#Jammu and Kashmir polls

[uniqueeval]

Top news of the day: Mamata Banerjee says Bengal Assembly will pass bill seeking capital punishment for rapists; ED fines DMK MP Jagathratchakan ₹908-crore in FEMA case

Trinamool supremo and West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee addresses a gathering during the TMC Chhatra Parishad (students wing) foundation day celebrations in Kolkata on August 28, 2024. | Photo Credit: PTI Mamata Banerjee says Bengal Assembly will pass bill seeking capital punishment for rapists West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee on Wednesday (August 28, 2024) said that a session…

[townpostin]

Electoral Roll Update Kicks Off in Jharkhand, 3 Other States

Preparation Begins for Assembly Elections in Four States Election Commission launches electoral roll revision process, setting July 1, 2024, as qualifying date for upcoming assembly elections in four key regions. RANCHI – Election Commission has kicked off the electoral roll update in Haryana, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, and Jammu & Kashmir, signaling the start of preparations for forthcoming state…

[rightnewshindi]

Jammu Kashmir Exit Poll Results: जम्मू में छाई भाजपा, कश्मीर में पीडीपी आगे; एक्जिट पोल में किसको मिल रही कितनी सीटें

Jammu Kashmir News: जम्मू-कश्मीर विधानसभा चुनाव (Jammu Kashmir Assembly Polls 2024) के बाद अब वोटरों को रिजल्ट का इंतजार है. जम्मू कश्मीर में इस बार तीन चरणों में विधानसभा चुनाव हुआ था. 1 अक्टूबर को 90 विधानसभा सीटों पर आखिरी चरण को वोटिंग पूरी हुई. इससे पहले 18 सितंबर को पहले और 25 सितंबर को दूसरे चरण का मतदान हुआ था. बता दें कि अनुच्छेद 370 हटने के बाद यहां पहली बार चुनाव हुए हैं. जम्मू-कश्मीर…

[kimskashmir]

Assembly polls: BJP announces 132-member committee for J&K, Jugal Kishore nominated as chairman

JAMMU — The BJP announced a 132-member State Election Management (SEM) committee on Thursday for the forthcoming Jammu and Kashmir Assembly polls. Three-time MP Jugal Kishore Sharma, who was recently appointed as a whip in the Lok Sabha, has been nominated as the chairman of the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) election campaign committee, a spokesperson of the party said. Jammu and Kashmir BJP…

[the-dispatch]

https://www.thedispatch.in/will-inform-about-jk-assembly-polls-at-right-time-eci/

Will inform about J&K Assembly polls at right time: ECI

[mapsontheweb]

A more detailed Indian election results.

by u/Greedy-Rate-349

Bharatiya Janata party loses its majority after 10 years and has to depend on allies to form a government which wasn't predicted by any exit polls which were claiming that BJP will alone get over 350 seats and thus the result has been celebrated by the opposition despite its defeat and they also managed to capture many seats on BJP's strongholds specifically in UP

Translations

Bharatiya Janata party - Hindi for Indian people's party

Telugu Desam Party -Telugu for Party of the Telugu Lands

Janata dal United -Hindi for People's party United

Trinamool Congress - Bengali for Grassroots Congress

Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam - Tamil for Dravidian progressive alliance

Samajwadi party -Hindi for Socialist party

Other parties include a long list as well some major NDA allies were - Lok Janshakti party(Ram Vilas), Shiv Sena, National Congress party, Janata dal (secular), Rashtriya lok dal,Asom Gana Parishad

Other major INDIA parties include- Rashtriya Janata dal Shiv sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray) Nationalist Congress party (Sharadchandra Pawar faction) Communist party of India (Marxist) Communist party of India Communist party of India (Marxist Leninist) Liberation Aam Aadmi party Jammu Kashmir National Conference Jharkhand Mukti Morcha

Also two unaligned Chandrashekhar Azad of the Azad Samajwadi party (Kanshiram) and Pappu Yadav have announced that they will support INDIA bloc.

Parties like JDU and TDP have a history of love hate relationship with NDA and there is speculation that they might jump ship that can topple BJP, however no such news has come forward and we will have to see what comes next

[mariacallous]

As the northern Indian region of Jammu and Kashmir heads to the polls for its first regional-level elections in nearly a decade, voters and candidates alike are still feeling the political hangover from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 2019 decision to revoke the region’s special autonomous status.

In August 2019, the Indian government scrapped Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, reducing the former state of Jammu and Kashmir to two union territories—Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh—and bringing them under the direct control of New Delhi. The decision, a watershed in the region’s troubled history, sparked outrage. It also marked a shift in how India intended to govern Kashmir, which remains disputed territory with Pakistan.

Even as Jammu and Kashmir gears up to announce the winner of its legislative elections on Oct. 8, the local government will wield limited powers, constrained by a series of laws passed since 2019 that have reinforced the central government’s control over the region. Though the newly formed Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly will have power to make some laws, the region will be headed still by a New Delhi-appointed governor, who wields substantial authority over public order, police, bureaucracy, anti-corruption measures, and financial matters.

The region, particularly the Kashmir Valley, has witnessed decades of violence since the 1988 insurgency that drew India and Pakistan into three wars. Since it came to power in 2014, Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has asserted that its policies have brought development and democracy to Kashmir. However, people in the region have generally expressed anger over Modi’s revocation of Article 370, which consolidated power in the hands of nonlocals.

Meanwhile, other regional parties in Kashmir—including separatist groups such as Jamaat-e-Islami Kashmir (JeI), Tehreek-e-Hurriyat, and the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front—have been banned or marginalized and many of their leaders imprisoned. The remaining dissidents in Kashmir have either changed their stance or stayed quiet out of fear of repression. Kashmiris are thus using this election season as an outlet for expressing frustration and anger by supporting local political parties or non-BJP candidates.

To New Delhi, the elections represent a chance to signal that Kashmir has moved on from its long-standing demands for azadi, or freedom, and has instead flourished in the post-2019 environment. However, many separatist groups or individuals who previously boycotted elections, including some backed by the banned JeI, are now participating. Meanwhile, mainstream Kashmiri politicians are positioning themselves as the last line of defense against what they perceive as the BJP’s attempts to reshape the region’s political dynamics, urging voters to reject Modi’s narrative and promising to restore Kashmir’s autonomy.

Kashmir kick-started its phased elections on Sept. 18, with the second round of voting taking place on Sept. 25. The third and final round of voting will take place on Oct. 1, before results are announced a week later.

There are a total of 90 seats up for grabs, but with more than 300 independent candidates out of 873 in the race, it has become one of the most unpredictable elections in Kashmir’s history. The BJP has set a goal of winning at least 30-35 of 43 seats in Jammu, while it is contesting 19 of the 47 seats in the Kashmir Valley, a Muslim-majority region where it has traditionally struggled to gain traction.

Sheikh Abdul Rashid, popularly known as Engineer Rashid, has emerged as another key figure. Rashid represents the Awami Ittehad Party (AIP) and is a two-time lawmaker from northern Kashmir who contested and won a seat in India’s parliament in June, defeating prominent figures such as former Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah of the National Conference party and Sajad Lone, the leader of the People’s Conference party.

Rashid’s victory by a margin of more than 200,000 votes marked a shift in the region’s politics—signaling anger toward the politicians who had failed to safeguard Kashmir’s autonomy or bring about meaningful changes in their decades of rule. In the last year, Rashid’s AIP has gained traction and positioned itself as a formidable player in the regional elections. While campaigning on behalf of AIP candidates, Rashid has vehemently targeted Abdullah’s and Lone’s parties, accusing them of ganging up against him.

Rashid, who was arrested in 2019 on terrorism funding charges under India’s draconian Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, was recently released on interim bail. At a campaign rally in Baramulla, a town in northern Kashmir, on Sept. 13, he spoke to an energized crowd.

“[Modi’s] naya [new] Kashmir was [meant] to kill, arrest, harass, and humiliate people,” he told the gathering. “Kashmiris don’t like to throw stones, but that doesn’t mean we will surrender before your power,” he added, while his supporters cheered him on.

Rashid has promised the reinstatement of Kashmir’s autonomy, the release of all political prisoners, and the repeal of controversial laws such as the Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act. The campaign offers a platform that appeals to people, especially the youth, who feel that their voices have been stifled since 2019. But many of Rashid’s opponents—including Abdullah and Lone, as well as Mehbooba Mufti, another former chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir—have accused him of being an agent of the BJP.

The BJP has also been accused of supporting other political parties and independent candidates, further complicating the region’s political landscape. Another such example is JeI—which remains banned under the country’s anti-terrorism law. Though most of its leaders remain imprisoned and its assets seized, it is trying to make a comeback in this year’s elections and has demanded the suspension of its ban.

Abdullah, who was Jammu and Kashmir’s chief minister from 2009 to 2015, has voiced concerns over the proliferation of independent candidates and accused the BJP of using them to dilute the opposition’s vote. “Independent candidates are being deliberately fielded to create confusion and divide votes in critical constituencies,” he said at a recent rally. “The BJP is leaving its options open. … Voters need to be cautious. Fragmented votes will only serve to help those who do not have Jammu and Kashmir’s best interests at heart.”

To bolster its chances and stave off a BJP victory in Kashmir, the National Conference has formed an alliance with Rahul Gandhi, India’s opposition leader from the Indian National Congress party. Yet the Gandhi-Abdullah alliance’s promises to restore the region’s autonomy are viewed skeptically, even by their own supporters. New Delhi has made it abundantly clear that Article 370 will never be reinstated.

Mufti, the leader of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and who was chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir from 2016 to 2018, has also thrown her hat in the ring. After the 2014 elections, the PDP formed an alliance with the BJP—which has cost it support—but since 2019, the PDP has been the strongest opponent of the BJP and its policies in Kashmir. On Sept. 25, Mufti told a gathering: “Jammu and Kashmir will never have a BJP government. There will be a secular government. … PDP will be an important factor.”

Mufti’s party has also pledged to bring back statehood, revoke detention laws, and release prisoners, among other promises. Meanwhile, the BJP has continued to target both Abdullah and Mufti as “dynasts” who have kept Kashmir mired in conflict.

Though the debate over Kashmir’s autonomy has taken center stage among candidates, voters across polling stations in Kashmir are also concerned about their daily cost of living and issues such as high unemployment, increased electricity costs, limited infrastructure, and continuous detentions and police verifications.

The current political climate in Kashmir harks back to the 1970s, when Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, then the chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir, pledged to safeguard the region’s autonomy while New Delhi’s Janata Party—a precursor to today’s BJP—led by Morarji Desai, tried to block his return to power.

Similar to the 1977 regional elections, today’s promises of autonomy now ring hollow to many residents, as successive governments have failed to preserve Kashmir’s special status. Kashmiris feel that elections have historically served as a tool to dilute their aspirations rather than fulfilling them. Manzoor Ahmad, a 49-year-old from Srinagar, voted for the first time this year. “I voted for a greater good,” he said. “We are facing lots of problems as we have been crushed. We want a local party to win to stop this.”

No matter who wins the elections, however, the new government is likely to be weak with limited powers, overshadowed by the New Delhi-appointed governor. The elections have thus become a ballot on the region’s lack of autonomy—and by extension, a test of how voters view Modi’s government.

“These election rallies have the same nomenclature as that of protest rallies in the past,” said Waheed Parra, a PDP candidate from southern Kashmir. “I see people, mostly youth, in campaigns, and it is visible they are angry. They want space to be expressed and be heard. Nobody has listened to them in the past five years.” Parra warned that if the mandate of these elections is not respected by New Delhi, the situation on the ground could turn dangerous.

The undercurrents may already exist. It appears not everyone in Kashmir is excited about the elections. Compared with the 2014 regional elections, some parts of the valley have either witnessed low voter turnout or only a slight increment. In Srinagar, for example, which is the summer capital, turnout in the second phase of voting was low, at just under 30 percent.

New Delhi has invited a delegation of 15 diplomats from foreign countries, including the United States, to observe the local elections, though many of the BJP’s opponents, including Abdullah, have questioned the visit.

Kashmir’s political future may still be fragile, but its path is being steadily reshaped by forces both old and new. As the elections progress, one thing is evident: New Delhi’s attempts to suppress dissent and tighten its grip on Kashmir over the last five years have inadvertently reignited the region’s political landscape, bringing back to the stage individuals and groups who once led mass protests and called for election boycotts. Simultaneously, the fear of continued repression has prompted many to vote, in a bid to see some change—even as the region’s underlying tensions remain unresolved.

[odnewsin]

Omar Abdullah tells Congress to stop whinging about EVMs, accept poll results

New Delhi: Opening another point of friction with an important ally, Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has dismissed the Congress party’s vehement objection to Electronic Voting Machines, and echoed the BJP’s defence — you can’t accept election results when you win, and blame EVMs when you lose. “When you get a hundred plus members of Parliament using the same EVMs, and you celebrate…

[news365timesindia]

[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 11th Dec. The Congress party, once heralded as the backbone of Indian democracy, finds itself grappling with a profound challenge—maintaining political momentum after its encouraging performance in the Lok Sabha elections. The near-doubling of its seats in the national polls and the achievement of the Leader of the Opposition position represented a glimmer of resurgence for the party. It signaled an ability to counter the BJP’s formidable dominance and reclaim its status as a principal opposition force. Yet, the optimism birthed from these achievements has been eroded by subsequent state-level defeats in Maharashtra and Haryana, exposing cracks in the party’s electoral machinery and strategic vision. The Lok Sabha elections showcased a party that seemed poised for revival under the assertive leadership of Rahul Gandhi. The reduced majority of the BJP presented an opportunity for the Congress to reframe Indian politics, focusing on governance as a moral and ideological contest. Its messaging resonated with significant sections of the electorate, allowing the party to position itself as a counterweight to the BJP’s polarizing narrative. However, the success achieved at the national level has not translated into consistent regional victories. In Maharashtra, despite being part of a strong coalition, the Congress failed to match the ruling alliance’s welfare initiatives, which effectively reached women and marginalized groups. The inability to communicate a credible alternative undermined the Congress’s appeal. Additionally, leadership weaknesses and coordination issues with allies compounded its electoral woes, leaving the party outmaneuvered. In Haryana, the story was equally disheartening. Anti-incumbency sentiments were palpable, and yet the Congress failed to capitalize on this discontent. Internal rivalries and organizational mismanagement hindered the party’s ability to consolidate its voter base, resulting in another critical defeat. These setbacks are not merely isolated state-level failures but indicators of deeper structural and strategic flaws. They challenge the Congress’s capacity to build on national-level gains and exert its leadership within the India Bloc. The implications of these defeats stretch far beyond immediate electoral losses. The Congress, as the largest constituent of the India Bloc, bears the responsibility of steering the opposition alliance against the BJP. However, its inability to perform consistently risks diminishing its influence. Allies’ recent successes in Jharkhand and Jammu & Kashmir have further underscored the Congress’s struggles, raising questions about whether it can command the credibility and authority needed to lead the bloc. Moving forward, the Congress faces crucial tests that will determine its future relevance. Parliamentary floor management, coupled with the strategy for upcoming state elections, will be pivotal in shaping its trajectory. To regain its footing, the party must prioritize a comprehensive overhaul of its approach. Strengthening regional leadership, fostering grassroots connections, and addressing systemic issues that resonate with key voter groups—particularly women and rural communities—must become central to its agenda. Additionally, the Congress must focus on rebuilding trust and synergy with its allies to ensure cohesive action during elections. The party’s setbacks serve as a reminder of the complexities of India’s political landscape. While its Lok Sabha performance reaffirmed its importance, the recent losses highlight the need for adaptability and strategic clarity. Without significant reforms, the Congress risks losing its position not only as a leading opposition force but also as a unifying entity within the India Bloc. Failure to address these challenges could leave the party vulnerable, overshadowed by its own allies and unable to fulfill its aspirations of leading the opposition coalition effectively. The Congress stands at a crossroads.

It has shown flashes of its potential to reclaim relevance but must now prove its mettle through decisive action. If it can learn from its setbacks and adapt to the evolving political terrain, it may yet secure its place as a formidable challenger in India’s democracy. Otherwise, its resurgence will remain a fleeting moment in the annals of history, overshadowed by missed opportunities and unfulfilled promises.   The post Congress at the Crossroads: From Optimism to Setbacks appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[news365times]

[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 11th Dec. The Congress party, once heralded as the backbone of Indian democracy, finds itself grappling with a profound challenge—maintaining political momentum after its encouraging performance in the Lok Sabha elections. The near-doubling of its seats in the national polls and the achievement of the Leader of the Opposition position represented a glimmer of resurgence for the party. It signaled an ability to counter the BJP’s formidable dominance and reclaim its status as a principal opposition force. Yet, the optimism birthed from these achievements has been eroded by subsequent state-level defeats in Maharashtra and Haryana, exposing cracks in the party’s electoral machinery and strategic vision. The Lok Sabha elections showcased a party that seemed poised for revival under the assertive leadership of Rahul Gandhi. The reduced majority of the BJP presented an opportunity for the Congress to reframe Indian politics, focusing on governance as a moral and ideological contest. Its messaging resonated with significant sections of the electorate, allowing the party to position itself as a counterweight to the BJP’s polarizing narrative. However, the success achieved at the national level has not translated into consistent regional victories. In Maharashtra, despite being part of a strong coalition, the Congress failed to match the ruling alliance’s welfare initiatives, which effectively reached women and marginalized groups. The inability to communicate a credible alternative undermined the Congress’s appeal. Additionally, leadership weaknesses and coordination issues with allies compounded its electoral woes, leaving the party outmaneuvered. In Haryana, the story was equally disheartening. Anti-incumbency sentiments were palpable, and yet the Congress failed to capitalize on this discontent. Internal rivalries and organizational mismanagement hindered the party’s ability to consolidate its voter base, resulting in another critical defeat. These setbacks are not merely isolated state-level failures but indicators of deeper structural and strategic flaws. They challenge the Congress’s capacity to build on national-level gains and exert its leadership within the India Bloc. The implications of these defeats stretch far beyond immediate electoral losses. The Congress, as the largest constituent of the India Bloc, bears the responsibility of steering the opposition alliance against the BJP. However, its inability to perform consistently risks diminishing its influence. Allies’ recent successes in Jharkhand and Jammu & Kashmir have further underscored the Congress’s struggles, raising questions about whether it can command the credibility and authority needed to lead the bloc. Moving forward, the Congress faces crucial tests that will determine its future relevance. Parliamentary floor management, coupled with the strategy for upcoming state elections, will be pivotal in shaping its trajectory. To regain its footing, the party must prioritize a comprehensive overhaul of its approach. Strengthening regional leadership, fostering grassroots connections, and addressing systemic issues that resonate with key voter groups—particularly women and rural communities—must become central to its agenda. Additionally, the Congress must focus on rebuilding trust and synergy with its allies to ensure cohesive action during elections. The party’s setbacks serve as a reminder of the complexities of India’s political landscape. While its Lok Sabha performance reaffirmed its importance, the recent losses highlight the need for adaptability and strategic clarity. Without significant reforms, the Congress risks losing its position not only as a leading opposition force but also as a unifying entity within the India Bloc. Failure to address these challenges could leave the party vulnerable, overshadowed by its own allies and unable to fulfill its aspirations of leading the opposition coalition effectively. The Congress stands at a crossroads.

It has shown flashes of its potential to reclaim relevance but must now prove its mettle through decisive action. If it can learn from its setbacks and adapt to the evolving political terrain, it may yet secure its place as a formidable challenger in India’s democracy. Otherwise, its resurgence will remain a fleeting moment in the annals of history, overshadowed by missed opportunities and unfulfilled promises.   The post Congress at the Crossroads: From Optimism to Setbacks appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[everythingkashmir]

Inclusion, not Exclusion

Jammu is Kashmir

CM Omar Abdullah must take the moral high ground to redefine J&K politics

By Faisul Yaseen

Assuming charge of the National Conference (NC)-Congress coalition government in Jammu and Kashmir following their INDIA alliance’s win in the Jammu and Kashmir assembly polls, Omar Abdullah faces a knotty but critical challenge. The challenge is that of tackling the aspirations of Jammu’s Hindu heartland.

The region, a bastion of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), only elected BJP legislators and faces the prospect of being on the wrong side of the corridors of power. Since the BJP could not get its man to the governing seat, Abdullah had to balance the concerns of this politically important constituency while setting a narrative of inclusivity and equity that avoids the polarising dichotomy oft made at best by the BJP.

He did so by including Satish Sharma, an independent legislator elected from Chhamb assembly constituency of Jammu district, among the five ministers who were administered Oath of Office and Secrecy as part of his cabinet.

The road ahead is tough, but it is here that Abdullah has a chance to chart a different agenda – an agenda that should appeal not only to Jammu’s Hindu heartland but also respect the aspirations of traditionally marginalised regions such as the Chenab Valley and Pir Panjal while also reaching out to the Kashmiri Pandit community.

The Hindu heartland of Jammu for all these years has become synonymous with BJP dominance. The party found fertile ground for its rhetoric of Hindu nationalism in this region, where development and identity-based politics, interwoven with issues of security, resonated deep within the population. However, after electing only BJP legislators, the fear of being sidelined looms large. Abdullah would do well to be cautious here. Let him not alienate the very important constituency but also ensure that he is different from the model of governance that the BJP seeks to preside over. Unlike BJP, which has enormously relied on majoritarianism across India to consolidate its vote bank, Abdullah must take the moral high ground.

He can tap into the Hindu heartland - not with empty words, but with a true expansive intent to win over their economic, social, and political anxieties. This might potentially do a better job in mending fences by rejecting the exclusionary politics which BJP has often used in mobilising its own base.

But that alone will not be enough, and only symbolic at best. Development in the Jammu’s Hindu heartland cannot be set against the needs of other areas, and past grievances should not be drowned by new goodwill gestures. Abdullah’s government can take one step forward toward inclusive economic policies for all regions so that Jammu’s sizable Hindu population feels not forgotten or singled out for special treatment at others’ expense. Perhaps the most injurious narrative that Abdullah needs to work much harder to break is the communal rhetoric routinely trotted out in political speeches in Jammu and Kashmir. A classic example was the plea for a “Hindu chief minister” or a “Dogra chief minister,” one that dominated governance as an identity-based battle.

Such appeals are usually phrased in the rhetoric of “regional pride,” but are intensely exclusionary and based on the politics of division. He should outrightly refuse the communitarian and even racist undertones and instead voice support for governance, which does not make subservience to the supremacy of one community over the other. This moment for him as a Kashmiri gives him the opportunity to be the emblem of the very ethos of the culture of Kashmir – erected on pluralism, tolerance, and the spirit of Kashmiriyat.

Outreach to both Hindus and Dogras would give Abdullah a chance to make an unequivocal statement that governance needs to be about competence, fairness, and development, and not identity. It asks for leadership that not only rejects the poisonous communal politics of “us versus them” but projects a sense of belonging to all communities.

It’s the enormous heart that Kashmiris have, and it can wake up in the form of building trust bridges under Abdullah’s governance, having dialogue with each and every section of society – and conversations around mutual respect and understanding, acknowledgement of the fears of the Hindu heartland but not letting it feed, and standing firm against forces that would seek to divide Jammu and Kashmir on communal lines.

Outreach to Jammu’s Hindu heartland is important, but Abdullah also needs to reach out to the long history of marginalisation of regions like Chenab Valley and Pir Panjal. Both these regions have suffered political and institutional neglect in the past at the cost of both Jammu's Hindu heartland as well as Kashmir valley. More often than not they have been too introverted and given a backstage in the apparatuses of state functioning in Jammu and Kashmir. For decades these regions remained victims of economic deprivation, lack of infrastructural development, and limited political representation. Abdullah’s government needs to ensure that people from these regions are brought out in public and voiced. No doubt, Chenab Valley and Pir Panjal have considerably contributed towards the cultural as well as the economic landscape of the region, their voices, however remain peripheral. Maybe Abdullah’s biggest task would be to make policies that uplift these regions and bring them into the mainstream of Jammu and Kashmir’s developmental framework.

Investments in infrastructure, education, and healthcare in such regions will definitely send the signal of a breakthrough from the past when certain regions were politically sidelined due to religious or ethnic characteristics of the population.

This political hegemony of the Hindu heartland of Jammu needs to be balanced with proper representation and distribution of resources for these relatively neglected areas. It is not only a political necessity but a moral imperative in addressing the expectations of the people from these areas. The government led by Abdullah needs to prove that this government stands for the whole of Jammu and Kashmir, not for the oft-noise-making-only regions.

An outreach to the Kashmiri Pandit community should be an important part of Abdullah’s governance. Displaced from their homeland for decades now, their alienation has only grown with time. Adding to their miseries, the community has gotten assimilated across different cultures and is losing the exclusive identity it was known for.

Unfortunately, this discourse about their coming back has been hijacked by self-proclaimed Kashmiri Pandit activists seeking a communal ecosystem portraying every Kashmiri Muslim as an extremist and the entire community as abetting their displacement. It has only made it tougher for both the parties to get real reconciled.

Abdullah has to move beyond the divisive narratives and reach out to the Kashmiri Pandit community. He must tell them it pains and hurts them but simultaneously dismantle the dangerous rhetoric that tries to demonise an entire community. Abdullah needs to tell the people unequivocally that this is not a matter of a physical resettlement in Kashmir but rebuilding those ties of trust and coexistence that once existed in the Valley. However, this outreach should be genuine. Reconciliation cannot be overnight work, but honest dialogue can initiate the healing process. The creation of arenas for conversation, discovery of real fears and concerns of both Kashmiri Pandits and Muslims, should start the slow yet necessary healings under Abdullah.

It is here that the high ground matters most, not in settling political scores but in goodness, patience, and understanding becoming a recipe for lasting peace. This is an opportunity for Abdullah to be a change agent in the political paradigm of Jammu and Kashmir, at a time when the region has slipped into communal and regional divisions. He can offer an alternative vision of inclusiveness without divisive politics like that of BJP.

Outreach to the Hindu heartland of Jammu, reconciling aspirations of Chenab Valley and Pir Panjal, and outreach to Kashmiri Pandits could set a new style of leadership in the region. The politics of exclusion must yield to the politics of inclusion. The politics of settling scores must cede to the politics of compassion. And the politics of division must yield to the politics of unity. And in all these, Abdullah from his acquaintance with the corridors of power can now change. The question is whether he will rise to the occasion and lead Jammu and Kashmir into a new era of equity, justice, and hope for all its people. After all Jammu is Kashmir’s. Jammu is Kashmir. 

Greater Kashmir

[uniqueeval]

Phase 1 polls: 279 nominations filed for 24 seats | India News

The first phase of the J&K Assembly elections will see 279 candidates contesting from 24 constituencies. Of these, 183 candidates will fight for 16 seats in the Valley and 96 candidates for eight seats in Jammu division. Tuesday was the last day for nominations in the first phase, to be held on September 18. While the NC-Congress combine and PDP have fielded candidates in all 16 Valley seats,…

[todayworldnews2k21]

After Poor Show In J-K Polls; PDP Chief Mehbooba Mufti Dissolves Full Structure Of Party

Days after the Jammu and Kashmir election result, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) President Mehbooba Mufti on Saturday dissolved the full structure of the party with immediate effect.    Jammu and Kashmir People’s Democratic Party President Mehbooba Mufti dissolves the full structure of the party with immediate effect. New office bearers, different wings and bodies will be framed after…

[rightnewshindi]

Exit Polls: आज शाम 7 बजे जारी होंगे हरियाणा और जम्मू कश्मीर के एग्जिट पोल, जानें कहां देखें सटीक लाइव अनुमान

Exit Polls: आज शाम 7 बजे जारी होंगे हरियाणा और जम्मू कश्मीर के एग्जिट पोल, जानें कहां देखें सटीक लाइव अनुमान #News

Haryana and Jammu-Kashmir Exit Polls: जम्मू-कश्मीर में विधानसभा चुनाव तीन चरणों में संपन्न हो चुके हैं। आज हरियाणा में वोट डाले जा रहे हैं। वोटिंग खत्म होते ही एग्जिट पोल के अनुमान सामने आने लेंगे। एग्जिट पोल में जीत और हार का अनुमान लगाया जाएगा। चुनाव आयोग के अनुसार, एग्जिट पोल के नतीजे हरियाणा में मतदान समाप्त होने के तुरंत बाद शाम 7 बजे से लाइव हो जाएंगे। इसके लिए सभी सर्वे एजेंसी ने अपनी-अपनी…

[kimskashmir]

High-level ECI team to visit J&K today to review Assembly polls preparedness

SRINAGAR — A high-level team of the Election Commission of India (ECI), headed by Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Rajiv Kumar, is arriving in Jammu and Kashmir on Thursday to review preparedness for the Assembly polls in the Union Territory. Election Commissioners Gyanesh Kumar and Dr Sukhbir Singh Sandhu will accompany the CEC during the visit. As per the schedule, the ECI team will reach…

[tfgadgets]

Methodology of the Lokniti-CSDS post-poll survey in Jammu and Kashmir

The J&K post-poll survey of 2024 was conducted by the Lokniti programme of CSDS between September 19 and October 6. A total of 2,614 respondents were interviewed across 25 Assembly Constituencies and 99 polling stations of J&K. We used multi-stage random sampling, which ensures that the selected sample is fully representative of the cross-section of voters in the country. The Assembly…