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mariacallous · 2 months ago

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As the northern Indian region of Jammu and Kashmir heads to the polls for its first regional-level elections in nearly a decade, voters and candidates alike are still feeling the political hangover from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 2019 decision to revoke the region’s special autonomous status.

In August 2019, the Indian government scrapped Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, reducing the former state of Jammu and Kashmir to two union territories—Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh—and bringing them under the direct control of New Delhi. The decision, a watershed in the region’s troubled history, sparked outrage. It also marked a shift in how India intended to govern Kashmir, which remains disputed territory with Pakistan.

Even as Jammu and Kashmir gears up to announce the winner of its legislative elections on Oct. 8, the local government will wield limited powers, constrained by a series of laws passed since 2019 that have reinforced the central government’s control over the region. Though the newly formed Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly will have power to make some laws, the region will be headed still by a New Delhi-appointed governor, who wields substantial authority over public order, police, bureaucracy, anti-corruption measures, and financial matters.

The region, particularly the Kashmir Valley, has witnessed decades of violence since the 1988 insurgency that drew India and Pakistan into three wars. Since it came to power in 2014, Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has asserted that its policies have brought development and democracy to Kashmir. However, people in the region have generally expressed anger over Modi’s revocation of Article 370, which consolidated power in the hands of nonlocals.

Meanwhile, other regional parties in Kashmir—including separatist groups such as Jamaat-e-Islami Kashmir (JeI), Tehreek-e-Hurriyat, and the Jammu Kashmir Liberation Front—have been banned or marginalized and many of their leaders imprisoned. The remaining dissidents in Kashmir have either changed their stance or stayed quiet out of fear of repression. Kashmiris are thus using this election season as an outlet for expressing frustration and anger by supporting local political parties or non-BJP candidates.

To New Delhi, the elections represent a chance to signal that Kashmir has moved on from its long-standing demands for azadi, or freedom, and has instead flourished in the post-2019 environment. However, many separatist groups or individuals who previously boycotted elections, including some backed by the banned JeI, are now participating. Meanwhile, mainstream Kashmiri politicians are positioning themselves as the last line of defense against what they perceive as the BJP’s attempts to reshape the region’s political dynamics, urging voters to reject Modi’s narrative and promising to restore Kashmir’s autonomy.

Kashmir kick-started its phased elections on Sept. 18, with the second round of voting taking place on Sept. 25. The third and final round of voting will take place on Oct. 1, before results are announced a week later.

There are a total of 90 seats up for grabs, but with more than 300 independent candidates out of 873 in the race, it has become one of the most unpredictable elections in Kashmir’s history. The BJP has set a goal of winning at least 30-35 of 43 seats in Jammu, while it is contesting 19 of the 47 seats in the Kashmir Valley, a Muslim-majority region where it has traditionally struggled to gain traction.

Sheikh Abdul Rashid, popularly known as Engineer Rashid, has emerged as another key figure. Rashid represents the Awami Ittehad Party (AIP) and is a two-time lawmaker from northern Kashmir who contested and won a seat in India’s parliament in June, defeating prominent figures such as former Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah of the National Conference party and Sajad Lone, the leader of the People’s Conference party.

Rashid’s victory by a margin of more than 200,000 votes marked a shift in the region’s politics—signaling anger toward the politicians who had failed to safeguard Kashmir’s autonomy or bring about meaningful changes in their decades of rule. In the last year, Rashid’s AIP has gained traction and positioned itself as a formidable player in the regional elections. While campaigning on behalf of AIP candidates, Rashid has vehemently targeted Abdullah’s and Lone’s parties, accusing them of ganging up against him.

Rashid, who was arrested in 2019 on terrorism funding charges under India’s draconian Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, was recently released on interim bail. At a campaign rally in Baramulla, a town in northern Kashmir, on Sept. 13, he spoke to an energized crowd.

“[Modi’s] naya [new] Kashmir was [meant] to kill, arrest, harass, and humiliate people,” he told the gathering. “Kashmiris don’t like to throw stones, but that doesn’t mean we will surrender before your power,” he added, while his supporters cheered him on.

Rashid has promised the reinstatement of Kashmir’s autonomy, the release of all political prisoners, and the repeal of controversial laws such as the Jammu and Kashmir Public Safety Act. The campaign offers a platform that appeals to people, especially the youth, who feel that their voices have been stifled since 2019. But many of Rashid’s opponents—including Abdullah and Lone, as well as Mehbooba Mufti, another former chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir—have accused him of being an agent of the BJP.

The BJP has also been accused of supporting other political parties and independent candidates, further complicating the region’s political landscape. Another such example is JeI—which remains banned under the country’s anti-terrorism law. Though most of its leaders remain imprisoned and its assets seized, it is trying to make a comeback in this year’s elections and has demanded the suspension of its ban.

Abdullah, who was Jammu and Kashmir’s chief minister from 2009 to 2015, has voiced concerns over the proliferation of independent candidates and accused the BJP of using them to dilute the opposition’s vote. “Independent candidates are being deliberately fielded to create confusion and divide votes in critical constituencies,” he said at a recent rally. “The BJP is leaving its options open. … Voters need to be cautious. Fragmented votes will only serve to help those who do not have Jammu and Kashmir’s best interests at heart.��

To bolster its chances and stave off a BJP victory in Kashmir, the National Conference has formed an alliance with Rahul Gandhi, India’s opposition leader from the Indian National Congress party. Yet the Gandhi-Abdullah alliance’s promises to restore the region’s autonomy are viewed skeptically, even by their own supporters. New Delhi has made it abundantly clear that Article 370 will never be reinstated.

Mufti, the leader of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and who was chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir from 2016 to 2018, has also thrown her hat in the ring. After the 2014 elections, the PDP formed an alliance with the BJP—which has cost it support—but since 2019, the PDP has been the strongest opponent of the BJP and its policies in Kashmir. On Sept. 25, Mufti told a gathering: “Jammu and Kashmir will never have a BJP government. There will be a secular government. … PDP will be an important factor.”

Mufti’s party has also pledged to bring back statehood, revoke detention laws, and release prisoners, among other promises. Meanwhile, the BJP has continued to target both Abdullah and Mufti as “dynasts” who have kept Kashmir mired in conflict.

Though the debate over Kashmir’s autonomy has taken center stage among candidates, voters across polling stations in Kashmir are also concerned about their daily cost of living and issues such as high unemployment, increased electricity costs, limited infrastructure, and continuous detentions and police verifications.

The current political climate in Kashmir harks back to the 1970s, when Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, then the chief minister of Jammu and Kashmir, pledged to safeguard the region’s autonomy while New Delhi’s Janata Party—a precursor to today’s BJP—led by Morarji Desai, tried to block his return to power.

Similar to the 1977 regional elections, today’s promises of autonomy now ring hollow to many residents, as successive governments have failed to preserve Kashmir’s special status. Kashmiris feel that elections have historically served as a tool to dilute their aspirations rather than fulfilling them. Manzoor Ahmad, a 49-year-old from Srinagar, voted for the first time this year. “I voted for a greater good,” he said. “We are facing lots of problems as we have been crushed. We want a local party to win to stop this.”

No matter who wins the elections, however, the new government is likely to be weak with limited powers, overshadowed by the New Delhi-appointed governor. The elections have thus become a ballot on the region’s lack of autonomy—and by extension, a test of how voters view Modi’s government.

“These election rallies have the same nomenclature as that of protest rallies in the past,” said Waheed Parra, a PDP candidate from southern Kashmir. “I see people, mostly youth, in campaigns, and it is visible they are angry. They want space to be expressed and be heard. Nobody has listened to them in the past five years.” Parra warned that if the mandate of these elections is not respected by New Delhi, the situation on the ground could turn dangerous.

The undercurrents may already exist. It appears not everyone in Kashmir is excited about the elections. Compared with the 2014 regional elections, some parts of the valley have either witnessed low voter turnout or only a slight increment. In Srinagar, for example, which is the summer capital, turnout in the second phase of voting was low, at just under 30 percent.

New Delhi has invited a delegation of 15 diplomats from foreign countries, including the United States, to observe the local elections, though many of the BJP’s opponents, including Abdullah, have questioned the visit.

Kashmir’s political future may still be fragile, but its path is being steadily reshaped by forces both old and new. As the elections progress, one thing is evident: New Delhi’s attempts to suppress dissent and tighten its grip on Kashmir over the last five years have inadvertently reignited the region’s political landscape, bringing back to the stage individuals and groups who once led mass protests and called for election boycotts. Simultaneously, the fear of continued repression has prompted many to vote, in a bid to see some change—even as the region’s underlying tensions remain unresolved.

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news365timesindia · 11 days ago

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[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 13th November. In a searing critique of the Congress-led Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliance in Maharashtra, Prime Minister Narendra Modi recently branded the coalition of Congress, the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), and Shiv Sena as the ultimate “khiladi” (player) in corruption and inefficiency. Addressing a public gathering in Chimur, Maharashtra, Modi accused the MVA of stifling the state’s development and deliberately obstructing progress for political gain. With Maharashtra’s state assembly polls nearing, Modi’s message resonates as a call to voters to scrutinize the MVA’s track record and consider the larger implications of its governance. The Allegations: Corruption and Stalled Development Prime Minister Modi did not hold back in his criticism, asserting that Maharashtra’s potential has been systematically undermined by the MVA, which he accused of prioritizing political interests over the state’s welfare. According to Modi, the MVA has delayed crucial development projects, including much-needed rail connectivity, which local communities have awaited for decades. Modi’s assertion is that Congress and its allies in the MVA possess a “specialization” in thwarting growth, labeling them “experts” in creating bureaucratic and political roadblocks. This strong indictment of the MVA’s governance record is aimed at portraying the coalition as an impediment to Maharashtra’s development and progress. The Tribal Community and Modi’s Message of Unity A significant aspect of Modi’s speech was his critique of the Congress’s alleged intent to divide Bharat’s tribal communities for political leverage. As a substantial part of Maharashtra’s demographic fabric, the tribal population has traditionally sought unity to protect their cultural heritage and political interests. Modi argued that Congress’s promotion of a caste-based census among tribal communities would create internal divisions, weakening their collective power and diluting their identity. He accused the Congress of trying to foster divisions within the tribal community to exploit this disunity politically. This, Modi claimed, was an insidious tactic that Congress has perfected over the years, with damaging consequences for social cohesion and progress. Article 370: The Question of Kashmir and Congress’s Legacy The abolition of Article 370, a law granting special autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir, has been a hallmark of Modi’s administration, which he sees as a step toward full national integration. During his address, Modi connected the Congress with a legacy of fostering separatist tendencies in Jammu and Kashmir. According to him, Congress’s historical handling of Article 370 and Kashmir’s volatile politics reflects a tendency to overlook national unity for political gains. Modi reminded voters of his government’s decisive action to dissolve Article 370, framing it as a necessary intervention that Congress and its allies failed to undertake. This emphasis on unity underscores Modi’s assertion that his government prioritizes Bharat’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, unlike Congress, which he accuses of enabling violence and division. Criticism of the Gandhi Family: Accusations of Entitlement and Elitism Another recurring theme in Modi’s criticism of the Congress-led MVA was directed specifically at the Gandhi family. He accused the Gandhis of holding an elitist view, claiming they believe themselves entitled to govern Bharat due to their lineage. This alleged sense of entitlement, Modi argued, has influenced Congress’s policies over the decades, obstructing social mobility for Dalits, backward classes, and Adivasis. By highlighting Congress’s opposition to reservations, Modi presented the BJP as the party truly committed to the advancement of marginalized communities. According to Modi, the Congress has a history of resistance to progressive policies that could empower disadvantaged groups, reinforcing his claim that Congress sees itself as born to rule rather than to serve.

Congress’s Historic Stance on Reservations: A Hindrance to Social Equity? Modi recalled instances where Congress allegedly resisted reservation policies, a topic that remains a sensitive and polarizing issue in Bharatiya society. Specifically, he cited the 1980s, when the Congress, led by Rajiv Gandhi, reportedly questioned the constitutionality and fairness of reservations for Dalits, backward classes, and tribal communities. Modi’s critique positions Congress as a barrier to social justice for these groups, contrasting this stance with the BJP’s support for affirmative action as a tool for equity. This argument forms part of Modi’s larger claim that Congress has consistently adopted elitist policies that marginalize disadvantaged communities. Developmental Politics and the Role of the MVA in Maharashtra’s Growth Modi’s criticism of MVA’s governance record in Maharashtra strikes at the heart of an ongoing debate over developmental politics in the state. The MVA has been accused by the BJP of neglecting infrastructure, healthcare, and education initiatives, crucial sectors that drive growth. Modi’s portrayal of the MVA as a coalition driven by short-term political calculations, rather than long-term developmental vision, is intended to appeal to voters who have become disillusioned with the state’s sluggish progress. Highlighting stalled rail projects, Modi underscored the BJP’s commitment to connecting remote areas and expanding economic opportunities, suggesting that the MVA’s governance model prioritizes political gamesmanship over tangible benefits for citizens. MVA’s Response and the Broader Political Implications Unsurprisingly, the MVA has pushed back against Modi’s claims, with leaders from Congress, NCP, and Shiv Sena defending their record and accusing Modi of using divisive rhetoric. The opposition alliance argues that the BJP’s central government has often sidelined Maharashtra, limiting the state’s access to crucial resources and funding. In response to Modi’s allegations, MVA leaders have framed the BJP’s governance as exclusionary and favoring certain communities at the expense of others. This counter-narrative aims to draw attention to what MVA leaders see as the BJP’s centralizing tendencies and to deflect criticism by questioning the BJP’s commitment to federalism and state autonomy. The Stakes in the Upcoming Maharashtra Assembly Elections With Maharashtra’s assembly polls fast approaching, Modi’s speech serves as a call to action for voters, encouraging them to consider the impact of the MVA’s governance on their lives. The elections, scheduled for November 20, have become a referendum on the contrasting approaches of the BJP-led Mahayuti alliance and the MVA coalition. Modi’s assertion that the BJP will retain power with a significant majority underscores the party’s confidence in its developmental record and its ability to secure the trust of Maharashtra’s voters. By positioning the BJP as the champion of both national unity and local development, Modi is appealing to voters who seek stability, growth, and a clear path forward. Conclusion: A Clash of Ideologies and Visions for Maharashtra Prime Minister Modi’s sharp critique of the Congress-led MVA in Maharashtra reflects a broader ideological conflict that goes beyond Maharashtra’s borders. His accusations of corruption, divisive politics, and developmental stagnation are aimed at exposing what he claims are fundamental flaws in the MVA’s governance model. Modi’s rhetoric underscores the BJP’s vision of a united, development-driven Bharat, contrasting sharply with what he portrays as Congress’s fragmented and self-serving approach. This battle for Maharashtra’s future is a microcosm of a larger national debate on governance, unity, and social justice. The BJP’s promise to empower marginalized communities, preserve national unity, and accelerate development stands in stark opposition to the MVA’s governance style, which Modi depicts as outdated and mired in corruption.

For Maharashtra’s voters, the upcoming elections are an opportunity to choose between these competing visions—either endorsing the MVA’s coalition model or embracing the BJP’s promise of robust, inclusive development. Ultimately, this electoral decision will shape Maharashtra’s trajectory and set a precedent for how Bharat navigates its path of development in a diverse and complex political landscape. The post Modi Slams Congress-Led MVA as ‘Biggest Player in Corruption’ and Obstacle to Maharashtra’s Development appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

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news365times · 11 days ago

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everythingkashmir · 12 days ago

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Inclusion, not Exclusion

Jammu is Kashmir

CM Omar Abdullah must take the moral high ground to redefine J&K politics

By Faisul Yaseen

Assuming charge of the National Conference (NC)-Congress coalition government in Jammu��and Kashmir following their INDIA alliance’s win in the Jammu and Kashmir assembly polls, Omar Abdullah faces a knotty but critical challenge. The challenge is that of tackling the aspirations of Jammu’s Hindu heartland.

The region, a bastion of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), only elected BJP legislators and faces the prospect of being on the wrong side of the corridors of power. Since the BJP could not get its man to the governing seat, Abdullah had to balance the concerns of this politically important constituency while setting a narrative of inclusivity and equity that avoids the polarising dichotomy oft made at best by the BJP.

He did so by including Satish Sharma, an independent legislator elected from Chhamb assembly constituency of Jammu district, among the five ministers who were administered Oath of Office and Secrecy as part of his cabinet.

The road ahead is tough, but it is here that Abdullah has a chance to chart a different agenda – an agenda that should appeal not only to Jammu’s Hindu heartland but also respect the aspirations of traditionally marginalised regions such as the Chenab Valley and Pir Panjal while also reaching out to the Kashmiri Pandit community.

The Hindu heartland of Jammu for all these years has become synonymous with BJP dominance. The party found fertile ground for its rhetoric of Hindu nationalism in this region, where development and identity-based politics, interwoven with issues of security, resonated deep within the population. However, after electing only BJP legislators, the fear of being sidelined looms large. Abdullah would do well to be cautious here. Let him not alienate the very important constituency but also ensure that he is different from the model of governance that the BJP seeks to preside over. Unlike BJP, which has enormously relied on majoritarianism across India to consolidate its vote bank, Abdullah must take the moral high ground.

He can tap into the Hindu heartland - not with empty words, but with a true expansive intent to win over their economic, social, and political anxieties. This might potentially do a better job in mending fences by rejecting the exclusionary politics which BJP has often used in mobilising its own base.

But that alone will not be enough, and only symbolic at best. Development in the Jammu’s Hindu heartland cannot be set against the needs of other areas, and past grievances should not be drowned by new goodwill gestures. Abdullah’s government can take one step forward toward inclusive economic policies for all regions so that Jammu’s sizable Hindu population feels not forgotten or singled out for special treatment at others’ expense. Perhaps the most injurious narrative that Abdullah needs to work much harder to break is the communal rhetoric routinely trotted out in political speeches in Jammu and Kashmir. A classic example was the plea for a “Hindu chief minister” or a “Dogra chief minister,” one that dominated governance as an identity-based battle.

Such appeals are usually phrased in the rhetoric of “regional pride,” but are intensely exclusionary and based on the politics of division. He should outrightly refuse the communitarian and even racist undertones and instead voice support for governance, which does not make subservience to the supremacy of one community over the other. This moment for him as a Kashmiri gives him the opportunity to be the emblem of the very ethos of the culture of Kashmir – erected on pluralism, tolerance, and the spirit of Kashmiriyat.

Outreach to both Hindus and Dogras would give Abdullah a chance to make an unequivocal statement that governance needs to be about competence, fairness, and development, and not identity. It asks for leadership that not only rejects the poisonous communal politics of “us versus them” but projects a sense of belonging to all communities.

It’s the enormous heart that Kashmiris have, and it can wake up in the form of building trust bridges under Abdullah’s governance, having dialogue with each and every section of society – and conversations around mutual respect and understanding, acknowledgement of the fears of the Hindu heartland but not letting it feed, and standing firm against forces that would seek to divide Jammu and Kashmir on communal lines.

Outreach to Jammu’s Hindu heartland is important, but Abdullah also needs to reach out to the long history of marginalisation of regions like Chenab Valley and Pir Panjal. Both these regions have suffered political and institutional neglect in the past at the cost of both Jammu's Hindu heartland as well as Kashmir valley. More often than not they have been too introverted and given a backstage in the apparatuses of state functioning in Jammu and Kashmir. For decades these regions remained victims of economic deprivation, lack of infrastructural development, and limited political representation. Abdullah’s government needs to ensure that people from these regions are brought out in public and voiced. No doubt, Chenab Valley and Pir Panjal have considerably contributed towards the cultural as well as the economic landscape of the region, their voices, however remain peripheral. Maybe Abdullah’s biggest task would be to make policies that uplift these regions and bring them into the mainstream of Jammu and Kashmir’s developmental framework.

Investments in infrastructure, education, and healthcare in such regions will definitely send the signal of a breakthrough from the past when certain regions were politically sidelined due to religious or ethnic characteristics of the population.

This political hegemony of the Hindu heartland of Jammu needs to be balanced with proper representation and distribution of resources for these relatively neglected areas. It is not only a political necessity but a moral imperative in addressing the expectations of the people from these areas. The government led by Abdullah needs to prove that this government stands for the whole of Jammu and Kashmir, not for the oft-noise-making-only regions.

An outreach to the Kashmiri Pandit community should be an important part of Abdullah’s governance. Displaced from their homeland for decades now, their alienation has only grown with time. Adding to their miseries, the community has gotten assimilated across different cultures and is losing the exclusive identity it was known for.

Unfortunately, this discourse about their coming back has been hijacked by self-proclaimed Kashmiri Pandit activists seeking a communal ecosystem portraying every Kashmiri Muslim as an extremist and the entire community as abetting their displacement. It has only made it tougher for both the parties to get real reconciled.

Abdullah has to move beyond the divisive narratives and reach out to the Kashmiri Pandit community. He must tell them it pains and hurts them but simultaneously dismantle the dangerous rhetoric that tries to demonise an entire community. Abdullah needs to tell the people unequivocally that this is not a matter of a physical resettlement in Kashmir but rebuilding those ties of trust and coexistence that once existed in the Valley. However, this outreach should be genuine. Reconciliation cannot be overnight work, but honest dialogue can initiate the healing process. The creation of arenas for conversation, discovery of real fears and concerns of both Kashmiri Pandits and Muslims, should start the slow yet necessary healings under Abdullah.

It is here that the high ground matters most, not in settling political scores but in goodness, patience, and understanding becoming a recipe for lasting peace. This is an opportunity for Abdullah to be a change agent in the political paradigm of Jammu and Kashmir, at a time when the region has slipped into communal and regional divisions. He can offer an alternative vision of inclusiveness without divisive politics like that of BJP.

Outreach to the Hindu heartland of Jammu, reconciling aspirations of Chenab Valley and Pir Panjal, and outreach to Kashmiri Pandits could set a new style of leadership in the region. The politics of exclusion must yield to the politics of inclusion. The politics of settling scores must cede to the politics of compassion. And the politics of division must yield to the politics of unity. And in all these, Abdullah from his acquaintance with the corridors of power can now change. The question is whether he will rise to the occasion and lead Jammu and Kashmir into a new era of equity, justice, and hope for all its people. After all Jammu is Kashmir’s. Jammu is Kashmir.

Greater Kashmir

#AllVoicesMatterJK #BeyondBoundariesJK #ChenabAndPirPanjalRise #DialogueForDiversity #EquityForEveryoneJK #HealingJammuAndKashmir #InclusionNotExclusionJK #JammuAndKashmirUnited #JammuIsKashmir #JusticeWithCompassion #KashmiriyatInLeadership #LeadWithUnity #MoralHighGroundJK #NewEraForJK #OmarForAllJK #PoliticsOfHopeJK #RedefineJKPolitics #UnityInDiversityJK

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