#LOK SABHA POLL RESULTS 2018

[kani-2br]

Political Battle Ahead in 2024

India is already in election mode, and 2023 will witness three layers of political competition — for the elections to the nine states that will be held over the year; for the elections of 2024, which will determine the composition of the 18th Lok Sabha and shape the next government; and for the post-Narendra Modi political landscape that will begin to emerge in the course of what is likely to be his third and perhaps final term post-2024

To be sure, these timelines and layers cannot be easily distinguished. The first will feed into the second, which will feed into the third. There is also an element of speculation involved, for events have a way of intruding dramatically into political scripts. Still, examining each layer of competition yields useful insights.

The battles of 2023

The year will begin with elections in the northeastern states of Nagaland, Meghalaya, and Tripura. Before 2014, these polls would have merited a mere passing glance in the national political consciousness. But to the credit of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has made the political integration of the region a political priority and takes every election in the region with utmost seriousness as a way to expand its power and democratic legitimacy, these elections have got more attention in recent years.

In Tripura, the BJP was able to dislodge an entrenched Left regime in 2018. Its plank rested on Modi’s appeal, resentment against the Left government, quick organisation-building on the back of work done by the Sangh, and clever tactical coalitions with tribal outfits. It has since replicated here a tactic used in Uttarakhand and Gujarat — replace the chief minister if there are reports of anti-incumbency and internal strife. While the Left is a pale shadow of itself, and the BJP may still emerge as the single largest party, it will face a challenge from a new tribal formation led by the former ruler of Tripura Pradyot Debbarman, a disillusioned former Congress loyalist. There is also the possibility of a Left-Congress tie-up to pose a unified challenge to the BJP.

In Nagaland, a state with no opposition legislators (see the story alongside for more on this), the more interesting political thread is the fate of the peace process. Before every elections, there is a renewed attempt to explore a broader settlement of the Naga question — which includes recognition of its distinct identity and symbols, issues of autonomy, and the intersection of Nagaland and Naga-speaking areas in other states. But a peace accord continues to look elusive and it is unlikely that the election will change that.

In Meghalaya, the last election resulted in a post-poll coalition between the Conrad Sangma-led National People’s Party and the BJP; this alliance has now broken down but its revival can’t be ruled out. Within the Opposition, however, Mukul Sangma — the Congress veteran who served as chief minister until 2018 — has shifted to the Trinamool Congress and the battle between him and his bête noire, Vincent Pala of the Congress, will be interesting to watch.

From the North-East, the political action will shift to Karnataka, where the BJP faces extremely strong anti-incumbency and a churn within its internal social coalition. The Congress has its own share of internal discord, but reports suggest that Rahul Gandhi’s Yatra has helped give new life to the party organisation here.

After a brief lull in the summer, across west and central India, the BJP and the Congress will battle it out for power. In Rajasthan, both parties have internal leadership tussles to resolve (Ashok Gehlot versus Sachin Pilot for the Congress, Vasundhara Raje versus central party leadership in the BJP), and the Congress faces the additional challenge of anti-incumbency in a state that sees regimes alternate every five years. In Chhattisgarh, chief minister Bhupesh Baghel has invested a fair bit in crafting his public image and keeping the central leadership happy, but his rival, TS Singh Deo, is sullen after having been denied his turn at the wheel. The silver lining for the Congress is that the BJP doesn’t have a clear face after Raman Singh either.

Madhya Pradesh will see the first assembly election after Jyotiraditya Scindia’s entry into the BJP. But the Congress, under Kamal Nath and Digivijay Singh, will do its best to avenge its ouster from power despite having emerged as the single largest party in 2018.

Telangana, too, will head to polls at the end of the year. If K Chandrashekar Rao can preserve his bastion for the third time in a row, it will be a boost to his national ambitions. The Bharat Rashtra Samithi (formerly the Telangana Rashtra Samithi) is the clear favourite in the polls, and the only question to watch out for is how well the BJP does vis-a-vis the Congress.

Back in the North-East, Mizoram goes to the polls. The BJP has struggled to make inroads in the Christian-dominated state, with the Mizo National Front continuing to exercise power and battle the multi-party, non-Congress Zoram People’s Movement for dominance.

Put together, the year will serve as a comprehensive status check: How do the Congress and the BJP now tackle internal leadership disputes? Will the Congress be able to retain Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh, and win Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh, giving it some momentum for 2024? Or will it shrink further and be left with no state government across the western, central and southern swathe? What has been the electoral impact of the Bharat Jodo Yatra? Will the BJP retain its dominance in the north-east, either directly or with regional partners, or will the region see new alternatives emerge? How will the BJP’s performance shape internal power equations in the party?

The battle of 2024

While these are interesting questions in themselves, the lesson from 2018 and 2019 is to not treat the events of 2023 as a predictor for 2024.

In 2018, the BJP had failed to form the government in Karnataka, and the swearing-in of a JD(S)-Congress government saw all opposition leaders congregate in Bengaluru. The BJP also lost power in Rajasthan, MP and Chhattisgarh, after having retained power in those last two states for 15 years. It appeared to face severe challenges in maintaining its multi-caste coalition and addressing rising agrarian distress.

And yet 2019 saw Modi return with an even bigger majority than in 2014. Indian voters have shown, now in two elections in a row, that the question of leadership — of who will become PM — matters to them; and it is here that Narendra Modi continues to have a huge advantage over his rivals.

The BJP, in 2023, will showcase India’s presidency of the G20 (see the second essay on this page) as a mark of Modi’s foreign policy success. The inauguration of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya at the end of 2023 will cement the support of the core base. Welfare schemes, particularly the provision of drinking water, will be a key talking point. The Opposition will focus on economic mismanagement, unemployment, pandemic policies and rising inequality, while regional parties in North India will play up the demand for a caste census to break the Hindu vote.

The battles beyond 2024

All in all, there is little doubt that Modi starts out as the clear favourite to win a third term. But beneath the surface, Indian politics is already witnessing the third layer of competition. Within the BJP, there is increased speculation about home minister Amit Shah and Uttar Pradesh chief minister Yogi Adityanath as possible successors for leadership; both will do their best in 2024 to buttress their claims for the future.

Within the Opposition, there is a battle underway between the Congress and the Aam Aadmi Party to be the big national challenger, if not immediately then at least six years from now. But to do even that, the Congress will have to cross the 100 mark first, and AAP will have to expand nationally and win Lok Sabha seats across states.

For now, the BJP’s hegemony and the Opposition’s crises remain entrenched facts. The future of India now depends on how each party plays its role.

Source: Hindustan Times

[ezivoteofficial]

NOTA And Independent Candidates In Indian Election Dynamics

The diverse political landscape of the world’s largest democracy has evolved with every election. One such breakthrough was NOTA or ‘None of the Above’, a ballot option allowing voters to have an option even if they don’t like all of the contesting candidates. Read on to find out more about NOTA, its journey in Indian elections, and how it can be beneficial for independent candidates.

More about NOTA

NOTA has been a part of many elections across the globe. India is the 14th nation in the world to introduce NOTA in elections. Also termed as the scratch vote, NOTA is known by various other names such as ‘White Vote’ in Greece, Spain, and Columbia. In Argentina, it is termed a ‘Blank Vote’. The Election Commission of India (ECI) recommended having a NOTA option in 2009, but the recommendation was opposed by the central government. Amid that, an NGO named 'The People’s Union For Civil Liberties’ filed a public-interest litigation (PIL) statement to support the same. Finally, it was on 27 September 2013, when a Supreme Court judgment validated NOTA as an option in Indian elections. It is worth noting that the votes of NOTA are considered ‘invalid votes’. However, this way of showcasing disapproval by voters was removed by the Supreme Court of India from the Rajya Sabha elections in 2018.

Independent candidates in Indian elections

Before proceeding to the benefits independent candidates can have from NOTA, it is important to analyze their condition in previous elections. The winning scenario of independent Lok Sabha candidates is declining. Data from the Election Commission of India states that around 99% of the independent candidates lost their deposits. In 2019, more than 8,000 independent candidates had fought polls, and only 4 of them won. Independent candidates face many challenges including limited resources, lack of organizational support, biased media coverage, lack of voters' trust, and other regulatory hurdles.

How can NOTA benefit them?

'None of the Above' (NOTA) is a ballot option that allows voters to indicate that they are unhappy with any or all of the candidates running for election. Although NOTA does not directly help independent candidates, it may have an indirect positive impact on politics that may be advantageous to them.

First and foremost, NOTA is a means by which voters can voice their dissatisfaction with conventional political parties and their nominees. Political parties receive a clear warning that their candidates might not be connecting with the people when a sizable portion of voters select NOTA. Independent candidates may be able to capitalize on this dissatisfaction by positioning themselves as strong alternatives, especially if they can specifically address the issues that voters choose to support NOTA.

Secondly, NOTA might contribute to the political landscape's fragmentation and the erosion of traditional party affiliations. If voters are increasingly rejecting existing parties as a result of the NOTA option, which presents an opportunity for independent candidates to win over disgruntled voters seeking fresh perspectives and alternative leadership. There may be independent competitors who offer themselves as a superior choice.

Furthermore, political parties may decide to review their candidate selection procedures and policies in response to a strong NOTA performance in an election. Parties may be forced to run more respectable and trustworthy candidates in reaction to voter discontent manifested through NOTAs. This may generate opportunities for independent candidates who provide a break from the established party apparatus and authentic grassroots representation.

Conclusion

It's crucial to remember, though, that the effect of NOTA on independent candidates depends on several variables, such as the voting public's demographics, the electoral system, and the broader political environment. Not-a-transaction ballots can occasionally be used as a protest vote only, having little to no impact on the results of the election. However, people can still use it as a useful instrument to express their dissatisfaction and call for improved representation, which may obliquely present chances for independent candidates to gain traction as credible contenders in the political arena.

Know more ezivote

[poonamparekh]

Bypoll result LIVE: Kairana, Noorpur show united Opposition's threat to BJP

Bypoll results 2018 will be out in a few hours as counting of votes for by-elections to four Lok Sabha seats and 10 Assembly constituencies will be held on Thursday.  

The Lok Sabha seats that went to polls are Palghar and Bhandara-Gondiya in Maharashtra, the politically-crucial Kairana Lok Sabha constituency in Uttar Pradesh, and the Nagaland parliamentary constituency.

Further, by-elections were held in the Legislative Assemblies of Shahkot (Punjab), Tharali (Uttarakhand), Ampati (Meghalaya), Chengannur (Kerala), Jokihat (Bihar), Gomia (Jharkhand), Silli (Jharkhand), Maheshtala (West Bengal), Noorpur (Uttar Pradesh), and Palus Kadegaon (Maharashtra).

The Kairana results, in particular, will also serve as a test case for a united Opposition against the Prime Minister Narendra Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The Kairana bypoll is also significant as it will test the ruling BJP's popularity in the electorally crucial state of Uttar Pradesh a year ahead of the 2019 general elections.  

[awesomedimple-blog1]

Lok Sabha by-election results 2018 for 4 Lok Sabha seats in Kairana, Bhandra Gondia, Palghar, Nagaland and 10 Assembly Constituencies to be announced today. Catch live updates on Lok Sabha Bypoll results 2018.

[net4news]

West Bengal elections: Why it is absolute majority or nothing for BJP | India News

NEW DELHI: The BJP would have to win the West Bengal assembly elections with absolute majority if it has to wrest power from chief minister Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool Congress (TMC). Otherwise, it might have to sit in the opposition even if it emerges as the single largest party in case the ongoing election throws a hung assembly. There are three scenarios in West Bengal. Either the TMC or the BJP wins the election by absolute majority or there is a hung assembly. Government formation would be smooth if either of the two parties crosses the magic number of 147 in the 294-member assembly. The TMC would not have much problem in forming government if it becomes the single-largest party in a hung assembly. In case of a hung assembly, the TMC is far better-placed than the BJP. Mamata may get the support of the Congress and Left parties. Congress Lok Sabha MP and state president Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury has already indicated to this effect. "Politics is the art of the possible," Chowdhury said on April 7, quoting the famous German leader of the 19th century Bismarck, when asked whether the Congress would support Mamata if her party fell short of a majority in the assembly elections. However, the BJP is not in the same advantageous position as the TMC as far as forging a post-poll alliance in West Bengal. Neither the Congress nor the Left parties would in most likelihood come forward to extend support to the BJP. The situation in West Bengal would be akin to the scenario that had emerged after the 2018 Karnataka assembly election results were announced. The elections, which were held on 222 seats, threw a hung assembly. At 104, the BJP won the largest number of seats, followed by the Congress (78) and the JD(S) 37. Though the governor invited BS Yediyurappa to form government, he failed to prove majority on the floor of the house as neither the Congress nor the JD(S) pledged support to it. Later, HD Kumaraswamy of the JD(S) formed the government with the support of the Congress. A similar scenario had emerged at the national level in the 1996 Lok Sabha elections. In a hung Parliament, the BJP was the single-largest party by bagging 161 seats while the Congress followed by winning 140 seats. Atal Bijhari Vajpayee of the BJP did form the government. However, failing to get majority support, he resigned before facing the floor test. The BJP in West Bengal may face a similar problem if it fails to win a majority. Starting from scratch, the party has slowly succeeded in emerging as the main opposition in the state by replacing both the CPI(M) and the Congress which had ruled the state till Mamata’s TMC defeated the Left in 2011 and retained power in 2016. In the 2016 West Bengal assembly election, the BJP had won just three seats while the TMC was victorious on 211. The ruling Left and the Congress, which had fought as alliance partners then too, bagged 76 seats. The Congress won 44 seats, CPI(M) 26, RSP 3, Forward Block 2 and the CPI 1 seat. The BJP drastically improved its tally in the 2019 parliamentary elections. Of the total 42 Lok Sabha seats, the BJP won 18 while the TMC 22 and the Congress bagged the remaining 2. If the 2019 Lok Sabha election results are translated into assembly segments, the BJP led in 121 of the 294 assembly segments while the TMC in 164 and the Congress in 9 segments. In 2014, the TMC had won a whopping 34 seats while the BJP and Left Front had managed to secure only 2 seats each. The Congress had won 4 seats. The BJP has come a long way since 2014. Its hopes of forming a government may fructify if it wins an absolute majority However, a hung assembly may put paid to its dreams of coming to power in the eastern state for the first time. Source link Read the full article

[insightonlinenews]

Hyderabad Update : BJP now main threat to TRS’ dominance in Telangana

There were celebrations at Telangana Bhavan on Friday when it appeared that TRS is heading to retain power in GHMC but couple of hours later gloom replaced that joy as the party began trailing BJP in 10-15 divisions.

 Despite emerging as the single largest party with 55 seats in 150-member Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation (GHMC), Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) has more reasons to be worried about by the poll outcome.

 The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) may not have captured GHMC in the fiercely contested polls but it sent the alarm bells ringing within the TRS.

 From just four seats in 2016 to 48 divisions in 2020 under its belt, BJP has emerged as the main challenger to TRS.

 Coming close on the heels of its victory in Dubbak Assembly by-election, the BJP’s impressive show in Greater Hyderabad has given credence to its claim as the sole alternative for the TRS as well as an impetus to its dream march in the south.

 Political analysts say the saffron party with big gains has emerged as a dominant force in the state with its eyes set on the ultimate goal of winning 2023 Assembly polls and turn Telangana into second gateway to South India after Karnataka.

 It was for this reason that the BJP leadership focused on GHMC campaign. Central Ministers including Amit Shah, party president J.P. Nadda and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath campaigned for the party candidates for the civic body polls.

 The party aggressively pushed Hindutva's agenda to polarize votes while attacking TRS for what it called a secret alliance with the ‘communal’ Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (MIM).

 The analysts say TRS defeat in Dubbak and the setback in GHMC proves there is anti-incumbency and BJP has used this to its advantage thus replacing Congress as the main opposition.

 “BJP has clearly made a mark in GHMC elections by improving the Party’s tally from 2016. And with Congress once again failing, the saffron party acquired the status of the main opposition to the ruling TRS,” said analyst P. Raghavendra Reddy.

 “These results will surely have a bearing on all the future elections in the State, and BJP will be the main opposition to TRS.”

 He believes that BJP with the new strength will make TRS struggle politically in the coming months.

 After the formation of Telangana state, TRS was successful in preventing BJP from becoming a threat. In the 2018 elections, BJP’s performance was disastrous as it won only one seat in 119-member Assembly. Its vote share was just seven percent.

 However, in the Lok Sabha elections held a few months later, BJP surprised everyone by winning four seats. It wrested three seats from TRS, including Nizamabad where Chief Minister K. Chandrasekhar Rao was defeated. BJP increased its vote share to 20 percent.

 Analysts, however, say Chandrasekhar Rao while weakening Congress by luring its legislators to TRS, underestimated the danger from TRS.

 The anti-incumbency votes which used to get divided among different parties started consolidating under the BJP.

 This was proved in Dubbak where BJP’s vote share went up to 38 percent. By polling over 30 percent votes again in GHMC polls, BJP has sent a warning to TRS that it faces stiff challenges ahead.

 BJP’s next target will be the by-elections to Nagarjunasagar Assembly seat, which fell vacant following the death of sitting legislator of TRS’ Nomula Narsimhaiah three days ago.

 Source: https://insightonlinenews.in/hyderabad-update-bjp-now-main-threat-to-trs-dominance-in-telangana/

[loverajnishyadavblog]

If today the RJD gets an absolute majority in the Bihar Legislative Assembly, will you now become the leader of the stunning secular camp.  Will this flood the tension with Akhilesh Yadav, Kanhaiya Kumar and other opposition leaders, including Rahul Gandhi and the development of Bihar and Bihar will come to the center and stand on their own.  So, amidst all this, will Bihar be able to register its strength in the politics of the country and the country, it will be able to lift its plight.  Which stood at zero in the last 15 years.

 Amidst the preparations of Tejashwi Yadav's coronation, where there is silence in the NDA camp, on the other hand there is a lot of flak in the other parties, including the Congress, the constituent party of the Mahagathbandhan camp.  If the actual election results are in line with the exit poll, then parties like Congress, Left, Samajwadi Party can be seen cheering, but the other aspect of this is that it will also become a matter of concern for these parties.  Now you must be thinking that when these parties have supported Tejashwi Yadav in Bihar elections, then why would he come into tension with his victory.  Let us try to understand the answer to this question arising in your mind.

 If we look at the recent politics of the opposition parties, it is clearly visible that there is a great lack of mutual coordination between them.  There is a competition among all parties to lead the opposition.  During the formation of the Congress + JDS government in Karnataka in the year 2018, opposition parties tried to show unity on the platform.  During this, Congress President Sonia Gandhi and BSP chief Mayawati tried to show friendship by hitting each other on the stage.  But about a year later, in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, Mayawati started to fire against the Congress.  At the same time, the Samajwadi Party also parted ways with the Congress.

 Opposition parties are vying for the leadership of their party.  While the Congress is trying to establish Rahul Gandhi, Akhilesh Yadav is trying to establish himself as the Leader of the Opposition.  At the same time, the Left has put forward Kanhaiya Kumar's face.  It is worth noting that the performance of these three faces has not been special in the recent elections.

 Under the leadership of Rahul Gandhi, the Congress has so far won only Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Punjab.  In this too, in a few months, Madhya Pradesh has also come out of the Congress.  At the same time, there is a constant dispute between Sachin Pilot and Ashok Gehlot in Rajasthan.  At the same time, Akhilesh Yadav-led Samajwadi Party 2014, he has lost the 2019 Lok Sabha elections and 2017 assembly elections badly.  Kanhaiya Kumar, who was trying to become the young face of the Left parties, also lost heavily in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections.  This is the reason that he was not given much attention in the Bihar assembly elections.

 In such a situation, if Tejashwi Yadav is successful in forming a government on his own in a big state like Bihar, then his stature in the opposition camp will be very big.  After the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, Arvind Kejriwal, Hemant Soren and Nitish Kumar have been three such faces who have been able to win in front of PM Modi's image on their own.  Of this, Nitish Kumar is already with the BJP, while Soren and Kejriwal are not CMs of such a large state that they get a chance to lead the opposition camp at the national level.

 Lalu Prasad Yadav's family has been vocal towards BJP and PM Modi from the beginning, due to which he has been described as the biggest advocate of secularism.  Tejashwi Yadav shared the stage with Rahul Gandhi only once during the campaigning for this time assembly elections.  At the same time, it is said about the Lok Sabha elections that Kanhaiya Kumar should not win, so Tejashwi had fielded RJD candidates from Begusarai seat.  The Lalu family never wants any other face in front of their young leader to rise to the competition.  In such a situation, the formation of a government in Bihar under Tejashwi Yadav will increase the tension of leaders like Rahul Gandhi, Akhilesh Yadav and Kanhaiya Kumar.

 # Bihar1stBihari1st #politics #political #TejaswiYadav #RahulGandhi #KanhaiyaKumar #AkhileshYadav #PatnaNews #DainikBhaskar #hindustantimes #Aaj #DainikJagran

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Where to find singles across the Philippines? - Rappler - #Rappler #Where #find #aePiot

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[poonamparekh]

Bypoll results 2018: Kairana has a loud message for Modi-Shah before 2019

The Kairana Lok Sabha bypoll result has yet again underlined the challenge that Narendra Modi-Amit Shah combine is set to face in 2019 against a united Opposition. The Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP’s) loss here is seen as yet another dent in the invincibility cloak of Prime Minister Modi and party chief Shah.

With the BJP likely to struggle a repeat of its 2014 performance in much of northern India, the Kairana loss puts into sharper focus Shah’s efforts at expanding the party in areas beyond the Vindhyas and Chota Nagpur plateau, and make inroads in the Coromandel coast states.

In 2019, the BJP needs to win in the northeastern states, West Bengal, Odisha, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana to offset its foreseeable losses in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Gujarat, etc.

The BJP’s Kairana loss comes on the heels of its losses in recent Lok Sabha by-polls in Phulpur and Gorakhpur in eastern Uttar Pradesh, and Ajmer and Alwar in Rajasthan.

While the BJP emerged the single largest party in Karnataka, its failure to form the government jolted the confidence that its supporters had in Shah’s abilities as a ‘master strategist’. These are not good signs as Modi and Shah prepare for 2019, and the government has its work cut out for the remainder of its term.

[bigyack-com]

Rajasthan’s big battle - Ashok Gehlot versus Sachin Pilot - india news

The friction between Ashok Gehlot and Sachin Pilot, the two most powerful leaders of Congress in Rajasthan, doesn’t seem to end.After steering the party to Assembly victory from a phase when it was down to 21 seats in the 200-member house, Pilot was considered to be the natural claimant for the post of chief minister after December 2018 elections but that didn’t happen. There are many stories about how Gehlot managed to tilt the confidence of the Gandhi family in his favour, none of which could be verified.But from the time Pilot took oath as Gehlot’s deputy to a year later, he has never considered himself as any less important in state’s politics and has caused consternation by his public utterances that put the government in the dock. When Gehlot’s cabinet took oath at Raj Bhavan, in a break from tradition, a chair was kept for Pilot, too, on the dais. Normally, only the Governor and the Chief Minister occupy this space.Both Gehlot and Pilot have made comments against each other without taking each other’s names on several occasions. After the Lok Sabha election in 2019, the CM said Pilot should take responsibility for the rout – the party lost all 25 seats – and more for the loss of his son, Vaibhav Gehlot, in Jodhpur.Pilot didn’t take this lying down. He said if the CM campaigned across the state instead of spending too much time in Jodhpur alone, the results could have been different.On all other occasions, when Gehlot says something to stress that the people of the state and all the party MLAs wanted to see him as the CM, as if to rub it in, Pilot retorts in equal measure.The interesting things is both have said on public forums that there’s no problem between the two of them almost the same number of times that they have targeted each other in veiled manner. Who can forget the photo-op at a Rahul Gandhi rally in Jaipur’s Ramlila Maidan in the campaign for the LS polls when the then party president made the two leaders hug each other?Recently, after more than 100 infants died at a government hospital in Kota, Pilot lost no time in pulling his own government down, saying that the government should have been more humane in handling the crisis, obviously referring the CM’s statement in which he said deaths do happen. Pilot, who visited the hospital a day after health minister Raghu Sharma had been to Kota, got primetime air-time on national TV with his impromptu presser.In an interview to HT following this event, Pilot repeated that he felt that the government could have handled the situation in a more compassionate manner, and said he felt he should share people’s pain when asked why he was the only Congress to visit the families that lost their infants.A few days, Gehlot said there was no tradition of condolence meeting in houses where kids die. “If there isn’t such a tradition, then let’s make it,” Pilot said.That the two leaders don’t get along is widely known in political circles. Even officers in the secretariat say the two don’t get into each other’s path but can’t resist retorting to each other. “The files of panchayat raj and rural development department, which is with Pilot, don’t go to the CMO and the CM has never held review of these departments even though he has reviewed almost all other departments,” said an officer of the principal secretary rank requesting anonymity.Pilot’s lavish government bungalow is also talk of town. The 11, Civil Lines, address looks fortified with tall walls, much like the former CM Vasundhara Raje’s bungalow. People also talk about the money spent on refurbishing this bungalow. Political experts feel the infighting is affecting the government. “Wherever there is uncertainty in an organisation, its working gets affected. The head of the party and the head of the government walking in two different paths often create confusion among the workers about whom to follow. This doesn’t bode well for any party,” says political analyst Narayan Bareth.“People, who voted for the Congress, expect good governance and not infighting between its top leaders. If this doesn’t end soon, the party will pay a price,” Bareth added.The BJP revels in this friction. It says there’s an Opposition within the government. “Two power centers cannot work in interest of the state. The CM is often running to Delhi to save his chair, and that affects governance in the state,” said BJP spokesperson Mukesh Pareek.He said even though there’s no protocol for a deputy CM, Pilot always behaves like the CM. “A deputy CM is nothing more than a cabinet minister,” Pareek pointed out.Major showdownsBefore the municipal elections, the government brought a new rule that even unelected members could stand for the post of Mayor and head of municipalities. Pilot spoke against this on many occasions, saying this will lead to back-door entry into civic bodies. This forced the government to retrace its steps on that clause and remove itAfter the acquittal of accused in the Pehlu Khan case, Pilot said if the special investigation team (SIT) was formed earlier, the acquittal may not have happenedOn infant deaths in Kota, Pilot put his government in a spot when he called for fixing accountability for the deaths, targeting the health minister, who is considered to be a Gehlot manAfter the Lok Sabha loss, Gehlot said Pilot should take responsibility for the defeat of his son Vaibhav from Jodhpur because he as party president had said with six MLAs in the constituency, the party will sail through. Pilot has put his government in the dock over allegations by tourism minister Vishvendra Singh that officers of the department didn’t send files to him for approval. “If a senior minister has pointed out something, the government should act on it with immediate effect,” he said. Singh met Pilot on January 16 Read the full article

[tradeniveshinvestmentadvisor]

Top Gainers & Losers for The Week | Trade Nivesh

Trade Nivesh | BoB, IndusInd Bank, DLF top the charts

As the market rallied sharply, investors became wealthier by a whopping Rs 6 lakh crore during the week

The market staged spectacular performance with not only Nifty & Sensex, but also Bank Nifty hitting record highs after Narendra Modi was re-elected as Prime Minister on May 23.

The BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) got a thumping majority by winning 353 seats in Lok Sabha elections 2019, which was a great show by the ruling party, very similar to the exit polls forecast.

As a result, the Nifty50 crossed the 12,000 milestone and the BSE Sensex 40,000 level for the first time in history, gaining 4 percent each to end record closing high during the week ended May 24. In addition, Bank Nifty also hit a new high of 31,705 and saw a record close by rising 6 percent in a week.

As markets rallied sharply, investors, too, became wealthier by a whopping Rs 6 lakh crore during the week. The total BSE market capitalisation increased to Rs 152.7 lakh crore on May 24, from Rs 1.46 lakh crore on May 17.

During the week, it made a 44-month high of 30.18 but after the election outcome, it fell drastically to 16.46 levels.

Another good part seen during the week was a sharp fall in the volatility index. India VIX corrected by 41 percent during the week from 28.08 to 16.46 levels.

Here's a look at the top 10 stocks which moved the most this week:

Top Gainers

Bank of Baroda, up 25 percent

Bank of Baroda narrowed its fourth quarter FY19 net loss to Rs 991.4 crore from Rs 3,102.3 crore in the same period last year on elevated provisions. The loss was despite higher NII, other income and operating profit. Net interest income grew 26.6 percent year-on-year (YoY) to Rs 5,067 crore in the January-March quarter.

PSU Banks rallied as market experts believe that the Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) may cut repo rate in forthcoming policy meeting scheduled on June 3-6, which is the key reason for the rally in PSU banks.

IndusInd Bank, up 20 percent

Share price of IndusInd Bank rallied as much as 20 percent for the week after brokerages remained strong despite weak earnings in March quarter. The management after earnings told CNBC-TV18 that the bank wanted to put IL&FS behind in FY19 and entire exposure to IL&FS has turned into NPAs in Q4.

DLF, up 16.5 percent

Share price of real estate firm DLF gained 16 percent for the week after the company reported a 76 percent jump in its consolidated net profit at Rs 436.56 crore for the quarter ended March on higher sales. Its net profit stood at Rs 247.73 crore in the year-ago period, the company said in a regulatory filing. Total income rose to Rs 2,660.95 crore in the fourth quarter of 2018-19 fiscal from Rs 1,845.92 crore in the corresponding period of the previous year.

State Bank of India, up 11.31 percent

Market heavyweight State Bank of India was up over 11 percent for the week after experts believed that the MPC may cut repo rate in

the forthcoming policy meeting scheduled on June 3-6, which is the key reason for the rally in PSU banks. With a favourable government formation, some experts feel that the RBI may cut interest rates which will help PSU banks as a whole.

Ashok Leyland, up 11 percent

Ashok Leyland added 11 percent in the week gone by despite the company reporting a 12.1 percent year-on-year degrowth in Q4 FY19 profit at Rs 653 crore. However, the stock rallied around six percent after margin touched 11 percent from 10 percent earlier. Revenue from operations grew 0.8 percent to Rs 8,846 crore led by sales volumes, which increased 1.3 percent YoY and 36 percent quarter-on-quarter to 59,523 units.

Net Sales stood at Rs 8,845.93 crore in March 2019 up 0.84 percent from Rs. 8,772.49 crore in March 2018. Quarterly Net Profit at Rs. 652.99 crore in March 2019 down 2.16 percent from Rs. 667.38 crore in March 2018.

HPCL, up 10 percent

Share price of oil marketing company HPCL gained 10 percent for the week as the company reported net sales at Rs 67,938.13 crore in March 2019, up 11.72 percent from Rs. 60,810.07 crore in March 2018. Quarterly Net Profit was at Rs. 2,969.92 crore in March 2019, up 69.91 percent from Rs. 1,747.89 crore in March 2018.

All OMCs showed some gains as crude futures are on track for their biggest weekly losses this year, with Brent set for a decline of more than 5 percent.

PNB Housing Finance, up 16.99 percent

Share price of PNB Housing Finance jumped close to 17 percent for the week after the company reported a 51 percent jump in its consolidated net profit to Rs 379.77 crore for the fourth quarter ended March 2019. The company's net profit stood at Rs 251.58 crore in the corresponding quarter of 2017-18.

Its total income (consolidated) during the quarter rose to Rs 2,148.19 crore, up by 31 percent as compared with Rs 1,638.48 crore in the year-ago quarter, the company said in a regulatory filing. Net interest income (NII) registered a growth of 13 percent to Rs 609.7 crore from Rs 540.8

Top Losers

Jubilant Life Sciences, down 13.5 percent

Pharma company Jubilant Life Sciences was down over 13 percent for the week after it reported a net loss of Rs 100.65 crore in Q4FY19, on account of a one-time loan settlement with International Finance Corporation (IFC). The company had posted a consolidated net profit of Rs 152.40 crore in the year-ago period, Jubilant Life Sciences said in a regulatory filing.

Torrent Pharma, down 7.25 percent

Torrent Pharma reported a 7 percent decline in share price in the week gone by. The company reported a consolidated net loss of Rs 152 crore in Q4FY19, mainly on account of exceptional items. The company had posted a net profit of Rs 228 crore for the corresponding period of the previous fiscal, Torrent Pharmaceuticals said in a filing to the BSE.

The company's consolidated revenue from operations stood at Rs 1,856 crore for the quarter under consideration. It was Rs 1,708 crore for the same period a year ago.

Tech Mahindra, down 6.24 percent

Share price of Tech Mahindra was down over 6 percent for the week mainly on account of strengthening rupee. The company reported 8.8 percent fall in Q4 consolidated net profit at Rs 1,126.6 crore against Rs 1,230.8 in Q3FY19. The company's dollar revenue stood at USD 1,267.5 million in Q4FY19. The dollar profit of the company slumped 13.7 percent YoY to USD 162.3 million.

[richmeganews]

LIVE: 2019 लोकसभा चुनाव के नतीजे, Loksabha Election Result । NewsTak

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Why Hyderabad’s municipal polls are key to decoding BJP’s approach to politics

(From left) Union Residence Minister Amit Shah, nationwide BJP president J.P. Nadda and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath | Illustration: Ramandeep Kaur

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New Delhi: For the Better Hyderabad Municipal Company election, the BJP has deployed ‘heavy artillery’ for campaigning — Residence Minister Amit Shah, BJP Nationwide President J.P. Nadda, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, and Maharashtra’s former chief minister Devendra Fadnavis amongst others.

In episode 627 of ThePrint’s ‘Minimize The Litter’, Editor-in-Chief Shekhar Gupta explains how these elections are obligatory to know BJP’s strategy to politics and energy. He decodes what Residence Minister Amit Shah calls the BJP’s P-2-P (Panchayat to Parliament) strategy to politics.

Amid all these huge leaders, “BJP MP Tejasvi Surya is already there lighting up fires like he at all times does,” stated Gupta.

Lately, Surya in contrast AIMIM’s President Asaduddin Owaisi with Muhammad Ali Jinnah. He additionally accused Owaisi of ‘Islami-sing’ Hyderabad.

Additionally learn: Behind BJP’s grand Hyderabad campaign is a 2017 plan by Amit Shah

Amit Shah’s P-to-P strategy

Gupta argued that what is occurring throughout the municipal election in Hyderabad offers us a great perception into the ‘BJP’s thoughts’.

“Superpowers battle their battles small and much away from their shores the place they’ve little to lose. BJP approaches politics with that sort of mindset,” he defined.

Gupta recalled a speech that Shah gave in 2017 on the celebration’s nationwide government assembly in Bhubaneswar, Odisha. Shah had then stated that the BJP is but to achieve its peak and can solely accomplish that when it has chief ministers in all states and members all over the place, from Panchayat to Parliament.

“That is the P-to-P strategy that the BJP has, which Amit Shah began, the place you first begin with Panchayats and construct up energy to achieve the Parliament. I’ll, the truth is, add one other P to it, which suggests Panchayat to Parliament to energy,” Gupta stated.

The P-to-P strategy applies particularly to states the place the BJP is just not highly effective or didn’t exist till just lately, Gupta stated.

Congress, a straightforward goal

In nationwide politics, a development has been observed whereby wherever the Congress is an incumbent, the BJP has an excellent likelihood of successful. Within the final parliamentary elections in 2019, the BJP recorded successful margins of no less than 92 per cent in opposition to the Congress.

“For the BJP, Congress is the simplest celebration to focus on,” Gupta stated.

Nonetheless, there are some states the place Congress is just not the most well-liked, however the second hottest. “It’s in these states that BJP is now reaching out, as a result of they know their best competitors to defeat is the Congress,” he added.

That is what occurred within the Northeastern state of Tripura, the place the Congress had been sturdy however now BJP has entered by the use of votes. The BJP additionally did so in Odisha and now Telangana, Gupta stated.

Additionally learn: KCR announces Delhi-like ‘free water’ scheme for Hyderabad ahead of local body polls

Developments in Telangana and Odisha

Within the 2018 meeting elections in Telangana, BJP acquired one seat with 7 per cent of the vote. As compared, the Congress, which was in partnership with TDP, acquired 19 seats. So, Congress acquired 28.43 per cent of the vote.

Whereas, within the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, Congress acquired three seats with 29.79 per cent of the vote vote in Telangana and the BJP acquired 4 seats with greater than 19 per cent of the vote.

“So, that’s how the massive turnaround occurs within the BJP’s fortunes. It begins within the meeting, doesn’t do effectively, builds energy, By the point Lok Sabha comes, it’s accomplished higher than the Congress,” Gupta stated.

The BJP additionally acquired the distinguished seat of Nizamabad, the place they had been up in opposition to Telangana Rashtra Samiti chief Ok. Chandrasekhar Rao’s daughter Kalvakuntla Kavitha.

In Odisha, Zila Parishad elections are based mostly on celebration affiliations. In 2012, the BJP had simply received 36 seats out of the 853 seats. The Biju Janata Dal received 651, whereas the Congress received 128.

However within the subsequent 5 years in 2017, the state of affairs “reversed”. BJP received 297 seats, whereas BJD acquired 473 seats. The Congress was simply left with 16.

“Because of this the BJP has turn out to be far more snug with a reputable quantity two, even on the native our bodies degree. Whereas, Congress has now turn out to be an insignificant quantity three,” Gupta stated.

Additionally learn: BJP inroads clear in Tamil Nadu but Amit Shah’s ‘Midas touch’ faces tough test in 2021

BJP’s tactic of polarisation

Gupta famous that Hyderabad has one of many largest Muslim populations for a metropolis in India, about 44 per cent individuals are Muslim whereas 52 per cent are Hindu.

The Muslim vote is managed by AIMIM’s Owaisi, who’s in partnership with Telangana Chief Minister KCR, Gupta stated.

“This marketing campaign in Hyderabad offers BJP a window into the bigger Telangana politics by saying that KCR is offered out to a Muslim celebration and he’ll now give away energy over Hyderabad to AIMIM, to Owaisi,” Gupta stated.

He defined that BJP will use its ‘favorite tactic’ of polarisation for this function.

“To grasp India’s politics, you need to perceive BJP and its strategy to politics and energy. To grasp BJP’s strategy to politics and energy, you need to perceive Hyderabad’s Municipal polls as a result of it offers you perception into how BJP performs its politics,” Gupta concluded.

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J&K Election Results: Mehbooba is trailing in Anantnag, BJP Strengthens Grip on Jammu

JAMMU: Former Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir, Mehbooba Mufti is trailing in Anantnag to the Congress candidate GA Mir and National Conference Candidate Husnain Masoodi. Anantnag was once a PDP stronghold and Mufti has never lost an election. As per the counting update till 10:30 am Hasnain Masoodi of NC has got 7279 and G A Mir of Congress is close to him at 7104 votes. However, Mehbooba Mufti has got 5034. As per the initial turnout Mehbooba Mufti seems on loose wicket. In 2014, Mufti won the seat by defeating Congress’s candidate by a margin of 12,000 votes. Mufti had resigned as state CM in 2018 after BJP broke ties with PDP and Governor’s rule was imposed. In the Baramulla seat, independent candidate Er Rasheed is leading to the senior National Conference leader Akbar lone by 1796 votes. The two candidates seem the competitors from the seat. In the Srinagar constituency, former chief minister of the state Farooq Abdulla is leading by 14044. He seems taking the seat. In the Jammu division BJP is leading on the both seats. BJP’s Jugal Kishore is leading to the congress candidate Raman Bhalla by 42533. In the Udhampur constituency BJP leader has staggering lead of 87565 to the congress candidate Vikramaditya Singh. In the Ladakh constituency, independent candidate Sajjad Kargili is leading by 3010 votes to the independent candidate Asgar Ali Karbalai. Kargili is being supported by both PDP and NC. Going by the predictions of most of the the exit polls, of the six Lok Sabha seats in Jammu and Kashmir, the BJP is predicted to win two seats in Jammu, the Congress one in Ladakh and the National Conference (NC) all the three seats of the Valley. Most exit polls have also predicted that the PDP could be heading for a rout in the state. RAINU RAINA Read the full article

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Lok Sabha elections 2019: PM Modi's popularity, CM Ashok Gehlot's sway the focus...

Lok Sabha elections 2019: PM Modi’s popularity, CM Ashok Gehlot’s sway the focus…

The Congress is hoping to do well in the remaining 12 Lok Sabha seats that will vote in the fifth phase of ongoing national polls on Monday if the 2018 Rajasthan assembly results are anything to go by.

It won 61 assembly segments under these Lok Sabha constituencies out of the 99 it got in the 200-member Rajasthan assembly.

The Congress won over half of the assembly segments in Nagaur, Sikar,…

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Is 2019 The Best Time to Buy a House?

The Indian real estate sector has witnessed several positive developments over the past few years, with schemes like the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (PMAY), the granting of infrastructure status to affordable housing, 100 per cent tax exemption on the profits for developers building affordable homes, implementation of the Real Estate (Regulation and Development) Act, 2016 (RERA) and the subsidy schemes for first-time buyers of residential properties. The push towards infrastructure development also makes it an ideal time to invest in real estate, as the prices in a locality often increase, after the completion of an infrastructure project in its vicinity.

Mumbai’s recent development plan, for example, will enhance the infrastructure in the city, points out Amit Ruparel, managing director, Ruparel Realty. “The increasing number of metro lines, are closing the gap between distant places. The construction of more highways and other infrastructural development, will facilitate real estate industry, as well. Owing to the prolonged sluggishness in the industry, property prices have gone down significantly. Hence, home buyers should certainly take advantage of the situation,” Ruparel says.

Affordable and mid-segment housing in 2019

In the past few years, many developers have launched affordable and mid-segment housing projects. Industry experts are of the view that this is where the demand exists. According to Pritam Chivukula, co-founder and director, Tridhaatu Realty & Infra Pvt Ltd, “There has been a resurgence in Mumbai’s residential property market, with increased sales happening mainly in the affordable and mid- segment of the market, towards the second half of 2018. This provides a roadmap for 2019, which will see better conversion rates and creation of more housing stock, catering to these buyers.”

Aditya Kedia, managing director of Transcon Developers, adds that the government’s decision to grant infrastructure status to ‘affordable housing’ and the lower Goods and Services Tax (GST) rate on this segment, have brought relief to buyers and increased housing demand. “Easily available financing options, are further streamlining the property purchase of buyers and this is expected to result in an overall growth in real estate, in 2019,” says Kedia. Nevertheless, a majority of home buyers are likely to focus on ready-to-move-in apartments, where the GST is not applicable.

Reduced GST rates from April 1, 2019

Farshid Cooper; Managing Director at Spenta Corporation, explains “The 33rd GST council meeting was positive for homebuyers and in turn for developers. The issues regarding transaction costs and affordability which have plagued the sector over the last 18 months or so has been addressed. With the reduction in the rates of under construction buildings to 5% from the earlier 12%, the developer fraternity will be relieved as this could potentially be the catalyst to boost demand for under construction homes. Further, the reduction in rates from 8% to 1% for the affordable housing sector, will help the sector grow and go a long way in achieving the honorary prime minister’s vision of housing for all by 2022. Also, doing away the ITC (Input Tax Credit) will make GST compliance easier and more cost-effective for developers. That said, without ITC developers will now have to deal with increased cost of 18% (which is the GST rate for most construction-related items) and account for the same when planning cash flows and project costs.”

Second home segment to witness a revival

With modern day home buyers increasingly exposed to global norms through their travels, there is an increasing segment of buyers that is looking for uniquely designed homes in tourist destinations. According to Dhruthi Reddy Kasu, director, Kasu Assets, “People appreciate and value homes that are unique in design, as it enables the home buyers to have a fresh experience. This has a direct impact on the second homes market, where more people want the opportunity to have a getaway with family and friends, away from their otherwise urban lives.” Punit Agarwal, CEO of Nirvana Realty, says that the second homes market remained pretty much stagnant over the past few years.

“There was muted response from buyers, although many projects were completed on time. It was only during Dussehra 2018 that the sector seemed to gain any ground, as buyers once again saw the opportunity to earn returns from the second homes segment. This segment will, hopefully, see better days after the Lok Sabha polls,” he reasons.

HNI investment in Indian realty and returns on investment

Ramesh Sanghvi, CMD of Sanghvi Parrsssva, foresees a lot of investment in Indian real estate, from non-resident Indians (NRIs) and foreign investors, in 2019. “This is the right time to take a ‘buy’ decision, as buyers can secure discounts and deals across all the segments, as developers are struggling with excess inventory. Moreover, interest rates on home loans are likely to increase, forcing investors and end-users to take a call immediately,” he elaborates.

With developers holding back on launching new projects, the demand-supply gap is likely to increase, thereby, giving good returns on investment. Niranjan Hiranandani, co-founder and managing director of the Hiranandani Group, points out that for investors, real estate is about appreciation in capital values or rental income, while for others, it is an option for wealth creation. “Given the prevailing price points, the first half of 2019 would be an apt time to buy a home. This is a factor which should be taken advantage of, by the home seekers,” he maintains. Developers have also become more aware of what the buyers are looking for. Dhaval Shah, joint managing director of the Parinee Group, concludes that offers like fully furnished homes, easy subvention schemes and relatively easy availability of home loans, are some of the reasons why one should not wait to make a real estate investment in 2019.

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Source:https://housing.com/news/2019-best-time-buy-house/