracy. Why did Prime Minister Narendra Modi invite US President Joe Biden to India's Republic Day celebrations in 2024?Prime Minister Modi extended the invitation to President Biden as a gesture of strengthening bilateral relations between India and the United States and promoting global cooperation. What is the significance of President Biden's potential visit to India for Republic Day?President Biden's visit, if realized, would highlight the importance that India places on its partnership with the US. It would also signify a desire to deepen diplomatic ties and enhance collaboration on global issues. Are there plans to invite leaders of the Quad nations to the Republic Day celebrations as well?While there have been reports suggesting such plans, US Ambassador Eric Garcetti indicated that he was not aware of any such arrangements. How does India traditionally select the Chief Guest for its Republic Day parade?India typically invites a prominent international guest of honor to the Republic Day parade, reflecting the country's diplomatic relations and its emphasis on global cooperation. The choice of Chief Guest is a significant diplomatic decision. Read the full article
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brazilnews · 1 year
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Australia Cancels Quad Summit After Biden Calls Off Trip Amid Debt Crisis
The US president -- who flies to Japan on Wednesday for a G7 summit -- scrapped subsequent stops in Papua New Guinea and Australia, instead returning to Washington on Sunday.
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Washington, United States: Joe Biden and opposition Republican leaders on Tuesday offered hope of a deal that could avoid a catastrophic US debt default, although the president was forced to shorten an upcoming Asia-Pacific tour for further crisis talks.
After the latest negotiations ended without a breakthrough, Republican House speaker Kevin McCarthy told reporters there was still “a lot of work to do” to break the high-stakes standoff with Democrat Biden over the borrowing limit.
But while stark differences remained, the White House said Biden was “optimistic that there is a path to a responsible, bipartisan budget agreement if both sides negotiate in good faith.”
And McCarthy likewise indicated he ultimately expected a deal, even if so far “nothing has been resolved.”
“America is the number one economy in the world. And when we get done with these negotiations, America’s economy is going to be stronger,” he said.
The US president — who flies to Japan on Wednesday for a G7 summit — scrapped subsequent stops in Papua New Guinea and Australia, instead returning to Washington on Sunday.
In Sydney, Biden was meant to meet the leaders of Japan, India and Australia as part of a “Quad” grouping widely seen as a counter to China.
Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said Quad talks would instead take place in Japan.
The Treasury has warned of grim consequences if the country runs out of cash to pay its bills, which would leave it unable to pay federal workers and trigger a likely surge in interest rates with knock-on effects for businesses, mortgages — and global markets.
The United States could begin defaulting on its debts “potentially as early as June 1,” Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen said Monday, while the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office has forecast June 15.
‘Potentially devastating’
The White House said Biden had directed his staff “to continue to meet daily on outstanding issues,” and that he would confer with Republican leaders on his return from the G7 meetings.
Republicans have continued to insist Biden agree to significant spending cuts in exchange for their support to raise the debt ceiling, ignoring Democratic calls for a “clean” increase of the borrowing limit with no strings attached.
Democrats have accused Republicans of using extreme tactics to push their agenda ahead of the so-called “X-date” at which the United States starts defaulting on its debts.
In a sign of growing nervousness over what would be the first ever US debt default, more than 140 top US chief executives sent a letter to Biden and congressional leaders stressing the need for an agreement.
“We strongly urge that an accord be reached quickly so that the country can avert this potentially devastating scenario,” the letter signed by the CEOs from Pfizer and Morgan Stanley, among others, said.
Breaking the stalemate
Republicans, who regained control of the House in the 2022 midterm elections, are using their newfound clout to demand cuts of $130 billion from federal agencies and programs in exchange for support for lifting the debt ceiling.
This would limit spending in the 2024 fiscal year to 2022 levels.
They also want to expedite domestic energy production projects, simplify the process for obtaining permits for pipelines and refineries and claw back unspent Covid relief funding.
There are now only three days remaining when the House and Senate are both in session before June 1 — the day the Treasury predicts the United States could run out of money.
Some senators have acknowledged that they may have to cancel the Memorial Day recess beginning Thursday to get a deal finalized.
As the X-date draws closer, Democrats in Congress have begun considering a range of alternatives, including using an arcane congressional procedure to bypass McCarthy.
They’ve also contemplated asking Biden to invoke the 14th Amendment to raise the debt ceiling unilaterally, which some legal scholars believe would allow the Treasury to simply ignore the debt limit.
But Biden has cautioned that such a move could be challenged in court, and has continued to call publicly for Republicans to support a clean increase to the debt ceiling.
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jsbmarket · 2 years
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Japan PM Fumio Kishida Visits India on 20 March for Two Days to Discuss Bilateral Ties
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Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida will arrive on 20 March to New Delhi, India on a two-day trip to take further the bilateral tie discussions in the event of the last Summit held in March 2022. This is in regard to New Delhi and Tokyo holding the Presidencies for G20 and G7, respectively. Japan’s PM said that he has some new plans and concrete ideas for a free and open Indo-Pacific, and the future. He and PM Modi will exchange views as to things the two countries need to do to tackle the international challenges.
Kishida’s office also said that they want to strengthen cooperation and the Special Strategic and Global Partnership. The partnership between these countries is for trade, education, defense, investment, security, critical and emerging technologies, S&T, and healthcare. During the two-day visit, the nations may also talk about converging interests about challenges posed globally about energy transitions, food, economic stability, health security, and other subjects.
Arindam Bagchi, the official spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) stressed that Japan is a vital partner and India looks forward to the bilateral discussions. The MEA spokesperson also said that Japan is partnered with India in multilateral and plurilateral constructs and holds annual summits. Thus, they intended to exchange views with the PM of Japan. He also what the two leaders will talk about is too soon to be judged.
From 20 to 21 March 2023, Japanese PM Fumio Kishida will visit nation, India. The Japanese PM is willing to meet PM Modi at the soonest to discuss the regional and bilateral issues of mutual interest. This official release of the news occurred on 10 Match by the Ministry of External Affairs. The two nations share Special Strategic and Global Partnerships currently. Since 2006, Japan and India are holding Regular Annual Summits. In March 2022, we saw the latest Summit in New Delhi.
India has an Annual Summit and a 2 2 Foreign and Defence Ministerial Meeting. And Japan is a close partner to it. Tokyo and New Delhi have also participated in QUAD (Quadrilateral Strategic Dialogue) with US and Australia. Defense cooperation is also on the list. These countries support and work with regional alliances for an open and free Indo-Pacific. In January 2023, ‘Veer Guardian’ in its first fighter jet exercise took place in Japan.
It was indeed a great milestone between India and Japan. Then the 4th army exercise – Dharma Guardian followed and was done for the first time in Japan. Among the exercises conducted, several maritime security cooperation-related tasks topped the cooperation between navy-to-navy. India was also a part in November last year for International Fleet Review. This exercise took place in Japan while the Malabar exercise happened on the Coast of Japan.
And JIMEX preceded the two of the activities discussed now, in September. The bilateral trade between Japan and India is also a welcome sign for economic and commercial ties. The last year itself, the bilateral trade was responsible for USD 20.75 billion. Being the 5th largest investor in India, Japan and a number of its regional companies are looking for opportunities in the nation in different sectors.
India and Japan are already cooperating to improve and promote industrial cooperation among their nations under Industrial Competitiveness Partnership (IJICP). The Annual Summit on this was held in March 2022 in New Delhi and the roadmap was launched. On 28 February 2023, the IJICP meeting in Tokyo was from the Indian side co-chaired by the Secretary of DPIIT. While the Japanese side included the Ministry of Economy, Trade & Industry and the Vice Minister for International Affairs.
In the Annual summit last year, India and Japan also introduced a Clean Energy Partnership. This intends to realistic energy transitions through the promotion of energy cooperation between the two nations. They also plan to use all energy technologies and sources to guarantee carbon neutrality, economic growth, and energy security.
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goldiers1 · 2 years
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Quad Ministers Reach Agreement in New Delhi
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  Official Joint Statement
The following is the joint statement released by the Secretary of State of the United States and the Foreign Ministers of the Governments of Australia, India, and Japan on the occasion of the Quad Foreign Ministers’ Meeting. We, the Foreign Ministers of Australia, India and Japan and the Secretary of State of the United States of America met in New Delhi, India on March 3, 2023, for the Quad Foreign Ministers’ Meeting. Our meeting today reaffirms the Quad’s steadfast commitment to supporting a free and open Indo-Pacific, which is inclusive and resilient. We strongly support the principles of freedom, rule of law, sovereignty and territorial integrity, peaceful settlement of disputes without resorting to threat or use of force and freedom of navigation and overflight, and oppose any unilateral attempt to change the status quo, all of which are essential to the peace, stability and prosperity of the Indo-Pacific region and beyond. We reiterate our conviction that the Quad, acting as a force for regional and global good, will be guided by the priorities of the Indo-Pacific region through its positive and constructive agenda. Through the Quad, we seek to support the region through practical cooperation on contemporary challenges such as health security, climate change and the clean energy transition, critical and emerging technologies, infrastructure and connectivity, addressing the debt crisis through sustainable, transparent and fair lending and financing practices, space cooperation, cyber-security, humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, maritime security and counterterrorism.  
ASEAN
Reaffirming our consistent and unwavering support for ASEAN centrality and unity, and the ASEAN-led architecture, including the East Asia Summit and ASEAN Regional Forum, we remain committed to supporting implementation of the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP) and will be guided in our work by ASEAN’s principles and priorities. We welcome Indonesia’s 2023 ASEAN Chairmanship and will support its Chair theme “ASEAN Matters: Epicentrum of Growth,” as we identify tangible areas for the Quad to support the work of ASEAN. In addition, we are committed to further strengthening our respective relationships with ASEAN, thus creating a platform for greater Quad collaboration in support of the AOIP.  
Pacific Islands
We are committed to supporting Pacific Island countries in line with the objectives of the Pacific Islands Forum’s 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent, guided by Pacific priorities of climate change, resilient infrastructure, and maritime security. We support regional institutions in the Pacific and are also further strengthening our cooperation with the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), to address the region’s most pressing and important challenges. We welcome India’s leadership in finalizing the IORA Outlook on the Indo-Pacific. We are pleased to note the progress made under the Quad Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief Partnership (HADR) for the Indo-Pacific, since our last meeting in September 2022, when we signed onto the Guidelines for the Partnership. We welcome the outcomes of the first HADR tabletop exercise and biannual meeting held in India in December 2022. We look forward to the finalization of the Partnership’s Standard Operating Procedures which would enable an efficacious and coordinated response mechanism.  
UN Charter
We concur that the rules-based international order is anchored in international law, including the UN Charter, and the principles of sovereignty, political independence, and territorial integrity of all states. We are committed to cooperate to address attempts to unilaterally subvert the UN and international system, in consultation with our partners and through multilateral and international platforms. We reiterate our unwavering support for the UN Charter, including its three pillars, and our steadfast commitment to strengthening the UN and international system through a comprehensive reform agenda, including through expansion in permanent and non-permanent seats of the UN Security Council. In this regard, we commit to active and constructive engagement in the Inter-Governmental Negotiations (IGN) process on Security Council Reforms with an overall objective of making the UN Security Council more effective, representative, and credible. We will support meritorious and independent candidates for elections in the UN and in international forums to maintain the integrity and impartiality of the international system. We note with appreciation the UN Secretary General’s call for full implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). In this regard, we underscore the importance of achieving SDGs in a comprehensive manner without prioritizing a narrow set of such goals, and reaffirm that the UN has a central role in supporting countries in its implementation.  
Maritime
We recognize that peace and security in the maritime domain underpins the development and prosperity of the Indo-Pacific, and reiterate the importance of respect for sovereignty, consistent with international law. We reiterate the importance of adherence to international law, as reflected in the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), to meet challenges to the maritime rules-based order, including in the South and East China Seas. We strongly oppose any unilateral actions that seek to change the status quo or increase tensions in the area. We express serious concern at the militarization of disputed features, the dangerous use of coast guard vessels and maritime militia, and efforts to disrupt other countries’ offshore resource exploitation activities. We are determined to deepen engagement with regional partners, including through information-sharing, capacity-building and technical assistance, to strengthen maritime domain awareness; to counter illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing; to enhance their capability to protect and develop offshore resources, consistent with UNCLOS; to ensure freedom of navigation and overflight; and to promote the safety and security of sea lines of communication. We look forward to continuing these discussions at the Quad Maritime Security Working Group meeting hosted by the United States in Washington, D.C., in March 2023. In this context, we welcome the progress made under the Indo-Pacific Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness (IPMDA).  
Terrorism
We unequivocally condemn terrorism and violent extremism in all its forms and manifestations. We denounce the use of terrorist proxies and emphasize the importance of denying any logistical, financial, or military support to terrorist organizations which could be used to launch or plan terrorist attacks, including transnational and cross-border attacks. We reiterate our condemnation of terrorist attacks, including 26/11 Mumbai, which claimed lives of citizens from all Quad countries, and Pathankot attacks. We are committed to working together with our regional and international partners to promote accountability for the perpetrators of such terrorist attacks, including through designations by the UN Security Council 1267 Sanctions Committee. In this regard, we express our concern at attempts to politicize the working of the UNSC Sanctions Regimes and call on all states to maintain the transparent, objective, and evidence based working methods of UNSC Sanctions Committees. We note with deep concern that terrorism has become increasingly diffuse, aided by terrorists’ adaptation to, and the use of, emerging and evolving technologies such as unmanned aerial systems (UAS) and the internet, including social media platforms for recruitment and incitement to commit terrorist acts, as well as for the financing, planning, and preparation of terrorist activities. We welcome the focused discussions on these themes at the Quad Counter-Terrorism Policy Meeting and tabletop exercise hosted by Australia in October 2022. We are pleased to announce the establishment of the Quad Working Group on Counterterrorism, which will explore cooperation amongst the Quad, and with Indo-Pacific partners, to counter new and emerging forms of terrorism, radicalization to violence, and violent extremism. We look forward to its first meeting in the United States in 2023 to continue our discussions on this global issue.  
Myanmar
We strongly emphasize the importance of maintaining peace, stability, and prosperity and express our deep concern at the deteriorating situation in Myanmar. In this regard, we emphasize the need for complete cessation of violence, the release of all those arbitrarily detained, resolution of issues through dialogue, unhindered humanitarian access, and transition to an inclusive, federal democratic system in Myanmar. Towards this, we reaffirm our consistent support to the ASEAN-led efforts, including the work of the ASEAN Chair and Office of the Special Envoy, and call for the full implementation of ASEAN’s Five-Point Consensus. We also encourage the international community to work together in a pragmatic and constructive way towards resolving the crisis in Myanmar.  
North Korea
We condemn North Korea’s destabilizing ballistic missile launches, including the launch of yet another Intercontinental Ballistic Missile (ICBM) on February 18, 2023, in violation of UN Security Council resolutions (UNSCRs). We reaffirm our commitment to the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula and urge North Korea to comply with its obligations under UNSCRs. We reconfirm the necessity of immediate resolution of the abductions issue. We stress the importance of addressing proliferation of nuclear and missile technologies related to North Korea in the region and beyond.  
Ukraine
We continued to discuss our responses to the conflict in Ukraine and the immense human suffering it is causing, and concurred that the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons is inadmissible. We underscored the need for a comprehensive, just, and lasting peace in Ukraine in accordance with international law, including the UN Charter. We emphasized that the rules-based international order must respect sovereignty, territorial integrity, transparency, and peaceful resolution of disputes.  
Final Thoughts
We welcome the announcement of the first class of Quad Fellows, who will begin their academic pursuits in the United States in August 2023. We look forward to the next Quad Leaders’ Summit being hosted by Australia this year. We will work closely to align and complement the Quad’s agenda with Japan’s Presidency of the G7, India’s Presidency of the G20, and the United States’ APEC host year in 2023. We will continue to meet regularly to deliver concrete benefits and serve as a force for good, deepening practical and positive cooperation for the benefit of the Indo-Pacific region.   Sources: THX News & US Dept. of State. Read the full article
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news-trust-india · 2 years
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Quad Summit 2022: आस्ट्रेलिया के प्रधानमंत्री ने की पीएम मोदी की तारीफ
Quad Summit 2022: आस्ट्रेलिया के प्रधानमंत्री ने की पीएम मोदी की तारीफ
टोक्यो। Quad Summit 2022:  रूस-यूक्रेन जंग और कोविड-19 के बीच भारत, अमेरिका, जापान और आस्ट्रेलिया के राष्ट्रप्रमुखों की टोक्यो में मुलाकात हुई। आज टोक्यो में क्वाड लीडर्स समिट (Quad Summit 2022) की बैठक आयोजित हुई। इस बैठक में भारत के प्रधानमंत्री नरेन्द्र मोदी (Prime Minister Narendra Modi), जापान के प्रधानमंत्री फुमियो किशिदा, अमेरिका के राष्ट्रपति जो बाइडेन, आस्ट्रेलिया के प्रधानमंत्री एंथनी…
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tfgadgets · 8 days
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China will be ‘high’ on Quad Summit agenda: White House Spokesperson
From left, Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, U.S. President Joe Biden and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi are greeted by Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, right, during their arrival to the Quad leaders summit in 2022. File. | Photo Credit: AP China will be “high on the agenda” at the summit-level meeting of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), comprising the U.S.,…
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rudrjobdesk · 2 years
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जापान में क्वाड शिखर सम्मेलन: चीन का बड़ा बयान, नाकाम हो जाएगी हिंद-प्रशांत रणनीति
जापान में क्वाड शिखर सम्मेलन: चीन का बड़ा बयान, नाकाम हो जाएगी हिंद-प्रशांत रणनीति
बीजिंग: चीन ने जापान में क्वाड नेताओं के सम्मेलन से पूर्व चीन ने अमेरिका की हिंद-प्रशांत रणनीति पर यह कहते हुए निशाना साधा कि इसका ‘ विफल होना तय ’ है क्योंकि इसे अमेरिका ने उसे (चीन को) ‘काबू’ में रखने के लिए आगे बढ़ाया है. चीन के विदेश मंत्री वांग यी ने दक्षिणी चीनी शहर गुआंगझाऊ में पाकिस्तान के विदेश मंत्री बिलावल भुट्टो जरदारी के साथ संयुक्त संवाददाता सम्मेलन में हिंद-प्रशांत रणनीति के बारे…
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technewstoday24 · 2 years
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'Leading the world': ভাইরাল Narendra Modi-র ছবি, টুইট বিজেপি নেতাদের
‘Leading the world’: ভাইরাল Narendra Modi-র ছবি, টুইট বিজেপি নেতাদের
নিজস্ব প্রতিবেদন: প্রধানমন্ত্রী নরেন্দ্র মোদী (PM Narendra Modi) বুধবার দুই দিনের জাপান (Japan) সফর শেষ করে দিল্লি (Delhi) পৌঁছেছেন। টোকিওতে (Tokyo), প্রধানমন্ত্রী কোয়াড লিডারস সামিটে (Quad Leaders’ Summit) অংশ নেন। জাপানের প্রধানমন্ত্রী ফুমিও কিশিদা (Fumio Kishida), মার্কিন প্রেসিডেন্ট জো বাইডেন (Joe Biden) এবং অস্ট্রেলিয়ার নতুন প্রধানমন্ত্রী অ্যান্থনি আলবানিজের (Anthony Albanese) সঙ্গে…
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indianarrative1 · 2 years
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From IPEF To Maritime Security Initiative | Top Highlights Of Quad Leaders' Summit 2022
Prime Minister Narendra Modi, US President Joe Biden, Australian PM Anthony Albanese, and Japanese PM Fumio Kishida held Quad Leaders' Summit 2022 in Tokyo. In his opening remarks, PM Modi said, Quad has made an important place for itself before the world in a short span of time and its scope has become extensive and its form effective. Watch the video to know more
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thenewsfactsnow · 2 years
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India's Pandemic Response Hailed at the Quad Summit
Quad Leaders Summit: India Shines, Biden Hails PM Modi's Pandemic Response #QuadLeadersSummit #PMModi #JoeBiden #US #India #PandemicResponse
Quad Summit has put the spotlight on India Shining. US President Joe Biden praised Prime Minister Narendra Modi for addressing the Covid-19 epidemic in a democratic manner, drawing a parallel between “India’s achievement and China’s failure” to tackle the pandemic at the Quad Leaders’ Summit in Tokyo on Tuesday. According to a senior official, Biden compared India’s achievement to China’s…
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usafphantom2 · 2 years
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Military activity of China and Russia near Japan has increased 2.5 times since the beginning of the war in Ukraine
High-level coordinated maneuvers raise concerns in Tokyo.
Fernando Valduga By Fernando Valduga 07/15/2022 - 12:00 PM in Military, War Zones
Chinese and Russian military activity around Japan increased 2.5 times in the four months after Russia's invasion of Ukraine on February 24, awakening Japanese alarm about a potential escalation.
Statements from the Japanese Ministry of Defense show 90 cases of activity of Chinese and Russian military vessels and aircraft near Japan in the four months after the start of the invasion. There were 35 in the previous four months.
A Chinese ship and a Russian ship entered the contiguous area of Japan near the Japanese-run Senkaku Islands on July 4. China claims the islands as Diaoyu.
The Russian ship then sailed north through the Senkakus on July 5 before entering the contiguous zone near the southernmost islets of Okinotori of Japan the next day.
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The type of activity recorded has also changed since the beginning of the invasion of Ukraine. On June 7, four aircraft believed to be part of the Russian armed forces flew straight to Japan, west of Hokkaido. They changed course shortly before entering Japanese airspace after the Japan Air Self-Defense Force sent fighters in response.
Before turning around, the four planes were on a trajectory towards the largest city of Sapporo, Hokkaido, a Japanese defense officer said. There is growing concern that such activity may be part of planned military operations in the area.
Ships from China and Russia circumnavigated Japan at the same time last month, in an unusual maneuver. Three Chinese ships began sailing north across the Sea of Japan from the Tsushima Strait in mid-June and split into two groups as they headed east towards the Pacific Ocean. They sailed through the Izu Islands on June 21 and northeast of the Miyako Islands on June 29.
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Meanwhile, seven Russian ships were detected about 280 km southeast of Cape Erimo, in Hokkaido, on June 15. Some sailed south through the Pacific Ocean, then traveled north between the island of Okinawa and the Miyako Islands on the 19th. On June 21, they went northeast through the Tsushima Strait.
Although the ships have taken different routes, there is concern that they were testing their ability to coordinate in waters near Japan.
Japan and other Group of Seven nations banned imports of Russian coal, froze banking assets and imposed other sanctions on Moscow because of the war in Ukraine. Russian military activity is seen as a response to these penalties.
Chinese and Russian military activity increased in particular around May 22, when U.S. President Joe Biden visited Japan. A total of 43 instances were registered in May, compared to seven in April.
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After a summit on May 23, Biden and Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida issued a joint statement calling for greater deterrent and response capacity under the bilateral alliance. A total of six Chinese and Russian bombers conducted a joint patrol near Japan while the leaders participated in a summit of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, or Quad, which also included Australia and India, in Tokyo on May 24.
"The recent actions of China and Russia are intended to show us: 'This is what we can do together, if necessary,'" said Ken Jimbo, a professor at the Keio University School of Policy Management. “These are high-level maneuvers conducted with real-life combat in mind.”
If Japan increases its defense spending, “it will need to adopt drones and other equipment and rethink its response,” he said.
Source: Nikkei Asia
Tags: Military AviationWar Zones - Indo-Asia-Pacific
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Fernando Valduga
Fernando Valduga
Aviation photographer and pilot since 1992, he has participated in several events and air operations, such as Cruzex, AirVenture, Dayton Airshow and FIDAE. He has works published in a specialized aviation magazine in Brazil and abroad. He uses Canon equipment during his photographic work in the world of aviation.
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