#NGO For Tribals

[sikshasandhan]

Our NGO For Tribal Development firmly believes in the transformative power of education. The NGO endeavours to provide access to quality education for tribal children and adults alike, aiming to eradicate illiteracy and empower them with knowledge and skills to lead better lives. For more in-depth insights, feel free to browse our website.

[shivasdarknight]

@koopytron

Forgive my ignorance, but doesn't a set like this help expose people to cultures that they might not have known about? What about players that live in that country and want to dress up in their traditional clothes, are they not allowed to?

I’m responding over here mostly because my reply got a bit long.

First off, I’m no authority on the Sámi.  I want to make that very clear - I’m just echoing what has been said so far by people who have a vested interest in this gear’s removal.  And again, I want to reiterate by pointing out that for information your best bets are the initial letter to Square Enix, as well as this thread by a Sámi player.

The argument for exposure looks nice on paper, but usually isn’t ever executed well - especially in the case of the Far Northern attire.  FFXIV isn’t set up to teach people about cultures (unless it’s Stormblood and the two different fantasy Japans), it’s set up to use cultures as an aesthetic to give each nation a bit of flavor.  Thavnair is India, Ul’dah is your typical desert city, the elves are French, Ala Mhigans are Kurdish and Armenian, Xaela are Mongolian etc etc.  And how much care that goes into representing and educating players about these cultures varies depending on who it is and if Square cares about them.  And every instance of an indigenous culture has been the exact opposite.  Even their treatment of the Xaela and Ala Mhigans are extremely demeaning, but that’s a different topic altogether.

If Square had any interest in exposing people to Sámi culture, they would have contacted the tribe for a collaboration and make them have more of a presence in game than just a glam item that costs $18USD.  They would’ve also done research into what gákti actually look like, and maybe named each piece appropriately.  Instead, we have an offensive caricature that costs $18USD, doesn’t have any cultural presence in the game, and is nothing but a disconnected costume meant to line their paychecks.  And as a reminder: the Sámi were never contacted, Square has not reached out after this demand, and they’ve received no money for Square using their material culture for profit.  What’s sad is Disney did better than them after Frozen, as they similarly appropriated their regalia and even took their music.  Frozen 2 saw them collaborating and the film was even released in one of the Sámi languages, though I’m not entirely sure if they ever saw any amount of the film’s revenue - if someone happens to see this and they know, feel free to correct me.

I think the more important thing here is: do we even want Square to be exposing players to Sámi culture?  Because they do not have a good track record when it concerns portraying indigenous cultures.  Anyone can feel free to add in stuff I’ve missed, but there are plenty examples through the entire Final Fantasy franchise - including, but not limited to: including monsters that have roots in nativist imagery (anthropophage) but naming them after a particular spirit in Algonquin folklore that people keep asking to not be named or included in media; the entirety of Red XIII’s character (even the name he’s introduced by, despite him actually being named Nanaki); the initial portrayal of the Ronso in X (that then got “sophisticated” into the suddenly Icelandic Hrothgar); and the palewashing of Viera (mesoamerican indigenous coded in XII) in the jump to XIV by only focusing on the palest of individuals and making most of them white-looking.

And then there’s the stuff in XIV.  Most of the Tribes (which up until recently were literally known as beast tribes) up until Stormblood are based in some racist depiction of indigenous peoples - like Square did all of their research through racist American movies from the past century.  Many speak in the stilted English you’d see in racist advertisements and media (eg. the Vanu Vanu, and the yoda-like speak of the Ixal), they’re all anthropomorphized animals to some degree and not at all...y’know, human; you spend a significant amount of the game hunting them and being rewarded for doing so (especially if you do daily Clan Centurio marks), many are based on real cultures (Ixal are clearly meso-/south american, Vanu Vanu literally have totems and everything), and the Amalj’aa embody the entire Noble Savage trope to a T (only source for this is unfortunately Wikipedia because everything else was paywalled or didn’t touch on how racist this is).  We only saw this shift in not calling them “beast” tribes anymore around Stormblood because we suddenly got the Kojin (respected merchants based on Kappa), and the Namazu - techincally also the Lupin, but the shared factor is that they’re all predominant Japanese cultures that they’d never bastardize because the entire Doma half of Stormblood is them drinking the Japanese Imperialism kool-aid (again, another topic altogether and best discussed by someone like the journalist, Kazuma Hashimoto - who goes into it a lot on streams).  After that, we saw a deemphasis on indigenous cultures in the tribe quests and the removal of the name once Dwarves, Pixies, Arkosodara, Loporrits, and Omicrons were added.  Qitari are loosely here because they are the First equivalent of the Qiqirn, but they’d still “fit” in the old category by Square’s measure.

And then of course the Whalaqee, the entire New World nonsense, how they portray the Mamool’ja (who are from the “New World”), and the entire racist premise of the BLU questline.  Which is literally just “White Savior is the only one who can save this dying native tribe from evil oil ceruleum barons who brought diseases over, and your main reps are two animal looking guys and a very pale native boy like the tropes from the old movies”.  And yes, this is where the racist New World gear comes in, because that’s the clothing every single member of the Whalaqee wear despite it being a disgusting caricature of ceremonial gear with the war bonnet and everything.  The Mamool’ja are also frequently depicted as unintelligent and only suited for war, and are extremely sexual and there’s a fate where one gets kicked out of the Camp Bronze Lake baths for being too sexual.  Which again: nativist stereotypes that don’t just apply to indigenous tribes of the Americas, but also Japan’s own indigenous peoples - especially the Ryuukyuuan!

The New World gear wasn’t put in there to expose players to indigenous cultures.  They included a racist caricature so people could play dress up with those pieces, and locking their (racist) context behind a side quest most people skip or ignore.  And what ends up happening is whenever I do see players wearing it, it’s almost never people of those cultures doing it “for their own sake” - as it’s a racist caricature and not actually their cultural clothing or what they’d wear - it’s instead people playing out the racist caricatures.  I’ve seen white catgirls with neon pink war bonnets and bikinis, I’ve seen literal red-skinned players in the full get up, and many other offensive costumes that’s come as a result of this set being in the game.

But that set is obtainable through normal gameplay.  The Far Northern set is paywalled, making this especially egregious that it’s a racist caricature of Sámi regalia that they’re making a load of money off of.

There is no in game “Far Northern” culture - it’s just a racist costume for players (and they’re designing this for the majority white, and Yamato Japanese player base) to play dress up with.  They design the game with dominant cultures in mind (hence why everything is so heavy handed with European and Japanese aesthetics and gear, but there’s a suspicious lack of Korean and SWANA names, material culture, etc. when both exist in the game in their own ways through “Far Eastern” attire and Ala Mhigan stuff).  If they’d had any intention on exposing the players to Sámi culture, they would’ve contacted the Sámi for sensitivity or even just copyright issues.

But they didn’t.

Exposing and teaching other people about cultures varies depending on who you’re talking about.  It’s especially sensitive when you have a matter of appropriating not only a minority culture, but one that’s being suffocated by colonization and majority culture appropriation.  It’s why it’s not really an issue that places like Ishgard are a few mixes of European stuff, or that Hingashi is based in Japan pre-border opening, but it’s a major issue for them to bastardize Mongolian, Armenian, Kurdish, and the various indigenous cultures that they have in their inclusion through the Xaela (described as barbaric, and “will eventually be their own extinction” according to the Namazu quests), the Ala Mhigans (who are not treated with the same level of dignity or respect as the Domans, and are portrayed as aggressive and lower class), and the ARR-HVW tribe quests + the Whalaqee (see the above).

It’s fine to want to expose people to other cultures.  You just have to do it on the terms of the cultures themselves.  And going behind the backs of the Sámi people and creating a racist costume that costs $18USD isn’t exposing anyone to their culture (if they did, it’s through discourse like this); it’s just Square making money off of a racist costume so people can play dress up with regalia that isn’t theirs.

[parasparivaar]

Tribal Empowerment in India

Tribal Empowerment in India?

Tribal empowerment in India is a complex issue that combines cultural preservation, economic progress, and social justice for the country's enormous tribal population. Tribal communities, which make up over 104 million people (8.6% of the total population), are an essential element of India's cultural and historical environment. This blog digs at the various aspects of Tribal Empowerment, the challenges that these communities confront, and government initiatives to help them grow.

Who We Are?

From the bottom of our hearts, we extend a warm welcome to you into the Paras Parivaar Charitable Trust family. In our Sanatan Dharm, this Parivaar was founded and is now being maintained by our  Mahant Shri Paras Bhai Ji of Sanatan Dharm to contribute to the welfare of the underprivileged and needy people. Because he consistently states, "happiness of maa is behind their smile." This idea of Mahant Shri Paras Bhai Ji has become the focus of our family's daily activities.

The Paras Parivaar Charitable Trust works 365 days a year to lug our Paras Guru's vision forward. We have helped more than 10 lakh Needy, and thanks to Maa and our Mahant Shri Paras Bhai Ji of Sanatan Dharm, this number is steadily rising. And it is the grandeur of Sanatan Dharm that we strive to assist those who cannot afford to pay for their education or who are food insecure.

Because we usually hear the quote "Unity is Strength" in everyday life, the Paras Parivaar Charitable Trust would like for you to join our family. We are certain that if we all work together as a single family, we will be stronger and more committed to helping more people in need. Serving an increasing number of individuals in need will enable us to carve out a large place in the heart of our Maa. So, join the Paras Parivaar now for the chance of a lifetime to make the poor and needy smile widely.

Working hard to boost the lives of the poor and needy would also help us reduce the rate of poverty and increase the rate of education in our nation. In addition to providing aid to those in need, our  Mahant Shri Paras Bhai Ji wants to educate them so that they may become self-sufficient and contribute to the cause. join our Paras Parivaar Charitable Trust and aid those in need and destitute with what they need for food, shelter, and education.

Context of History

Tribal people in India have a long history and have contributed significantly to the country's freedom effort. Their various cultures, dialects, and traditions add to India's diversity. Historical movements such as the Khasi-Garo and Mizo movements highlight tribal groups' active participation in shaping the nation's history. The recognition of their achievements has resulted in initiatives such as the Janjatiya Gaurav Divas, which is commemorated each year on November 15 to honour the legacy of tribal freedom fighters like Bhagwan Birsa Munda.

Government Initiatives

Eklavya Model Residential Schools: Approximately 750 schools are being created to expand educational opportunities for tribal children with the aim of improving literacy rates and educational attainment.

Cultural Preservation: The establishment of Zonal Cultural Centres (ZCCs) and the promotion of tribal languages and arts are crucial for preserving tribal heritage. The government provides grants to support these initiatives, including the development of bilingual primers and tribal literature.

Economic Development: The Pradhan Mantri Janjati Adivasi Nyaya Maha Abhiyan (PM JANMAN) was established with a budget of around ₹24,000 crore to promote the development of Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups (PVTG). This program aims to improve lives, healthcare, and education in these areas.

Market Integration: Initiatives like the Aadi Mahotsav, a national tribal festival, aim to strengthen tribal craftsmen' marketing abilities and promote their products, resulting in increased income and economic participation in the mainstream market.

The Difficulties Tribal Communities Face 

Despite these initiatives, tribal communities continue to face significant challenges:

Land Rights: Development projects, mining, and urbanization have cost many indigenous tribes their traditional lands. Securing land rights is vital for their survival and cultural identity.

Healthcare Access: Tribal groups frequently live in rural places with limited access to healthcare services, resulting in greater infant mortality and Poor Health outcomes.

Disparities in Education: Although indigenous literacy rates have improved, they remain lower than the national average. Customized educational programs are required to meet the unique needs of tribal students.

Economic Marginalization: Tribals are frequently unable to reach marketplaces, which forces them to charge poor rates for their goods. Improving their marketing abilities and incorporating them into the larger economy is essential to raising their standard of living.

To summarize, tribal empowerment in India involves more than just economic development; it is about recognising and honoring tribal populations' unique cultural legacy while safeguarding their rights and involvement in the nation's advancement. The government's actions are a beginning in the right direction, but long-term efforts are required to solve the underlying issues that these communities face.

[townpostin]

XLRI Students Boost EKAL Campaign with Generous Donation

Jamshedpur institution partners with Friends of Tribals Society for social impact XLRI’s collaboration with FTS Jamshedpur sets stage for future initiatives, including marketing project for EKAL products and field visits to rural schools. JAMSHEDPUR – A substantial donation to the EKAL campaign marked a significant partnership between XLRI students and the Friends of Tribals Society at a recent…

[kritagyata-blog]

The most important part of children growth is fitness and physical activies. The more the children engage themselves in physical activities it will help their fitness and mind stability. This #school in #Nagarahole #forest area was donated with sports material by #KritagyataTrust with help of #volunteers. The children were so #happy to receive such a surprise gift. Here in this forest region get such sports and educational support is difficult. Volunteers and wellwishers of #KritagyataTrust support such noble initiatives to encourage these children to Feel the new sports material and bring smile on their faces.#Tribal #children #volunteering #nonprofits #ngo #chairty #donations #csr #happiness . To #donate and support #KritagyataTrust click here https://bit.ly/3DWyHPu https://www.instagram.com/p/ClJn_mCPUOj/?igshid=NGJjMDIxMWI=

[zvaigzdelasas]

[PILPG is a DC-Based NGO]

Ansar Allah is a key political and military actor in Yemen, and controls areas containing the majority [over 70%] of Yemen’s population. It has succeeded in creating a regional economy, containing violence, and remaking government institutions in its own image[...]

A major contributor to Ansar Allah’s support is its ability to control economic inflation within its territories and therefore, better protect its citizens from extreme poverty. The Republic of Yemen Government (ROYG), popularly known by Yemenis as the “Legitimacy” government, has not been able to control the economic impacts of the war. By supporting the ROYG to control inflation, policymakers may impact Yemeni acceptance of the government in areas outside Ansar Allah’s control. Young people constitute 70% of Yemen’s population, and are targeted by Houthi educational policies.[...]

Security is a key concern for Yemeni civilians. The data shows that while individuals may not prefer Ansar Allah governance, they appreciate living in its territory for the general security.[...]

The Houthis have benefited from their geographical distance from the frontlines to create a regional “economy, security network, and governance that function well,”[4] especially compared to the situation in the ROYG-controlled South.[...]

This paper analyzes 67 in-depth interviews conducted in Ansar Allah territory in November and December 2021 to assess citizens’ opinions of its governance practices.[5] Thirty additional informal interviews were conducted from December 2021 to January 2022 in Sana’a, Hodeidah, Dhamar, and Taiz.[6] A total of 12 separate focus group discussions (86 participants) were carried out informally during qat chewing sessions. [7] The large number of interviews and focus group discussions from an area in which it is difficult and dangerous to collect data, as well as isolated from the outside world, represents a rare and important set of civilian perspectives on Houthi governance for policymakers.[8][...]

Grievances including economic underdevelopment, political marginalization, and discrimination[12] led to Houthi protests, the Yemeni Government’s violent response, and the “Sa’ada wars” of 2004-2010 between the two entities. The government’s “repression and marginalization in official and popular spheres” of Houthi activists had the unintended consequence of invigorating their revivalist movement,[13] and they garnered much support by critiquing governmental corruption.[14][...]

Since 2011 the Houthis have consolidated political and military control over northern governorates, taking the former capital, Aminat al-‘Asima, or Sana’a Municipality in 2015.[16] In addition to the strength and discipline of its militias, Ansar Allah’s success is based on a combination of strategies including a cult of personality around al-Houthi family members and the late Hussein al-Houthi’s writings,[17] public narratives of resistance to Sunni domination and the injustice of the official government,[18] and its ability to maintain skillful tribal alliances.[19][...]

This paper defines governance as the ability to make and enforce rules and deliver services to the civilian population.[23] [...]

Interviewees reported that Ansar Allah’s ability to maintain physical security was a clear strength. With important exceptions,[25] the Houthis have effectively monopolized the violence in areas it controls, and 82% of interviewees described the security situation where they lived as “good.”

Interviewees pointed to the lack of violence in their areas as a sign of Ansar Allah’s success. A male social activist from Bilad al-Rus district in southern Sana’a governorate explained that the relative security was due to “Ansar Allah’s control over large areas of the country which has led to a lull in frontline clashes,” adding that this allowed it to “extend its influence and impose the presence of the state.”[26] A disabled woman from the Thawra District in northern Sana’a municipality noted that with “fewer wartime clashes, the situation is relatively calm, and the air raids on civilians and the defenseless have stopped.”[27] A male intellectual from al-Khibt District in northern Mahweet governorate shared his belief that improved security was “evidence that Ansar Allah is in great control of the situation.”[28] Some interviewees also fully approved of the Houthi security branch’s aggressive approach to maintaining security. A man from Dhamar noted that Ansar Allah’s security agents use “an iron hand in terms of crimes, assassinations and unrest.”[29] A male worker in Hajja explained that there were no “explosions or assassinations” there, unlike areas “under the control of Legitimacy” because of Ansar Allah’s tight security, adding that they had “arrested sleeper cells.”[30][...]

Sixty-two percent of the interviewees who described Ansar Allah’s security as good, especially in comparison to the perceived lawlessness of the areas held by the ROYG/Legitimacy. These interviewees wholeheartedly endorsed the effectiveness of its repressive methods.[...]

Three main themes emerged among the troubled 38%: Ansar Allah’s single-party political control, its repression of free speech, and the economic crisis.[...]

A man from Mahweet said, “there is safety for those who are silent and far from politics, so many activists have gone silent,” adding that in areas controlled by the ROYG/Legitimacy, “[t]here is no safety, but they have the freedom to express their opinions.”[37]

Only 18% of interviewees described the security situation as bad. Those who did so tended to employ a definition of individual freedom as basic to security, and cited punishment of free speech and uncontrolled state violence as main causes of insecurity.[...]

The economic crisis in Yemen predated the current conflict but has worsened significantly during seven years of war. In July 2022 the U.N. conservatively estimated that 53% of Yemenis require lifesaving food aid.[51] While Ansar Allah has had limited success compared to the ROYG in terms of currency stabilization, Saudi-affiliated militias including the Giants Brigades forced it out of the oil-rich governorates of Shabwa and Marib.[52] Without control of Yemen’s oil it is unclear how the Houthi movement can provide enough economic stability to maintain power over its large and diverse subject population.

The economy is a key tool for Ansar Allah in strengthening its position against the ROYG. After the ROYG transferred the Central Bank of Yemen from Sana’a to Aden in 2016, Ansar Allah banned the use of ROYG riyal banknotes issued after 2018, effectively creating two monetary systems.[53][...] Following the split in Yemen’s currency in 2019, Ansar Allah has maintained what some observers call a “walled garden” economy, allowing them to maintain considerable influence over everything happening within it.[54] Because of this approach, and along with significant humanitarian aid, Ansar Allah has somewhat insulated civilians from the very worst of the economic crisis.[55] However, as discussed below, interviewees remain concerned about increasing rents and decreasing wage[...]

Although most interviewees expressed concern about the economic crisis, several were less fearful. A male worker in Hajja explained that his region’s stability allowed him to “still live comfortably, despite the deterioration of the economy and living standards.”[59] A male intellectual in at-Taffah district of south-central al-Bayda governorate noted, “[t]here has been improvement in [Ansar Allah]’s attitude towards agricultural development,” although he added, “I’m pessimistic to a great degree.”[60][...]

Yemen is facing one of the worst economic and humanitarian crises in recent history. But if one were to differentiate between the different areas of Yemen, it appears that Ansar Allah controlled territories might be slightly less awful than the ROYG controlled areas that are experiencing even worse inflation.

2022

[rjzimmerman]

Photo of my hand holding a baby desert tortoise at the Desert Tortoise Research Center at the Twenty-Nine Palms Marine Base in Twenty-Nine Palms, California:

Excerpt from this story from the LA Times:

A 3.5-million-acre swath of Mojave Desert between Ridgecrest and the Morongo Basin has received a new federal designation that advocates hope will help protect vulnerable wildlife like the Mojave desert tortoise.

The area has been named a sentinel landscape, a federally led effort to promote sustainable land-use practices near military installations.

“It’s built on partnerships,” said Phil Murray, encroachment manager for the Marine Corps Air Ground Combat Center in Twentynine Palms, one of five installations that surrounds the newly designated land. “A lot of the conservation work that’s done around the Morongo Basin or Mojave Desert is coordinated through different federal agencies, NGOs and private partners.”

The goal is to encourage a more collaborative approach, and to streamline federal assistance to the various agencies, groups and people involved, he said.

The designation doesn’t change who owns or manages the land and does not come with dedicated funding, aside from money for an implementation plan and a coordinator, Murray said. But sentinel landscapes are prioritized for funding through certain grants, he said.

The coalition is expected to support conservation efforts such as erecting desert tortoise fencing to reduce vehicle strikes, creating wildlife crossings, propagating seeds and rehabilitating habitat, including areas that have burned in wildfires, Murray said.

The Mojave Desert Land Trust expects to do much work on the ground, including helping with seed collection and outreach, said Cody Hanford, deputy executive director and chief conservation officer of the nonprofit dedicated to protecting the California desert.

“It will elevate our projects, elevate our goals, which I think in the end will help them become more accomplishable,” he said.

Other partners include various federal and state agencies, conservation groups and San Bernardino County.

The expanse of desert that received the designation is ringed by the Marine Corps Air Ground Combat Center, National Training Center Fort Irwin, Edwards Air Force Base, Naval Air Weapons Station China Lake and Marine Corps Logistics Base Barstow.

It’s also the heart of desert tortoise habitat in California, said Ken MacDonald, board member at-large and former president of the Desert Tortoise Council conservation group, a partner in the new effort.

“There’s recreational interests, tribal interests, local community interests,” he said. “So coming together as a partnership, we thought, would make the coalition and the cooperation more effective than everybody chipping away and working independently in their own backyard.”

“And so really, it’s to manage the whole 3 million acres cooperatively and collaboratively and be more effective in conserving and recovering the desert tortoises, and that’s pretty much it,” he said. “Just team up and take care of these critters.”

The stretch of desert includes at least 40 other protected species, including the Western Joshua tree, which California has protected with a conservation plan, and the Mohave ground squirrel, which the state lists as threatened.

But perhaps none is as imperiled as the desert tortoise, which California recently listed as endangered.

The species is facing pressure from a number of fronts, MacDonald said. The slow-moving reptiles are vulnerable to being hit by cars. Development has carved up previously wide-open stretches of desert into parcels that are in some cases too small to allow for the breeding and genetic diversity needed to sustain their population health. Drought conditions meant the wildflowers they like to eat never grew some years, and invasive species outcompeted them in other years.

[mariacallous]

Authoritarian states’ traditional approach to conflict outside their borders is to choose sides—supplying political-diplomatic support and military muscle to their allies—or to freeze the conflict while keeping a hand in to stir the pot and shape possible outcomes. Russia has done both: the first by backing Syria’s Bashar al Assad against various rebel movements, and the second by trying to dominate the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan.

Authoritarians are not known for expending resources on peacemaking ventures with uncertain outcomes. Nor do they focus on good governance norms after a settlement. They are often content to consolidate the power and standing of local authoritarians.

Yet that pattern seems to be shifting. Today, we are witnessing a number of authoritarian or semi-authoritarian states engage in mediation, and conflict management. China has mediated between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Qatar has led talks between Israel and Hamas, and Turkey has done the same between Russia and Ukraine leading to the Black Sea Grain deal that lapsed last year.

In an attempt at heavy-handed conflict management, Russia tried to freeze the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and sent in peacekeepers in 2020 but  stood  aside when the Azerbaijani forces took decisive action to seize the disputed territory three years later. Such activities are pursued by a wide range of nominal and quasi-democracies, military governments, presidential one-party states, and monarchies.

The impact of this surge in authoritarian peacemaking gets less attention than it deserves. Authoritarian states are buffeting the peacemaking diplomacy of Western states, blocking or undercutting Western initiatives and challenging Western leadership of the global peacemaking agenda. The most obvious impact has been the global polarization that creates gridlock in the U.N. Security Council, undercuts support for U.N. peace operations and saps coherence around critical norms such as human rights and individual freedoms.

This pattern constrains what the U.N. can do in conflict management, mediation and peacebuilding. It also directly challenges the ability of NGOs to work for dialogue and reconciliation in fragile and war-torn places such as Georgia where pro-Russian parties are imposing Russian-style controls on the activity of NGOs that receive external support. Such action undermines the unofficial playbook for peacemaking and good governance.

By pushing back against Western conceptions about managing conflict, authoritarian peacemaking is part-and-parcel of a more general global backlash against intrusive and interventionist western policies that may undercut the perceived authority and legitimacy of incumbent regimes.

This backlash privileges state sovereignty against notions about “global” norms relating to rights and governance. Sadly, the U.S. government has made the undermining of international norms easier by adopting double standards on civilian protection and human rights law in Ukraine and Gaza. Such conduct actually helps China attack American soft power in Africa and undercuts U.S. diplomatic efforts at the U.N.

But the authoritarian surge is not necessarily either effective or coherent. Consider, for example, the difficulty experienced by Egypt’s military regime and Qatar’s monarchy in bringing Hamas and Israel to a deal, even with strong backing from the U.S. and other Western and Arab states. Regional authoritarians have not been notably successful in bringing about peace and stability in Libya and have aggravated rather than alleviated its internal clan and tribal factionalism.

They have failed to cohere effectively for peace in Yemen. Regional authoritarians made Syria’s tragic civil war divisions worse before ceding the field to the Russians. In all these cases, the authoritarians ran into the hard realities of intractable conflicts where the local parties have plenty of weapons and have not yet exhausted their unilateral options. In some cases, they made the problem worse.

At first glance, it might appear that authoritarian states bring certain advantages to the table. One attribute is internal unity of command and policy coherence at the level of the individual state. Unlike liberal states, they can potentially bring not only a whole of government approach but also a whole of society focus in their strategy for dealing with conflicts. Messy internal policy debates do not bother them. Authoritarians generally place top priority on achieving stability and creating a favorable context for advancing regime interests, and their policies are best understood as transactional.

In practice the record of their approaches is quite mixed. In one model, for the transactions to succeed, it is necessary for the existing regime or the “winner” in a civil war to be capable of being a reliable partner to the external authoritarian conflict manager. In a second model, the authoritarian goal is to back a factional side—either to exploit natural resources or block an adversary or rival state, or perhaps both.

The idea of a negotiated settlement may not be a priority or be viewed as less desirable than some degree of continued instability. This scenario can slide into a third model in which rival authoritarians seek to impose a favorable outcome on the country and compete with rival external powers through the provision of military and political support. While authoritarian states may have internal coherence, they are often in conflict with other states.

It is not clear that any of these models is good for peace or for the lives of ordinary civilians. In the case of Syria, Russia prevailed by applying the first model, carpet-bombing cities to help the local authoritarian prevail, imposing a very cold peace. But it is not clear that authoritarian states will be successful in imposing outright victories in many other situations.

The case of Libya provides a vivid illustration of what can happen with the second model when outsiders pile in to pursue their varied agendas: In this case Egypt, Russia, the UAE, and the Saudis (to say nothing of the French) decided to support Gen. Khalifa Haftar’s designs against the U.N.-recognized unity government in Tripoli, backed by Turkey, Qatar, Italy, and the United States.

Commercial, strategic, and ideological agendas coursed across the strife-torn land, leading a succession of U.N. special envoys to resign in frustration, blaming the Libyan factions (rather than their backers) for a lack of political will to work for reconciliation and create conditions for holding elections. Libya’s disorder does not remain in Libya, as the neighboring Sudanese can attest.

In the case of the Ethiopia-Tigray civil war in 2020 to 2022, the Ethiopians enjoyed military support from the authoritarian regime of Eritrea as well as Turkey, Iran, and the UAE. But it was the African Union-based mediation of former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo supported by former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta and senior envoys of the U.S. and South African governments negotiated an end to the fighting. This followed the Ethiopian government’s ability to impose itself militarily on Tigray at a key moment in 2022 thanks to Turkish drones—though the country is still facing insurgents in other regions.

But it is clear that Sudan is not endowed with such resources for conflict management, despite the high hopes generated by the internationally celebrated Juba Accord of October 2020 between its transitional government and a range of rebel movements. Two and a half years later, the current civil war erupted, causing the gravest humanitarian crisis in the world, affecting some 6.6 million internally displaced persons and 2 million refugees fleeing into neighboring countries.

Rival military factions are tearing the country apart while attracting external authoritarians like flies to flypaper. The Saudis and the United States continue to host peace efforts, but Sudan’s military leaders enjoy widespread backing from authoritarian states: The regime’s forces are aided by Egypt, the Saudis, and Iran while the rival Rapid Support Forces are allied with Libya’s Haftar, the Chad regime of Mahamat Deby, plus the Russians, the UAE, and an assortment of allies in neighboring states. This is the second model with a vengeance, and it looks increasingly like it is sliding into the third model of authoritarian rivals pushing their proxies to the finish.

Spectacles like these do not seem to augur well for the peacemaking business. They undercut the potential for international organizations to play their traditional role. The Security Council regularly takes up the Sudan file but is prevented by gridlock from naming names and using serious pressure to stop the fighting. The UAE strenuously denies its role in fueling the fighting in an unholy alliance including Haftar and Deby, and the western permanent members of the Security Council are well aware they cannot ignore likely vetoes from China and Russia.

At the regional level, African Union members are divided, and the Gulf Cooperation Council is hampered by the intense feuding between the Saudis and the UAE. Sudan is a laboratory case of how warring factions export their divisions to external sponsors who return the favor by exporting their own divisions back into the conflict.

At first glance, all of this may look bad for the United States and, more generally, the West because it points to the erosion of the West’s hard and soft power. High-minded efforts at conflict management and good governance contend face-to-face with the most cynical practitioners of transactional statecraft. However, U.S. diplomats need a closer look at peacemaking cases to understand how U.S. statecraft can sometimes be effective in corralling recalcitrant antagonists, operating behind the scenes or employing more of an invisible hand.

When necessary, the United States is capable of standing back and advancing its interests by empowering others, sharing credit, and borrowing leverage and even credibility from other players, including the transactional authoritarians, however unprincipled they are.

During the Balkan wars of the 1990s, it fell to the U.S. government to knock mostly authoritarian heads and impose a stop to the fighting. Representatives of the U.K., France, Germany, Italy, Russia, and the European Union attended the Dayton peace conference. In the case of Colombia’s long civil conflicts, Washington first deployed diplomatic leadership via Plan Colombia and helped shape the balance of power between the government and the Marxist rebels of the FARC.

In the next phase, the U.S. government operated more indirectly via a special envoy who participated discreetly in a process led by Cuba and Norway with facilitator countries Venezuela and Chile, all loosely coordinating with major European and neighboring states, the U.N., and the E.U., leading to the 2016 Colombian peace accords. Washington played its hand decisively but less visibly in the Northern Ireland process leading to the 1998 Good Friday agreement.

This less direct public face of peacemaking has a history. In 1905, Theodore Roosevelt indirectly maneuvered Tsarist Russia and imperial Japan to terminate a hugely costly war, leaving the visible negotiation to the direct parties. He never personally visited the conference table in Portsmouth, New Hampshire, but actively communicated with relevant governments and, in effect, borrowed leverage from authoritarian and democratic states alike, while blocking alternative approaches. The process required Roosevelt to navigate the politics of two authoritarian regimes which could not admit their need for his help.

Fast forward to the 1980s and 1990s when U.S. negotiators borrowed leverage from allies and erstwhile adversaries in bringing authoritarian regimes to make peace in Southern Africa (working with the British, Portuguese, and other Western allies as well as the Soviets, Cubans, Zambians, Congolese, Cape Verdeans, Mozambicans and the U.N. Secretariat), and to avert civil war in Ethiopia (working with Sweden, Britain, the Soviets, Israel, Sudan, and the Marxist-oriented rebel Eritrean and Tigrayan movements).

This is not a brand-new way of operating but one that could become more common in an age of multiple overlapping alignments where other states are partners on some issues and troublesome obstacles on others. It could also be less of a drain on the political capital available to presidents and secretaries of state. To work, it requires top level officials to delegate and a willingness to work closely with friends, partners, and other parties they wouldn’t want to bring home for dinner.

[zmkccommonplace]

For the past two generations, British conservatives have approached the state like an elderly non-driver suddenly given use of a powerful sports car: they don’t trust it, fundamentally they don’t believe in it, and would rather hand the keys to someone — anyone — else. And therein lies the root of their collapse. Having outsourced Britain’s governance to a coalition of hostile NGOs and a recalcitrant civil service, it is difficult for the Tories to inspire much fear about what Starmerism has in store for us: the worst we can expect is a slightly more competent version of what we already have.

Aris Roussinos

[sikshasandhan]

Siksha Sandhan is a non-governmental organization (NGO) committed to the upliftment and empowerment of tribal communities. Founded with a vision to create a positive impact on the lives of tribal people, the NGO For Tribal Welfare operates across various regions, advocating for the rights, education, healthcare, and socio-economic development of tribal individuals and communities. Visit our website for more details.

[tchaikovskymacy]

regarding the construction project in India of completely changing Andaman Nicobar Island to 'Hong Kong' by ruining the ecosystem, and threatening the lives of the Indigenous, shompen living there. and then the tribal minister manages to comment something like this

like? if it weren't threatening the ecosystem and the people why would 39 scholars and 13 countries worldwide warn you? They are clearly evil in justifying their future actions and trying to continue the project. And the media is up to no good, they are busy writing shit and soaked up in celebrities' lives instead of actually covering what should be covered.

Here is the NGO link to help stop this PROJECT.

[portesina]

Social workers need digital access and skills to optimize impact

Members of our local partner NGO ‘Vizzughutal’ receive digital devices In the last years, one of our activities and programs in South India also supported the digital access for our local kindergarten teachers ( who work as informal health care workers in the tribal villages, too) and for our local NGO partners. Often it is difficult – especially for smaller NGOs – to finance their own team and…

[yudishkrishnan]

The Unseen Impact of NGOs Across India

Introduction

India is a country of contrasts, with vibrant cities and remote villages, prosperity and poverty, progress and challenges. In this complex landscape, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) play a vital yet often unseen role in driving positive change. From urban slums to rural hinterlands, NGOs are making a significant impact on the lives of millions, often in ways that go unnoticed by the broader public. This blog delves into the unseen impact of NGOs across India, shedding light on their contributions to the nation’s social, economic, and environmental development.

Unveiling the Unseen: The Multifaceted Impact of NGOs

Transforming Healthcare in Remote Areas In many parts of India, especially in rural and tribal regions, access to quality healthcare is limited. NGOs step in where the public healthcare system struggles, providing essential medical services, running mobile clinics, and organizing health camps. These organizations often work in collaboration with local communities, training health workers and ensuring that even the most remote villages receive critical healthcare services. Their efforts have not only saved countless lives but have also educated communities about preventive healthcare, reducing the burden of diseases.

Empowering Women and Marginalized Communities NGOs in India are at the forefront of empowering women and marginalized communities, helping them break free from cycles of poverty and discrimination. Through skill development programs, microfinance initiatives, and legal aid, NGOs provide the tools and resources needed for self-reliance. The impact of these efforts is profound—women who were once confined to domestic roles are now becoming entrepreneurs, leaders, and change-makers in their communities.

Reviving Education and Skill Development Education is the cornerstone of development, yet millions of children in India are deprived of quality education. NGOs are filling this gap by running schools, providing scholarships, and offering after-school programs. Additionally, they focus on skill development for youth and adults, ensuring that individuals have the skills needed to secure employment and improve their livelihoods. The unseen impact here is not just in the number of children educated, but in the long-term economic and social benefits that education brings to communities.

Environmental Conservation and Sustainability As India grapples with environmental challenges, NGOs are playing a crucial role in conservation efforts. From reforestation projects and wildlife protection to promoting sustainable agriculture and renewable energy, NGOs are driving initiatives that protect the environment and promote sustainability. Their work is vital in preserving India’s rich biodiversity and ensuring that development does not come at the cost of environmental degradation.

Disaster Relief and Rehabilitation In times of natural disasters, NGOs are often the first responders, providing immediate relief and long-term rehabilitation. Their ability to mobilize resources quickly and efficiently makes them indispensable in disaster management. Whether it’s providing food and shelter during floods or rebuilding homes after earthquakes, NGOs ensure that affected communities receive the support they need to rebuild their lives.

Challenges Faced by NGOs

Despite their critical role, NGOs in India face numerous challenges. These include financial constraints, bureaucratic red tape, and the need for greater collaboration with government and corporate sectors. However, their resilience and commitment enable them to overcome these obstacles and continue making a difference.

Conclusion

The impact of NGOs across India is both profound and far-reaching, often extending beyond what meets the eye. While their work may not always make headlines, the change they bring to individuals and communities is undeniable. NGOs are not just service providers; they are enablers of transformation, working tirelessly to build a more equitable, sustainable, and prosperous India.

Call to Action

The unseen work of NGOs deserves to be recognized and supported. You can be a part of this transformation by donating, volunteering, or simply spreading awareness about the incredible work NGOs are doing across India. Every contribution counts in making a lasting difference.

[cryindia489]

Education NGOs in India: Transforming Lives Through Learning

Introduction

Education is the cornerstone of any nation’s development, and in India, it is crucial for addressing social inequalities and fostering economic growth. However, access to quality education remains a challenge for many, particularly in rural and underprivileged communities. Education NGOs in India play a pivotal role in bridging this gap, working tirelessly to provide opportunities for learning and growth to those who need it most. This article explores how these NGOs are transforming lives through their innovative and impactful initiatives.

1. Bridging the Education Gap

Many children in India still lack access to basic education, either due to economic constraints, geographical barriers, or social inequalities. Education NGOs in India focus on addressing these challenges by setting up schools, providing scholarships, and running educational programs in areas where government support is limited. They work with local communities to ensure that every child has the opportunity to attend school and receive a quality education, regardless of their background.

2. Promoting Holistic Development

Beyond academic education, these NGOs emphasize the importance of holistic development. They provide programs that include extracurricular activities, life skills training, and vocational education to prepare children and young adults for the future. By focusing on the overall development of the individual, these organizations help students build confidence, develop critical thinking skills, and become more self-reliant.

3. Supporting Marginalized Communities

Education NGOs in India often target marginalized communities, including children from economically disadvantaged backgrounds, girls, and those from tribal areas. They run awareness campaigns to encourage education, especially for girls, and combat social norms that may prevent children from attending school. These NGOs work closely with parents and community leaders to create a supportive environment where education is valued and prioritized.

4. Innovative Learning Solutions

In response to the diverse challenges of the Indian education system, many NGOs have developed innovative learning solutions. These include digital classrooms, mobile learning units, and interactive teaching methods that cater to the unique needs of students in different regions. By leveraging technology and innovative pedagogical approaches, these NGOs ensure that students receive a modern and relevant education, even in the most remote areas.

5. Teacher Training and Capacity Building

The quality of education is heavily dependent on the quality of teachers. Education NGOs in India invest in training programs for teachers to enhance their skills and methodologies. They provide continuous professional development opportunities, focusing on modern teaching techniques, child psychology, and classroom management. By empowering teachers, these NGOs ensure that students receive better instruction and guidance.

6. Advocacy and Policy Influence

In addition to their on-the-ground work, many education NGOs engage in advocacy to influence educational policies at the state and national levels. They collaborate with government bodies, educational institutions, and other stakeholders to push for reforms that improve access to and the quality of education. These NGOs also conduct research and publish reports to highlight the challenges and opportunities within the Indian education system.

7. Community Involvement and Sustainability

A key factor in the success of education initiatives is community involvement. Education NGOs in India work closely with local communities to ensure the sustainability of their programs. They train community members to take ownership of the education initiatives, ensuring that they continue to thrive even after the NGO’s direct involvement ends. This approach not only builds local capacity but also ensures that the benefits of education reach future generations.

Conclusion

Education NGOs in India are at the heart of efforts to ensure that every child, regardless of their background, has access to quality education. Through their dedicated work, innovative solutions, and community-focused approaches, these organizations are making a lasting impact on the lives of millions. By addressing the challenges of the Indian education system head-on, these NGOs are helping to build a brighter future for the nation.

[beenews4u]

BeingTopper Empowers Thousands of Women Entrepreneurs During Pandemic, Receives Recognition for Impact.

Empowering Women in a Time of Crisis

The BeingTopper Women’s Entrepreneurship Campaign launched in [Year], recognizing the unique challenges faced by women entrepreneurs during the pandemic. The program provided free online training and guidance in critical digital marketing skills, empowering them to not only sustain their businesses but also scale globally and make a lasting impact.

A Collaborative Effort for a Greater Impact

Hundreds of dedicated students volunteered their time and expertise to support the campaign, assisting women entrepreneurs in navigating the digital landscape. This incredible collaboration resulted in the program exceeding expectations, positively impacting the lives of countless women.

Recognition for Outstanding Achievements

In 2022, BeingTopper and the campaign’s key figures received well-deserved recognition for their dedication:

BeingTopper was honored with a “Pride of The Nation” award and featured in a prominent magazine.

Several campaign leaders were awarded & recognized as “Women of Substance ‘’, social Reformers” and Nari Shakti Awards at the prestigious Constitution Club of India on 7th june 2022, 1st july 2022 and 9th of july 2022

Social reformer awards were presented to key individuals in recognition of their impactful contributions.

Expanding the Reach: Going Offline for Wider Impact

Building upon the success of the online program, BeingTopper is thrilled to announce its expansion into the offline space. This strategic move allows the organization to reach and empower women entrepreneurs in remote and tribal locations across India.

Collaborating with NGOs to Bridge the Digital Divide

Digital Marketing Guru Vipin Khutail Leads the Way

Vipin Khutail, a renowned leading digital marketing expert trainer & Founder at BeingTopper, will continue to play a pivotal role in the program’s expansion. His expertise and dedication have already transformed the lives of countless aspiring entrepreneurs, and his impact will continue to grow as the program reaches new heights.

BeingTopper’s Women’s Entrepreneurship Campaign is a testament to the power of collaboration, innovation, and a commitment to empowering women. By going offline, the program expands its reach and ensures that no woman entrepreneur is left behind in the digital revolution.

[erohan-foundation]

EROHAN Foundation NGO Working for Malnutrition in India

Explore how EROHAN Foundation tackles malnutrition in India through innovative initiatives. Discover our impactful projects and partnerships aimed at improving nutrition outcomes. Learn about our mission, achievements, and how you can contribute to making a difference in the lives of those affected by malnutrition. Visit now to join our cause https://erohanfoundation.org/erohan-foundation-ngo-working-for-malnutrition-in-india/