#Gorleben

[dailyanarchistposts]

Chapter 3. Economy

How will cities work?

Many people believe that an anarchist society might work in theory, but the modern world contains too many obstacles that prevent such a total liberation. Large cities are chief among these putative stumbling blocks. Industrial capitalist cities are a tangled mess of bureaucracies supposedly only kept running by the authorities. But the maintenance of a large city is not as mystifying as we are led to believe. Some of the biggest cities in the world are largely composed of self-organizing slums stretching for miles. Their quality of life leaves much to be desired, but they do show that cities do not simply collapse in the absence of experts.

Anarchists have some experience maintaining large cities; the solution seems to lie in maintenance workers taking over the organization of the infrastructure for which they are responsible, and neighborhoods forming assemblies so that nearly all other decisions can be made at a local level, where everyone can participate. It is probable that an anarchist revolution will be accompanied by a process of deurbanization as cities shrink to more manageable sizes. Many people will probably return to the land as industrial agriculture decreases or ceases, to be replaced by sustainable agriculture — or “permaculture” — which can support a higher population density in rural areas.

In such a period, it might be necessary to make new social arrangements in a hurry, but it won’t be the first time anarchists have made a town or city from scratch. In May 2003, as envoys of the eight leading world governments prepared for the “G8” summit in Evian, France, the anti-capitalist movement set up a series of connected villages to serve as a foundation for protest and an example of collective, anti-capitalist living; these took the name VAAAG (Village Alternatif, Anticapitalist et AntiGuerres). For the duration of the mobilization, thousands of people lived in these villages, organizing food, housing, childcare, debate forums, media, and legal services, and making decisions communally. The project was widely regarded as a success. The VAAAG also exhibited the dual form of organization suggested above. Specific “neighborhoods,” each with fewer than 200 people, organized around a community kitchen, while village-wide services — “inter-neighborhood collective spaces” such as the legal and medical space — were organized by those involved in providing those services. This experience was replicated during the 2005 mobilizations against the G8 in Scotland, and the 2007 mobilizations in northern Germany, when nearly six thousand people lived together in Camp Reddelich.

These protest villages had precedents in the German anti-nuclear movement of the previous generation. When the state wanted to build a massive nuclear waste storage complex at Gorleben in 1977, local farmers began to protest. In May 1980, five thousand people set up an encampment on the site, building a small city from trees cut for construction and naming their new home The Free Republic of Wendland. They issued their own passports, set up illegal radio shows and printed newspapers, and held common debates to decide how to run the camp and respond to police aggression. People shared food and did away with money in their daily lives. One month later, eight thousand police assaulted the protestors, who had decided to resist nonviolently. They were brutally beaten and cleared out. Subsequent manifestations of the antinuclear movement were less inclined to pacifism.[53]

In England, a yearly festival of travellers and hippies that converged at Stonehenge to mark the summer solstice became a major counter-cultural autonomous zone and an experiment in “collective anarchy.” Beginning in 1972, the Stonehenge Free Festival was a gathering that lasted for the month of June until the solstice. More than a music festival, it was a non-hierarchical space for the creation of music, art, and new relationships, as well as spiritual and psychedelic exploration. It became an essential ritual and social event in England’s growing traveller culture. By 1984, it drew 30,000 participants who created a self-organized village for the month. In the words of one participant, it was “Anarchy. And it worked.”[54] The Thatcher regime saw it as a threat; in 1985 they banned the 14th annual Stonehenge Free Festival, brutally attacking the several hundred people who came to set it up in an assault known as the Battle of the Beanfield.

These examples of impromptu camps are not as marginal as they might seem at first. Hundreds of millions of people throughout the world live in informally organized cities, sometimes called shantytowns or favelas, which are self-organizing, self-created, and self-sustaining. The social issues posed by these shantytowns are very complex. Millions of farmers are forced off their land yearly and have to move to the cities, where the peripheral shantytowns are the only place they can afford to settle; but a great many people also move to the city voluntarily to escape the more culturally rigid rural areas and build a new life. Many shantytowns are plagued by health problems caused by poor access to clean water, healthcare, and nutrition. However, many of these problems are peculiar to capitalism rather than the structure of the shantytowns, as the inhabitants are often ingenious in providing for themselves in spite of artificially limited resources.

Privatized electricity and water are generally too expensive, and even where these utilities are public the authorities often refuse to provide access to informal settlements. Shanty dwellers get around this problem by constructing their own wells and pirating electricity. Medical care is highly professionalized in capitalist societies and distributed in exchange for money rather than on the basis of need; consequently, there are rarely fully trained doctors in the shantytowns. But the folk medicine and healers that are present are often available on a basis of mutual aid. Access to food is also artificially limited, because small-scale horticulture for local consumption has been replaced by large-scale production of cash crops, depriving people throughout the Global South of diverse and affordable sources of local food. This problem is exacerbated in famine areas, because food aid from the US, in line with military and economic strategies, consists of imports rather than subsidies for local production. But within the settlements, available food is frequently shared rather than traded. An anthropologist estimated that in one informal settlement in Ghana people gave away almost one third of all their resources. This makes perfect sense. Police rarely have control of shantytowns, and some armed force is required to uphold an unequal distribution of resources. In other words, those who hoard resources are likely to be robbed. With few resources, little security, and no guarantees of property rights, people can live better by giving away a large portion of whatever resources they come across. Gift-giving increases their social wealth: friendships and other relationships that create a safety network which cannot be stolen.

In addition to mutual aid, the anarchist objectives of decentralization, voluntary association, hands-on production rather than professionalization of skills and services, and direct democracy are guiding principles in many shantytowns. It is also important to note that, in an era of growing environmental devastation, shantytown dwellers subside on just a fraction of a percent of the resources consumed by suburbanites and formal city dwellers. Some may even have a negative ecological footprint, in that they recycle more waste than they generate.[55] In a world without capitalism, informal settlements would have the potential to be much healthier places. Even today, they disprove the capitalist myths that cities can only be held together by experts and central organization, and that people can only live at today’s population levels by continuing to surrender our lives to the control of authorities.

One inspiring example of an informal city is El Alto, Bolivia. El Alto sits on the Altiplano, the plateau overlooking La Paz, the capital. A few decades ago El Alto was just a small town, but as global economic changes caused the shutting down of mines and small farms, huge numbers of people came here. Unable to reside in La Paz, they built settlements up on the plateau, changing the town into a major urban area with 850,000 residents. Seventy percent of the people who have jobs here make their living through family businesses in an informal economy. Land use is unregulated, and the state provides little or no infrastructure: most neighborhoods do not have paved roads, garbage removal services, or indoor plumbing, 75% of the population lacks basic health care, and 40% are illiterate.[56] Faced with this situation, the residents of the informal city took their self-organization to the next step, by creating neighborhood councils, or juntas. The first juntas in El Alto go back to the ‘50s. In 1979 these juntas started to coordinate through a new organization, the Federation of Neighborhood Councils, FEJUVE. Now there are nearly 600 juntas in El Alto. The juntas allow neighbors to pool resources to create and maintain necessary infrastructure, like schools, parks, and basic utilities. They also mediate disputes and levy sanctions in cases of conflict and social harm. The federation, FEJUVE, pools the resources of the juntas to coordinate protests and blockades and constitute the slum dwellers as a social force. In just the first five years of the new millennium, FEJUVE took a lead role in establishing a public university in El Alto, blocking new municipal taxes, and deprivatizing the water services. FEJUVE also was instrumental in the popular movement that forced the government to nationalize the natural gas resources.

Each junta typically contains at least 200 people and meets every month, making general decisions through public discussion and consensus. They also elect a committee which meets more frequently and has an administrative role. Political party leaders, merchants, real estate speculators, and those who collaborated with the dictatorship are not allowed to be committee delegates. More men than women sit on these committees; however a greater percentage of women take on leadership roles in FEJUVE than in other Bolivian popular organizations.

Parallel to the organization in neighborhood councils is the organization of infrastructure and economic activity in unions or syndicates. The street vendors and transportation workers, for example, self-organize in their own base unions.

Both the neighborhood councils and their counterparts in the informal economy are patterned after the traditional communitarian organization of rural indigenous communities (ayllu) in terms of territoriality, structure and organizational principles. They also reflect the traditions of radical miners’ unions, which for decades led Bolivia’s militant labor movement. Fusing these experiences, El Alto’s migrants have reproduced, transplanted and adapted their communities of origin to facilitate survival in a hostile urban environment. [...]Through the neighborhood juntas, El Alto has developed as a self-constructed city run by a network of micro-governments [57] independent of the state. In Raúl Zibechi’s view, the autonomous organization of labor in the informal sector, based on productivity and family ties instead of the hierarchical boss-worker relationship, reinforces this sense of empowerment: Citizens can self-manage and control their own environment [58]

Horizontal networks “without traditional leadership” also play a major role complementary to these formal structures in both the organization of daily life and the coordination of protest, blockades, and struggle against the state.

Now that Bolivia has an indigenous president and progressive government led by MAS, the Movement Towards Socialism, FEJUVE faces the danger of incorporation and recuperation that typically neutralizes horizontal movements without explicitly anti-state goals and means. However, while supporting Evo Morales’ reversals of neoliberal policy, as of this writing FEJUVE remains critical of MAS and the government, and it remains to be seen to what extent they will be recuperated.

In South Africa, there are many other examples of informal urban settlements that organizes themselves to create a better life and struggle against capitalism. Specific movements of shack dwellers in South Africa are often born out of moments of violent resistance that take on an extended life as people who met in the streets to stop an eviction or a water shut-off continue to meet in order to create structures for home care for the sick, fire watch, security patrols, burial services, education, gardens, sewing collectives, and food distribution. This was the case with the movement Abahlali base Mjondolo, which arose in 2005 out of a road blockade to stop the eviction of the settlement to make way for development in preparation for the 2010 World Cup.

The Symphony Way settlement of Capetown is a squatted community of 127 families who had been forcibly evicted from their previous home by the government, which is trying to meet its 2020 target under the Millennium Development Goals to eradicate all slums. The government relocated some of the evictees in a tent camp surrounded by armed guards and razor wire, and the rest in the Transit Relocation Areas, described by one resident as “a lost place in hell” with high crime and frequent rape of children.[59]

Refusing to negotiate with the highly distrusted political parties or to live in either of the officially provided hell holes, the Symphony Way families decided to illegally occupy an area along a road to set up their community. They organize their community with mass assemblies in which everyone participates, as well as a high degree of individual initiative. For example, Raise, a nurse who lives in Symphony Way, volunteers as a teacher within the community center, helps organize a girl’s netball team, a boy’s soccer team, a drum band, a children’s daycamp during holidays, and assists in childbirth. Children are very important within the settlement, and they have their own committee to discuss the problems they are confronted with. “In the committee we solve our everyday problems, when children fight or something. We come together and talk. There are children from other settlements, not only from this road,” explains one member of the committee. The community is multiracial and multireligious, including Rastafarians, Muslims, and Christians, who work together to foster a culture of respect among the different groups. The settlement has a night-watch to discourage antisocial crime and put out unattended fires. The residents told a visiting Russian anarchist that they felt much safer in their community than they would in one of the camps offered by the government, where crime is rampant, because at Symphony Way the community worked together to protect itself. “When someone is in trouble everyone is here,” explained Raise. The sense of community is one reason why the squatters do not want to move to a government camp, despite the threat of police violence, and even though in the tent camp the government provides food and water for free. “The community is strong and we made it strong, living and working together, but we didn’t know each other when we first came here. This year and a half made us all a big family.”

There are thousands of examples of people creating cities, living at high population density, and meeting their basic needs with scant resources, with mutual aid and direct action. But what about the bigger picture? How would densely populated cities feed themselves without subjugating or exploiting the surrounding countryside? It may be that the subjugation of rural areas by cities played a role in the emergence of the state thousands of years ago. But cities do not have to be as unsustainable as they are now. The 19th century anarchist Peter Kropotkin wrote about a phenomenon that suggested interesting possibilities for anarchist cities. Urban gardeners in and immediately around Paris supplied most of the city’s vegetables via intensive agriculture supported by plentiful manure from the city, as well as industrial products, such as glass for greenhouses, that was too costly for farmers in rural areas. These suburban gardeners lived close enough to the city that they could come in every week to sell their produce at market. The spontaneous development of this system of gardening was one of Kropotkin’s inspirations in writing about anarchist cities.

In Cuba, centralized industrial agriculture collapsed after the fall of the Soviet Bloc, which had been Cuba’s main supplier of petroleum and machinery. The subsequent tightening of the US embargo only exacerbated the situation. The average Cuban lost 20 pounds. Quickly, much of the country shifted to small-scale intensive urban agriculture. As of 2005, half of the fresh produce consumed by the 2 million residents of Havana was produced by about 22,000 urban gardeners within the city itself.[60] The Parisian example chronicled by Kropotkin shows that such shifts can also occur without state guidance.

[christinamac1]

Backfilling of Gorleben salt mine (former German nuclear waste dump) starts

At left, The Gorleben mine was used as the German nuclear waste dump decades ago .  Backfilling has begun of the former salt mine in Gorleben, Lower Saxony –previously considered a possible site for geological disposal of Germany’shigh-level radioactive waste. Exploration work on the Gorleben rock saltformation as a potential radioactive waste repository site began in 1977.The federal…

[techcreecamper]

Auf auf ruft der Fuchs zum Hasen...

Wo sich Fuchs und Hase gute Nacht sagen und die ehemalige Innerdeutsche Grenze verlief. Irgendwo im Niergendwo, da liegt das Wendland.

Genauer gesagt unterrteilt man hier die Region in den Südkreis bei Clenze, den Nordkreis mit der Elbtalaue bis etwa Hitzacker und dazwischen befindet sich das Wendland mit seinen Rundlingsdörfern. Die stark von Landwirtschaft geprägte Region ist allgemein als das Wendland bekannt. Bekannt geworden, weniger durch die großartige Natur, seine Rundlingsdörfer und die Wenden, sondern vielmehr durch das damals geplante Endlager in Gorleben und die Proteste der Bevölkerung. Und richtiges Heide Feeling gibt es hier auch. Die Nemitzer Heide entspricht auch dem, was unser Bild im Kopf von der Lüneburger Heide entspricht. Die Region zwischen Clenze, Lüchow, Dannenberg (Elbe) und Hitzacker liegt genau auf der Mitte, wenn man eine Linie zwischen Berlin und Hamburg ziehen würde.

Klar gibt es auch hier den ein oder anderen Campingplatz, bspw. in Dannenber (Elbe) oder in Gartow am See. Aber auch ein paar WoMo Übernachtungsplätze, wie in Zadrau oder Gorleben am Hafen oder auch direkt in Gartow dort am See. Und die sind dann natürlich auch entsprechend günstiger. Nicht zu vergessen den WoMo Stellplatz in Hitzacker, der sich großer Beliebtheit erfreut. Betrachten wir das auf der Landkarte (Quelle: Google Maps) wäre es auch ein guter Zwischenstop für die Weiterreise an die Nord- oder Ostsee.

Allerdings sind die Autobahnen von hier aus egal in welche Richtungen man auch immer fährt ziemlich weit entfernt. Da muss man bis zu einer Stunde einrechnen bis man überhaupt auf eine Autobahn auffahren kann. Also im umgekehrten Fall dauert es noch einige Zeit wenn man von der Autobahn abfährt bis man dann im Wendland ist. Dafür gibt es dann aber auch Natur pur und viele Vogelarten, die man sonst eher selten zu sehen bekommt. Nachts bei klarem Himmel gibt es ein Sternenzelt, welches seines Gleichen sucht. Kulturelles gibt es in der Zeit der Kulturellen Landpartie extrem viel, aber auch sonst hat die Region einiges zu bieten. Jedenfalls für Touristen. Da wäre bspw. die Wendlandtherme und was die zwei beschauliche Städtchen Lüchow und Dannenberg so zu bieten haben. Jedenfalls so ziemlich alles was man so braucht. Und überall stehen SB Automaten mit Produkten der Landwirte und regionalen Erzeugnissen.

Was aber ist das, was da auf dem vorgehenden Bild zu sehen ist? Das ist kein Camping- oder WoMo Stellplatz, doch Bulli Freunde von uns können die Möglichkeit nutzen, hier in "unserem Vorgarten" eine Nacht zu verbringen. Wasser und Strom ist kein Problem, aber natürlich gibt es keine Sanitäreanlagen oder die Möglichkeit seiinen Müll, Grauwasser oder den Inhalt der Campingtoilette zu entsorgen.

Und Flugfans, die ggf. direkt auf dem nicht weit entfernt Flugplatz Rehbeck nicht untekommen können, die sind bei uns übrigens auch herrzlich willkommen für die ein oder andere Nacht mit eigenem Camper. Wir sind aber kein Stellpaltz in dem Sinne und haben zudem auch Hunde. Dieses Angebot richtet sich also nicht an Jedermann/frau. Die sind sicher besser auf dem Stellplatz in Zadrau aufgehoben.

Es gibt nur wenige Orte in Deutschland, wo es noch soviele Tiere gibt, die auf irgendeiner Liste stehen, weil sie selten geworden sind. Bei uns kann man schon mal Störche und auch den Schwarzstorch sehen und je nach Jahreszeit auch jede Menge Kraniche. Und Fahrradwege gibt es ohne Ende. Wer also seinen Trip mit viel Zeit planen kann, auf dem Weg in den Orden oder in den Süden ist, der dürfte ggf. Freude daran haben einen Schlenker über "das Wendland" zu machen.

[martinefaitduvelo]

[gamat3000]

[janwillenbacher]

Ich bin im #wendland angekommen. Die Idee mich und mein Equipment mit dem Fahrrad durch die Gegend zu kutschieren funktioniert, zumindest wenn man den Flüssen abwärts folgt 😁 Gestern Abend bin ich zufällig am Gasthaus Wiese in #gedelitz vorbeigekommen und durfte ein wunderbares Konzert von @timlothar und @daubholger genießen. Vielen Dank an diese beiden tollen Musiker für einen sehr schönen Abend auf der #kulturellelandpartie Heute suche ich mir meine Bühne 😊 #fahrradtour #buskinglife #musicianontour #liedermacher #singersongwriterlife #gorleben #elberadweg (hier: Gedelitz, Niedersachsen, Germany) https://www.instagram.com/p/CSEVcFeMf4K/?utm_medium=tumblr

[julegoelsdorf]

Heute mal #News bei #NDR #Info! Wir sehen uns um 16 Uhr! #ndrfernsehen Ein spannendes Thema: Die suche nach einem #Atommüll-#Endlager. #Gorleben ist raus! Gibt es in Eurer Nähe Orte, die unter den 90 möglichen Gebieten sind? #nachrichten #norden #norddeutschland #newsanchor (hier: NDR Hamburg) https://www.instagram.com/p/CFrjVKXK80V/?igshid=1p5su64shb75

[christinamac1]

April 15, Germany's Greenpeace to celebrate nuclear phaseout

After decades of hard work by many courageous people, Germany is phasingout nuclear power. So that this success can finally become reality, we wantto demonstrate with you in Munich. Ever since Greenpeace Germany wasfounded in 1980, we have been fighting against the military and civilianuse of dangerous nuclear power, for example in Wackersdorf, Gorleben andGundremmingen. Also under pressure from…

[angelamerkelultras]

#atommerkel #gorleben

[kleinefreiheiten]

10.1979 Nemitz

[unfug-bilder]

Bloß kein Mimimi. Das hat eine lange Tradition.

Westdeutschland plante sein Endlager in Gorleben (Grenzort zur DDR) in Stollen, die teilweise unter dieser lagen. Das tatsächlich betriebene Atom-Endlager der untergegangenen DDR befindet sich im Grenzort Morsleben. Die Anlage liegt ungefähr zur Hälfte unter der alten Bundesrepublik.

[underthewingsofthblackeagle]

Happy Birthday Niedersachsen - from an Englishman :)

(Video: Sadly, German only)

           Lower Saxony celebrates its 75th birthday this year. But how did the state become what it is today? In this 90-minute history documentary, English scientist John Goodyear embarks on an exciting journey through the state, which was significantly co-founded by his British compatriots on November 1, 1946. Charmingly and with a large portion of curiosity in the luggage the choice Oldenburger Goodyear tries to find out, which coined humans between North Sea, heath and resin in the last seven and a half decades and where its compatriots had everywhere their fingers in the play. British impulses shape the state             With historical archive footage, moving interviews and fascinating landscape shots depicting Lower Saxony in all its diversity, the film paints a portrait of a state that has undergone astonishing development over the past 75 years. In the process, many British impulses have shaped the state. From the founding of the Hanover Fair to the establishment of the reception camp Friedland to the "rescue" of the VW factories by the British officer and engineer Ivan Hirst. When the last British soldiers left their barracks in 2015, the former enemies had long since become good friends. The starting point of Goodyear's historical search for clues is Hanover. In the New Town Hall, he meets journalist Simon Benne, who tells him about the founding of the country. A difficult birth under British supervision: "The fact that Lower Saxony was created in 1946 from the states of Oldenburg, Braunschweig, Hanover and Schaumburg-Lippe was anything but a foregone conclusion!The film shows important milestones in Lower Saxony's history: from the reception of hundreds of thousands of refugees, to the Emsland Plan, the beginning of tourism during the so-called economic miracle, to the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. Events that moved and shaped Lower Saxony             One of the great conflicts in the history of Lower Saxony was fought out in the Wendland region. The decision in 1977 to build a nuclear repository in Gorleben also marked the beginning of turbulent times for Andreas Graf von Bernstorff, because the project was to be built on his forest estate. In an interview with John Goodyear, the nobleman recalls these turbulent decades and even reveals how many millions of German marks he was offered for his land at the time. Nevertheless, he turned it down. In the meantime, the dispute over the final repository in Gorleben is history. A look back at these and other events that moved and shaped Lower Saxony.Finally, John Goodyear meets former British liaison officer Hugh Pierson at the military training area in Bergen-Hohne, who formulates a fitting conclusion: "Lower Saxony has found itself over the years, we were there, and we were also there as friends.”

Text and Video: NDRTranslation: mine

[aktionfsa-blog-blog]

Strukturelle Polizeigewalt?!

Bürger beobachten die Polizei

📷Das Grundrechtekomitee hat zu zwei Polizeieinsätzen recherchiert und die Berichte zeigen eine erschreckende Selbstherrlichkeit der eingesetzen Beamten.

Was religiös ist entscheidet die Einsatzleitung

Es gibt ein grundgesetzlich garantiertes Recht auf "die ungestörte Religionsausübung", die laut Artikel 4 Absatz 2 GG "gewährleistet wird". In Verbindung  mit Artikel 19 Absatz 2: "In keinem Falle darf ein Grundrecht in seinem Wesensgehalt angetastet werden."

Als nun am 23. Juli 2021 auf der 18. Etappe des "Kreuzweges für die Schöpfung – Von Gorleben nach Garzweiler" die Gruppe am Schloss Oberwerries in Hamm ankamen, stoppte die "zufällig" (so der Polizeisprecher) anwesende Polizei den Zug. Die Einsatzkräfte aus Nordrhein-Westfalen haben versucht dem Pilgerzug den religiösen Charakter abzusprechen und nannten es eine nicht angemeldete Demonstration.

Der Vorwurf lautete, es handle sich bei dem religiösen Kreuzweg um eine “nicht angemeldete, politische Versammlung”, u.a. weil politische Fahnen mitgeführt werden. So war zum Beispiel auf einem Plakat das Zitat "Diese Wirtschaft tötet" von Papst Franziskus zu lesen.

Auf dem Internetauftritt des Kreuzweges ist weiter zu lesen: Bei dem Polizeieinsatz wurde ein Rentnerehepaar von “Christians for future Aachen” von der Polizei zu Boden gestoßen. Der bekannte Waldpädagoge Michael Zobel wurde in Handschellen abgeführt. Der Kreuzträger Jonas wurde festgenommen und auf das Polizeipräsidium Hamm gebracht.

Die Polizei hat inzwischen alle Vorwürfe der Pilger zurückgewiesen. Haben die Vorfälle nicht oder in einer anderen Dimension stattgefunden?

Polizeieinsatz ohne Rücksicht auf Gesundheit und Leben

In dem anderen Bericht des Grundrechtekomitees geht es um die Vorfälle bei der Rodung des Dannenröder Waldes zwischen Oktober 2019 bis Dezember 2020. Dort wurden Aktivist:innen aus ca. 100 Baumhäusern und verschiedenen Baumhausdörfern mit Polizeigewalt vertrieben. Die AktivistInnen beklagen:

Während der Räumung hat die Polizei immer wieder ihr Motto „Sicherheit vor Schnelligkeit“ gepredigt, die Einsatzrealität war allerdings eine andere. Es wurde zwölf Stunden täglich, sieben Tage die Woche geräumt. ... Die Fällungsarbeiten sind zudem systematisch zu nah an Aktivist:innen durchgeführt worden, weil es entgegen des Mottos „Sicherheit vor Schnelligkeit“ für sinnvoll erachtet wurde, gleichzeitig zu räumen und zu roden. Das bedeutete, dass in nächster Nähe zu uns gearbeitet und kein Sicherheitsabstand eingehalten wurde. In diesem Zusammenhang kam es auch zu einem schweren Pendelsturz, bei dem eine Person verletzt worden ist. ...

In Abwesenheit parlamentarischer Beobachtung sind auch zwei Menschen von den Cops besonders schwer verletzt worden. Einmal wurde ein tragendes Seil einer Blockadestruktur von einem Cop durchgeschnitten, ein anderes Mal wurde so lange auf einem Seil herum getrampelt, bis es riss. Zwei Menschen sind aus mehreren Metern Höhe abgestürzt und haben sich dabei Wirbel gebrochen. ...

Die Aktivist:innen der drei darauffolgenden Autobahnblockaden am 26. Oktober auf der A3, der A5 und der A661 sind vom Amtsgericht Frankfurt in Untersuchungshaft genommen worden und saßen teils monatelang im Knast. Dies ist ein absolutes Novum – bis dato waren keine U-Haft-Fälle im Zusammenhang mit Verkehrsblockaden bekannt. ( https://www.presseportal.de/blaulicht/pm/148303/4746857 und https://freethemall.blackblogs.org/ )

Die Sprecherin für Straßenbau und Lärmschutz der hessischen Grünen äußerte sich in einer Landtagsdebatte am 10. Dezember 2020 zur Räumung des Dannenröder Waldes ganz anders:

"Strukturelle Polizeigewalt hat es im Dannenröder Forst nicht gegeben. Wer dieses Bild stellt und in den sozialen Medien verbreitet, lügt und hat andere Motivationen als den Schutz der Wälder, die Verkehrswende oder die Einhaltung der Pariser Klimaziele. Dem geht es um den Kampf gegen unseren Rechtsstaat und für eine andere Gesellschaft". ( https://www.hessenschau.de/politik/landtag/landtagsvideos/katy-walther-gruene-die-polizei-hat-im-dannenroeder-forst-viel-geleistet,video-139140.html )

Mehr dazu bei https://www.grundrechtekomitee.de/details/verfassungsfeinde-ueber-uns-zum-polizeieinsatz-bei-schloss-oberwerries-hammwestfalen und https://www.grundrechtekomitee.de/details/strukturelle-repression-gegen-die-klimabewegung Link zu dieser Seite: https://www.aktion-freiheitstattangst.org/de/articles/7792-20211007-strukturelle-polizeigewalt-.htm

[architectureofdoom]

Storage room for highly radioactive waste in the interim storage site at the northern German city of Gorleben.