#Emanuel Celler

[todaysdocument]

Letter from Mrs. E. Jackson in Favor of Voting Rights

Record Group 233: Records of the U.S. House of RepresentativesSeries: Bill Files of the Committee on the Judiciary

Tell her I condemn Gov Wallace for his shameful conduct in undue use of tear gas and war tactics in Selma and am cooperating with the administration to punish the offenders and to prevent(?) recurrance(?) of the mischief(?)

1460 Sterling Pl. #16

Brooklyn 13, N.Y.

March 8, 1965

Dear Sir:

For God sakes help those poor innocent people in Selma Alabama. If your voice or vote can be of service now is the time to use it. We can't sit by any longer and watch the shocking events in Ala. Send troops there not overseas and protect those people right to vote. It's sicken and as a mother of four sons I can't stand it any longer. To think that one day my sons could lose their lives protecting those ignorant people down there is unbearable.

Sincerly,

Mrs. E. Jackson.

Mrs. E. Jackson wrote to the House Judiciary Committee the day after Bloody Sunday in Selma, Alabama. She was reacting to scenes of police brutality during a voting rights march that many Americans witnessed on television news programs. The interlined handwriting in pencil is likely that of House Judiciary Chairman Emanuel Celler, who was Mrs. Jackson's representative in Congress and an active supporter of voting rights legislation in the House.

[frithwontdie]

Thanks for tag @stillnotwriting

Being behind gun control.

Jewish domination of American foreign policy:

[congressarchives]

Baseball History

Spring training is upon us, ushering in the first notes of spring in the midst of the last long month of winter, as it has for over a century. The history of baseball is as integral to the fiber of the sport as is the annual trip to warmer weather and the reporting of pitchers and catchers, and no history of the game is complete without reference to one of its first serious historians. Dr. Harold Seymour’s PhD was the first awarded based on baseball research, and his book (referenced above in a letter to House Judiciary Committee Chairman Emanuel Celler, who was considering sports antitrust legislation during the 85th Congress) influenced generations of sports historians. Modern baseball historians such as John Thorn have rightly identified his wife, Dorothy Seymour Mills, as equally essential to the scholarship presented in the three seminal Seymour tomes (Baseball: The Early Years; Baseball: The Golden Age; Baseball: The People’s Game), and regularly cite the two as major contributors to our understanding of the game.

Letter to Emanuel Celler and Copy of Article, 10/26/1957; Committee Papers (HR85A-F11.16); Committee on the Judiciary; Records of the U.S. House of Representatives, RG 233. 

#Congress #Springtraining #baseball #MLB #Seymour #JohnThorn #EmanuelCeller #AntiTrust

[blackkudos]

John Conyers

John James Conyers Jr. (May 16, 1929 – October 27, 2019) was an American politician of the Democratic Party who served as a U.S. Representative for Michigan from 1965 to 2017. The districts he represented always included part of western Detroit. During his final three terms, his district included many of Detroit's western suburbs, as well as a large portion of the Downriver area.

Conyers served more than 50 years in Congress, becoming the sixth-longest serving member of Congress in U.S. history; he was the longest-serving African American member of Congress. Conyers was the Dean of the House of Representatives. By the end of his last term, he was the last remaining member of Congress who had served since the presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson.

After serving in the Korean War, Conyers became active in the civil rights movement. He also served as an aide to Congressman John Dingell before winning election to the House in 1964. He co-founded the Congressional Black Caucus in 1969 and established a reputation as one of the most liberal members of Congress. Conyers joined the Congressional Progressive Caucus after it was founded in 1991. Conyers supported creation of a single-payer healthcare system and sponsored the United States National Health Care Act. He also sponsored a bill to establish Martin Luther King Jr. Day as a federal holiday. Conyers ran for Mayor of Detroit in 1989 and 1993, but he was defeated in the primary both times.

Conyers served as the ranking Democratic member on the House Committee on the Judiciary from 1995 to 2007 and again from 2011 to 2017. He served as chairman of that committee from 2007 to 2011 and as Chairman of the House Oversight Committee from 1989 to 1995. In the wake of allegations that he had sexually harassed female staff members and secretly used taxpayer money to settle a harassment claim, Conyers announced his resignation from Congress on December 5, 2017.

Early life, education, and early career

Conyers was born in Highland Park, Michigan, and grew up in Detroit, the son of Lucille Janice (Simpson) and John James Conyers, a labor leader. Among his siblings was younger brother William Conyers. After graduating from Northwestern High School, Conyers served in the Michigan National Guard from 1948 to 1950; the U.S. Army from 1950 to 1954; and the U.S. Army Reserves from 1954 to 1957. Conyers served for a year in Korea during the Korean War as an officer in the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and was awarded combat and merit citations.

After his active military service, Conyers pursued a college education. He earned both his BA (1957) and LL.B. (1958) degrees from Wayne State University. After he was admitted to the bar, he worked on the staff of Congressman John Dingell. He also served as counsel to several Detroit-area labor union locals. From 1961 to 1963, he was a referee for Michigan's workmen's compensation department.

Conyers became one of the leaders of the civil rights movement. He was present in Selma, Alabama, on October 7, 1963, for the voter registration drive known as Freedom Day.

U.S. House of Representatives

Elections

In 1964, Conyers ran for an open seat in what was then the 1st District, and defeated Republican Robert Blackwell with 84% of the vote. He was reelected 13 times with even larger margins. After the 1990 United States Census, Michigan lost a congressional district, and there was redistricting. Conyers's district was renumbered as the 14th district.

In 1992, Conyers won re-election to his 15th term in his new district, which included western suburbs of Detroit, with 82% of the vote against Republican nominee John Gordon. He won re-election another nine times after that. His worst re-election performance was in 2010, when he got 77% of the vote against Republican nominee Don Ukrainec. In 2013, his district was renamed as the 13th district.

In total, Conyers won re-election twenty-five times and was serving in his twenty-sixth term. He was the dean of the House as longest-serving current member, the third longest-serving member of the House in history, and the sixth longest-serving member of Congress in history. He was the second-longest serving member of either house of Congress in Michigan's history, trailing only his former boss, Dingell. He was also the last member of the large Democratic freshman class of 1964 who was still serving in the House.

In May 2014, Wayne County Clerk Cathy Garrett determined that Conyers had not submitted enough valid nominating petition signatures to appear on the August 2014 Primary Election ballot. Two of his workers circulating petitions were not themselves registered voters at the time, which was required under Michigan law. But on May 23, Federal District Judge Matthew Leitman issued an injunction placing Conyers back on the ballot, ruling that the requirement that circulators be registered voters was similar to an Ohio law which had been found unconstitutional in 2008 by a Federal appeals court. The Michigan Secretary of State's office subsequently announced they would not appeal the ruling.

Tenure

Conyers was one of the 13 founding members of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) and was considered the Dean of that group. Formed in 1969, the CBC was founded to strengthen African-American lawmakers' ability to address the legislative concerns of Black and minority citizens. He served longer in Congress than any other African American. In 1971, he was one of the original members of Nixon's Enemies List.

In 1965, Conyers won a seat as a freshman on the influential Judiciary Committee, which was then chaired by Democratic Congressman Emanuel Celler of New York. The assignment was considered an elite one, as Judiciary ranked behind only Ways and Means and Appropriations in terms of the number of Members who sought assignment there.

According to the National Journal, Conyers has been considered, with Pete Stark, John Lewis, Jim McDermott, and Barbara Lee, to be one of the most liberal members of Congress for many years. Rosa Parks, known for her prominent role in the Montgomery, Alabama bus boycott, moved to Detroit and served on Conyers' staff between 1965 and 1988.

Conyers was known to have opposed regulation of online gambling. He opposed the Unlawful Internet Gambling Enforcement Act of 2006. After the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. in 1968, Conyers introduced the first bill in Congress to make King's birthday a federal holiday. He continued to propose legislation to establish the federal holiday in every session of Congress from 1968 to 1983, when Martin Luther King Jr. Day was finally signed into law by President Ronald Reagan.

Conyers introduced the "Commission to Study Reparation Proposals for African Americans Act" (H.R. 3745) in January 1989. He re-introduced this bill each congressional term. It calls for establishing a commission to research the history of slavery in the United States and its effects on current society, which is to recommend ways to remedy this injustice against African Americans. The current version was introduced and referred to committee on January 3, 2013. Conyers first introduced the proposed resolution in 1989, and has stated his intention to annually propose this act until it is approved and passed. Since 1997, the bill has been designated "H.R. 40," most recently, H.R. 40. If passed, the commission would explore the longstanding effects of slavery on today's society, politics, and economy.

"My bill does four things: It acknowledges the fundamental injustice and inhumanity of slavery; It establishes a commission to study slavery, its subsequent racial and economic discrimination against freed slaves; It studies the impact of those forces on today's living African Americans; and the commission would then make recommendations to Congress on appropriate remedies to redress the harm inflicted on living African Americans."

Nixon and Watergate

Conyers was critical of President Richard Nixon during his tenure. He was listed as number 13 on President Nixon's enemies list during the president's 1969–74 presidential tenure. The president's Chief Counsel described him as "coming on fast," and said he was "emerging" as a "black anti-Nixon spokesman". Conyers, who voted to impeach Nixon in July 1974, wrote at the time,

My analysis of the evidence clearly reveals an Administration so trapped by its own war policy and a desire to remain in office that it entered into an almost unending series of plans for spying, burglary and wiretapping, inside this country and against its own citizens, and without precedent in American history.

National Health Care Act

Conyers submitted the United States National Health Care Act (Expanded and Improved Medicare for All Act) (H.R. 676); as of 2015, it had 49 cosponsors. He introduced it with 25 cosponsors, in 2003, and reintroduced it each session since then. The act calls for the creation of a universal single-payer health care system in the United States, in which the government would provide every resident health care free of charge. To eliminate disparate treatment between richer and poorer Americans, the Act would prohibit private insurers from covering any treatment or procedure already covered by the Act.

Downing Street memo

On May 5, 2005, Conyers and 88 other members of Congress wrote an open letter to the White House inquiring about the Downing Street memo. This was a leaked memorandum that revealed an apparent secret agreement between the United States and the United Kingdom to attack Iraq in 2002. The Times reported that newly discovered documents reveal British and U.S. intentions to invade Iraq and leaders of the two countries had "discussed creating pretextual justifications for doing so."

The memo story broke in the United Kingdom, but did not receive much coverage in the United States. Conyers said: "This should not be allowed to fall down the memory hole during wall-to-wall coverage of the Michael Jackson trial and a runaway bride." Conyers and others reportedly considered sending a congressional investigation delegation to London.

What Went Wrong in Ohio

In May 2005, Conyers released What Went Wrong in Ohio: The Conyers Report On The 2004 Presidential Election. This dealt with the voting irregularities in the state of Ohio during the 2004 U.S. Presidential Election. The evidence offered consists of statistical abnormalities in the differences between exit poll results and actual votes registered at those locations. The book also discusses reports of faulty electronic voting machines and the lack of credibility of those machines used to tally votes.

Conyers was one of 31 members of the House who voted not to count the electoral votes from Ohio in the 2004 presidential election.

Constitution in Crisis

On August 4, 2006, Conyers released his report, The Constitution in Crisis: The Downing Street Minutes and Deception, Manipulation, Torture, Retributions and Cover-ups in the Iraq War, an edited collection of information intended to serve as evidence that the Bush Administration altered intelligence to justify the 2003 invasion of Iraq.

The Constitution in Crisis examines much of the evidence presented by the Bush Administration prior to the invasion and questions the credibility of their sources of intelligence. In addition, the document investigates conditions that led to the torture scandal at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, as well as further evidence of torture having been committed but not made known to the public. Finally, the document reports on a series of "smear tactics" purportedly used by the administration in dealing with its political adversaries. The document calls for the censure of President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney. Conyers refused to back impeachment proceedings, however.

On anti-Muslim intolerance

Conyers proposed House Resolution 288, which condemns "religious intolerance" and emphasizes Islam as needing special protection from acts of violence and intolerance. It states that "it should never be official policy of the United States Government to disparage the Quran, Islam, or any religion in any way, shape, or form," and "calls upon local, State, and Federal authorities to work to prevent bias-motivated crimes and acts against all individuals, including those of the Islamic faith." The bill was referred to the House subcommittee on the Constitution in June 2005.

In 2005, Conyers introduced House Resolution 160, a house resolution that would have condemned the conduct of Narendra Modi, then the chief minister of the State of Gujarat in India. The resolution was cosponsored by Republican Representative Joseph R. Pitts (Republican of Pennsylvania). The resolution's title was: "Condemning the conduct of Chief Minister Narendra Modi for his actions to incite religious persecution and urging the United States to condemn all violations of religious freedom in India." The resolution cited a 2004 United States Commission on International Religious Freedom report on Modi stating that he was "widely accused of being reluctant to bring the perpetrators of the killings of Muslims and non-Hindus to justice". (See 2002 Gujarat riots.) The resolution was not adopted.

Conyers v. Bush

In April 2006 Conyers, together with ten other senior congressmen, filed an action in the U.S. District Court in the Eastern District of Michigan, Southern Division, challenging the constitutionality of the Deficit Reduction Act of 2005. The complaint alleged the bill was not afforded due consideration by the United States Congress before being signed by the President. The action was subsequently dismissed on grounds of lack of standing.

Ethics controversy

In April 2006, the FBI, and the US Attorney's office sent independent letters to the House Ethics Committee, saying that two former aides of Conyers had alleged that Conyers used his staff to work on several local and state campaigns of other politicians, including that of his wife Monica Conyers, for the Detroit City Council (she won a seat in 2005). He also forced them to baby-sit and chauffeur his children.

In late December 2006, Conyers "accepted responsibility" for violating House rules. A statement issued December 29, 2006, by the House Ethics Committee chairman Doc Hastings and Ranking Minority Member Howard Berman, said that Conyers acknowledged what he characterized as a "lack of clarity" in his communications with staff members regarding their official duties and responsibilities, and accepted responsibility for his actions.

In deciding to drop the matter, Hastings and Berman said:

After reviewing the information gathered during the inquiry, and in light of Representative Conyers' cooperation with the inquiry, we have concluded that this matter should be resolved through the issuance of this public statement and the agreement by Representative Conyers to take a number of additional, significant steps to ensure that his office complies with all rules and standards regarding campaign and personal work by congressional staff.

Copyright bill

Conyers repeatedly introduced the Fair Copyright in Research Works Act, a bill that would overturn the NIH Public Access Policy, an open-access mandate of the National Institutes of Health. Conyers' bill would forbid the government from mandating that federally funded research be made freely available to the public. The legislation was supported by the publishing industry, and opposed by groups such as the Electronic Frontier Foundation. Writers Lawrence Lessig and Michael Eisen accused Conyers of being influenced by publishing houses, who have contributed significant money to his campaigns.

House Report on George W. Bush presidency and proposed inquiry

On January 13, 2009, the House Committee on the Judiciary, led by Conyers, released Reining in the Imperial Presidency: Lessons and Recommendations Relating to the Presidency of George W. Bush, a 486-page report detailing alleged abuses of power that occurred during the Bush administration, and a comprehensive set of recommendations to prevent recurrence. Conyers introduced a bill to set up a "truth commission" panel to investigate alleged policy abuses of the Bush administration.

Bill reading controversy

In late July 2009, Conyers, commenting on the healthcare debate in the House, stated: "I love these members, they get up and say, 'Read the bill' ... What good is reading the bill if it's a thousand pages and you don't have two days and two lawyers to find out what it means after you read the bill?" His remark brought criticism from government transparency advocates such as the Sunlight Foundation, which referred to readthebill.org in response.

Bribery conviction of wife

On June 16, 2009, the United States Attorney's Office said that two Synagro Technologies representatives had named Monica Conyers as the recipient of bribes from the company totaling more than $6,000, paid to influence passage of a contract with the City of Detroit. The information was gathered during an FBI investigation into political corruption in the city.

She was given a pre-indictment letter, and offered a plea bargain deal in the case. On June 26, 2009, she was charged with conspiring to commit bribery. She pleaded guilty. On March 10, 2010, she was sentenced to 37 months in prison, and also received two years of supervised probation. She served slightly more than 27 months at the Alderson Federal Prison Camp. After supervised release, she was fully released from federal custody officially on May 16, 2013.

Response to accusations regarding American Muslim spies

In October, Conyers responded to allegations from four Republican Congress Members, in the wake of the launch of the book Muslim Mafia, that the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) sought to plant Muslim "spies" in Capitol Hill. He strongly opposed the accusations, saying:

It shouldn't need to be said in 2009, and after the historic election of our first African-American president, but let me remind all my colleagues that patriotic Americans of all races, religions, and beliefs have the right – and the responsibility – to participate in our political process, including by volunteering to work in Congressional offices. Numerous Muslim-American interns have served the House ably and they deserve our appreciation and respect, not attacks on their character or patriotism.

WikiLeaks

At a December 16, 2010, hearing of the House Judiciary Committee on the subject of "the Espionage Act and the Legal and Constitutional Issues Raised by WikiLeaks," Conyers "argue[d] strongly against prosecuting WikiLeaks in haste – or at all." He strongly defended the whistleblowing organization, saying:

As an initial matter, there is no doubt that WikiLeaks is very unpopular right now. Many feel that the WikiLeaks publication was offensive. But being unpopular is not a crime, and publishing offensive information is not either. And the repeated calls from politicians, journalists, and other so-called experts crying out for criminal prosecutions or other extreme measures make me very uncomfortable. Indeed, when everyone in this town is joined together calling for someone's head, that is it a pretty strong sign we need to slow down and take a closer look. ... [L]et us not be hasty, and let us not legislate in a climate of fear or prejudice. For, in such an atmosphere, it is our constitutional freedoms and our cherished civil rights that are the first to be sacrificed in the false service of our national security.

Conyers's statement was "in marked contrast to the repeated calls from other members of Congress and Obama administration officials to prosecute WikiLeaks head Julian Assange immediately."

Criticism of American foreign policy

Conyers and his Republican colleague Ted Yoho offered bipartisan amendments to block the U.S. military training of Ukraine's Azov Battalion of the Ukrainian National Guard. Some members of the battalion are openly white supremacists. Conyers stated, "If there's one simple lesson we can take away from US involvement in conflicts overseas, it's this: Beware of unintended consequences. As was made vividly clear with U.S. involvement in Afghanistan during the Soviet invasion decades ago, overzealous military assistance or the hyper-weaponization of conflicts can have destabilizing consequences and ultimately undercut our own national interests."

Conyers has also voiced concerns about sending anti-aircraft missiles to Syrian rebels.

Sexual harassment allegations and resignation

In 2015, a former employee of Conyers alleged that he had sexually harassed her and dismissed her. She filed an affidavit with the Congressional Office of Compliance. She said she was paid a settlement of $27,000 from public funds. BuzzFeed reported on this settlement on November 20, 2017, based on documents from Mike Cernovich, a conspiracy theorist and provocateur. BuzzFeed reported accounts of other ethical concerns associated with Conyers's office, such as sexual harassment of other female staffers, and staffers allegedly often finding him undressed inside his office.

In November 2017, Melanie Sloan, founder of Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW), publicly accused Conyers of having harassed and verbally abused her during her tenure working for the House Judiciary Committee. On one occasion, she was summoned to his office and found him sitting in his underwear, and she quickly left.

Conyers responded to these reports, saying, "In our country, we strive to honor this fundamental principle that all are entitled to due process. In this case, I expressly and vehemently denied the allegations made against me, and continue to do so. My office resolved the allegations – with an express denial of liability – in order to save all involved from the rigors of protracted litigation."

On November 21, 2017, the House Ethics Committee launched an investigation into multiple sexual harassment allegations against Conyers. Later in November 2017 there were reports that a second woman accused Conyers of sexual harassment. House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, who had initially stated that Conyers was an "icon" and had done a great deal to protect women, called upon Conyers to resign. She said the allegations against him were "very credible".

On December 5, 2017, Conyers resigned his House seat because of his mounting sexual scandals. The announcement came the day after another former staffer released an affidavit accusing Conyers of sexual harassment. The same day, an article by The Washington Post published allegations by Courtney Morse that Conyers had threatened her with a similar fate to that of Chandra Levy, a staffer found murdered in a park in Washington, DC. She said that after she rejected his advances, he "said he had insider information on the case. I don't know if he meant it to be threatening, but I took it that way."

At a time when the #MeToo movement was pushing for action against men who harassed women, some media and supporters in Detroit believed Conyers had been unfairly treated. He was reported as the "first sitting politician to be ousted from office in the wake of the #MeToo movement." One supporter said he had been "railroaded" out of office.

Caucus memberships

Founding Member and Dean of the Congressional Black Caucus

American Sikh Congressional Caucus

Congressional Progressive Caucus

United States Congressional International Conservation Caucus

Out of Afghanistan Caucus (Co-Chair)

Congressional Full Employment Caucus

Congressional Arts Caucus

Afterschool Caucuses

Congressional NextGen 9-1-1 Caucus

Political positions

According to The New Republic, Conyers was a member of the Democratic Socialists of America in 1983.

Conyers supported legislation aimed at strengthening the U.S. civil justice system. In March 2016, Rep. Conyers and Representative Hank Johnson introduced legislation to protect consumers access to civil courts, titled the "Restoring Statutory Rights Act." This legislation would "ensure that the state, federal, and constitutional rights of Americans are enforceable" and consumers aren't forced into secretive private arbitration hearings.

Detroit mayoral campaigns

While serving in the U.S. House, Conyers made two unsuccessful runs for mayor of Detroit: one in 1989 against incumbent Coleman Young and again in 1993.

1989

Incumbent Democratic Mayor Coleman Young decided to run for a fifth term, despite growing unpopularity and the declining economy of Detroit. In the September primary, Young won with 51% of the vote. Accountant Tom Barrow qualified for the November run-off by having 24%, and Conyers received 18% of the vote. Despite the difficulties of the city, Young defeated Barrow in the run-off with 56% of the vote.

1993

In June 1993, incumbent Democratic Mayor Coleman Young decided to retire instead of seeking a sixth term, citing his age and health. Many observers believed he had decided not to test his growing unpopularity. In a Detroit News poll in February, 81% said Young should retire. Conyers was one of the 23 candidates who qualified for ballot access.

Dennis Archer was the front runner in the mayoral campaign from the beginning. The 51-year-old former State Supreme Court Justice raised over $1.6 million to finance his campaign. He won the September primary with 54% of the vote. Conyers came in fourth place. Archer won the November election.

Electoral history

Personal life and death

Conyers married Monica Esters, a teacher in Detroit, in 1990. She was 25 and he was 61; they had two sons together, John James III and Carl Edward Conyers. She later served as a vice administrator of the public schools, and in 2005 was elected to the Detroit City Council. In September 2015, Monica Conyers filed for divorce, citing a "breakdown of the marriage". However, they reconciled in late 2016.

Conyers' grandnephew, Ian Conyers, was elected to the Michigan Senate in 2016. He generated controversy by telling of Conyers's planned retirement in interviews before the Congressman announced it himself, and claiming his great-uncle's endorsement. While Ian Conyers announced he would run in the special election for the Congressman's seat, John Conyers endorsed his son. John Conyers III chose not to run. Ian Conyers was defeated in the Democratic primary by Rashida Tlaib.

Conyers died on October 27, 2019, at his home in Detroit. He was 90 years old. His funeral was held on November 4 at Detroit's Greater Grace Temple.

Representation in other media

Conyers frequently posted at Daily Kos and Democratic Underground. Beginning May 2005, he had been a contributing blogger at The Huffington Post and on his own blog.

John Conyers appeared in Michael Moore's documentary Fahrenheit 9/11, discussing the aftermath of the September 11 attacks. He said many members of Congress "don't read most of the bills," as they are very lengthy. They rely on staff to study them in detail.

Honors and awards

In 2007, he was awarded the Spingarn Medal from the NAACP.

[prideguy]

Does the Civil Rights Act Protect Sexual Orientation?

Does the Civil Rights Act Protect Sexual Orientation?

[ad_1]

The Democratic chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, an inveterate male chauvinist from Brooklyn named Emanuel Celler, was livid, warning that the language was “illogical, ill-timed, and improper,” that it would be an “entering wedge” to a constitutional Equal Rights Amendment (an idea he detested), and that it would lead, as indeed it eventually did, to the overturning of state laws…

[todaysdocument]

Letter from Mrs. Bertram Jeffert in Favor of the Voting Rights Act

Record Group 233: Records of the U.S. House of RepresentativesSeries: Bill Files of the Committee on the Judiciary

1531 President St

Brooklyn, 15 N.Y

March 20, 1965

[written word unreadable]

Dear Mr. Celler [Emanuel Cellar, Chairman of the House Judiciary Committee]

As the Bill for Civil Rights

equal voting rights for all

United States citizens is placed

before the House, I urge

your affirmative vote. Our

Democratic heritage cannot

advance until all have the

right to vote and participate.

I support your stand and

urge your strong support

of this bill.

Sincerely yours

Mrs. Bertram Jeffert

[quoteclimax]

Emanuel Celler – Roosevelt’s humor was broad, his…

“Roosevelt’s humor was broad, his manner friendly. Of wit there was little of philosophy, none. What did he possess? Intuition, inspiration, love of adventure.” -Emanuel Celler

The post Emanuel Celler – Roosevelt’s humor was broad, his… appeared first on Quote Climax!.

from Quote Climax! http://bit.ly/ttfn1

[theculturedmarxist]

The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 was debated and passed in the context of Cold War-era fears and suspicions of infiltrating Communist and Soviet spies and sympathizers within American institutions and federal government. Anticommunist sentiment associated with the Second Red Scare and McCarthyism in the United States led restrictionists to push for selective immigration to preserve national security.[8] Senator Pat McCarran (D-Nevada), the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, proposed an immigration bill to maintain status quo in the United States and to safeguard the country from communism, “Jewish interests”, and undesirables that he deemed as external threats to national security.[9] His immigration bill included restrictive measures such as increased review of potential immigrants, stepped-up deportation, and more stringent naturalization procedures. The bill also placed a preference on economic potential, special skills, and education. In addition, Representative Francis E. Walter (D-Pennsylvania) proposed a similar immigration bill to the House.

In response to the liberal immigration bill of Representative Emanuel Celler (D-New York) and Senator Herbert H. Lehman (D-New York), both Pat McCarran and Francis E. Walter combined their restrictive immigration proposals into the McCarran-Walter bill and recruited support of patriotic and veteran organizations.[9] However, various immigration reform advocacy groups and testimonies by representatives from ethnic coalitions, civil rights organizations, and labor unions challenged proposals of restrictive immigration and pushed for a more inclusive immigration reform.[10] Opponents of the restrictive bill such as Lehman attempted to strategize a way to bring the groups together to resist McCarran’s actions. Despite the efforts to resist, McCarran’s influence as chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee ultimately overpowered the liberal immigration reform coalition.

President Harry Truman vetoed the McCarran-Walter Act because it continued national-origins quotas that discriminated against potential allies that contained communist groups.[11]  However, Congress overrode the veto by a two-thirds vote of each house.[12] The 82nd United States Congress enacted the act, which became effective on June 27, 1952. The passage of the McCarran-Walter bill, known as the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, solidified more restrictive immigration movement in the United States.

[leohtttbriar]

For more than a decade, House Judiciary Committee Chairman Emanuel Celler had blocked the ERA from reaching the floor for a debate or a vote. Finally, Rep. Martha Griffiths (D-Mich.) used a discharge petition to wrench it out of committee. Given the chance to vote on it, the House supported the amendment — with no ratification deadline — 352 to 15, a 96% majority. But when the ERA proceeded to the Senate, the maneuvers of its opponents prevailed. It was Southern conservative Sam Ervin (D-N.C.) who proposed limiting the time states would have to ratify the amendment; he also demanded the addition of a provision exempting women from the draft. Others tacked a right to school prayer onto it. With the session ending, the ERA’s enemies made full use of the Senate rule allowing unlimited debate: It died without a vote. Griffiths began again in 1971, this time adding Ervin’s proposed seven-year ratification deadline to the amendment, in a bid to quiet critics and gain supporters. But the men who insisted on the deadline — Celler and Ervin — voted against the ERA anyway. Nonetheless, in March 1972 both houses of Congress voted to adopt the Equal Rights Amendment in numbers that suggest it could have reached the necessary two-thirds vote even without a ratification deadline.

the deadline was a Completely Unnecessary concession to people who Did Not Concede Anyway and the measure Still passed because the concession was Completely Unnecessary. it is infuriating that we have to still deal with this. and now the question is in the hands of the us senate.

x

for the record, no other amendment in american history had a ratification deadline. only the ERA was burdened with a deadline. the 27th amendment took 200 years or something to be ratified. the senate can lift the deadline (senate dems and murkowski tried to earlier this year in april). we need sixty votes.

[old-man-look-at-my-life]

My Canned Text Response To Stupid Whites

In case you think it would be clever to point out that the Klan was started by Democrats, you should research dixiecrats, and who were considered conservative, or liberal, despite party affiliation. Also understand that one can look at the Federal Civil Rights Legislation passed in the 60s, and notice that nearly all SOUTHERN Senators, and Representatives, voted AGAINST said legislation regardless of party affiliation, and further, notice that nearly all NON-Southern Senators, and Representatives, voted FOR said legislation, regardless of party affiliation. And for the record, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was authored by a Democrat, by the name of Emanuel Celler, who also authored the Civil Rights Acts of 1957, and 1960. Today, the racism is alive, and well, in the Republican party, with strong support from teabaggers, and losertarians. I know that fucks up your whole narrative of Democrats being the racist party, but that's your problem.

[daniecho]

The Loneliest Americans by Jay Caspian Kang (Quotes from Chapter One)

For most Asians in America, that story begins on October 3, 1965, when President Lyndon B. Johnson stood in front of the Statue of Liberty and said something that would be proven wrong. “This bill that we sign today is not a revolutionary bill,” Johnson said. “It does not affect the lives of millions. It will not reshape the structure of our daily lives.” He was referring to the Hart-Celler Immigration Act, a landmark piece of legislation with a lengthy history dating back to the 1930s and efforts to open up immigration quotas for Jewish Europeans fleeing the Nazis. Its opponents at the time described apocalyptic scenarios in which the United States and its white population would be overrun by a horde of foreigners. (pg. 21)

The fight went all the way to the Supreme Court, which concluded that while Ozawa was more than fit to become an American, the rights of citizenship could only be extended to white men. This decision, which came down in 1922, set off a fight in Congress between lawmakers who saw an opening to create a fully racialized immigration system--one that kept out not only the Japanese, Chinse, and Koreans but Jews as well--and a group of lawmakers, who, along with President Calvin Coolidge, believed new restrictions on immigration would destroy any of diplomatic relations with Japan. (pg. 24)

In 1952, Patrick McCarran, a Democratic senator from Nevada, and Francis Walter, a Democratic congressman from Pennsylvania, pushed through a complex, endlessly negotiated immigration law that both amplified the rhetoric of fear around Asian and Jewish immigrants and also, counterintuitively, ended many of the restrictions on Asian entry to the United States. The McCarran-Walter Act ended the “Asiatic Barred Zone,” and all “Oriental” countries were given a quota of 100 to 185 visas per year. Perhaps more significantly, the ban on Asian naturalization was lifted, meaning Asian immigrants could now become full citizens. (pg. 27)

And while some some new pathways for immigrants had been laid out, the new bill also contained an “Asian-Pacific Triangle” provision that  capped the number of total Asian immigrants at two-thousand per year. [...] McCarran-Walter also curtailed Jewish immigration. In both instances, the justification came  out of the budding Cold War and the belief that Asians and Jews would propagate communism within U.S. borders. (pg. 28)

As had been true with the Magnuson Act, McCarran and Walter’s bill had been motivated almost entirely by symbolic wartime maneuvering and the decades-long fight over Jewish refugees fleeing Europe. (pg. 29)

Hannah-Jones draws a straight line between the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and the extension of that logic into all corners of federal law. But this cause-and-effect story--one day a law was passed, and the next day, some people appeared on American shores--ignores the decades of American interventions in the Pacific, multiple wars, and forty years of work by Emanuel Celler, a Jewish American congressman from Brooklyn, to reform both explicitly and implicitly anti-Semitic immigration statutes. In her excellent book about Hart-Celler, the journalist Jia Lynn Yang details how the 1924 Immigration Act’s restrictions on immigration from southern and eastern Europe made it almost impossible for Jews fleeing Hitler to settle in the Unites States. As was true with all the immigration reform acts, the incentives on every side begin, and oftentimes end, abroad. (pg. 33)

[congressarchives]

Sellers’ Sound System

The 2018 MLB All Star Game takes place in Washington, DC, this week, and for those not fortunate enough to see it in person, the sights, action and especially sounds will be accessible to audiences around the globe via television, streaming and radio.  While technology such as “Statcast” and field microphones are commonplace today, far less technology permeated the game in the 1950’s.  Enter Stan Sellers and his patented “Sports Sound System”, designed to enrich the ballpark experience by amplifying the on-field chatter so that every fan in attendance, as well as at home watching on TV or listening on radio, could hear the true sounds of baseball.  However, Sellers found resistance from the baseball establishment to his plan for installing the sound system across organized baseball.  In turn, Sellers took his complaints to Congress.

Professional baseball has been deemed exempt from antitrust laws ever since the Supreme Court decision of 1922.  In the 1950’s, several Congressional committees took up the task of investigating possible legislative oversight of baseball’s monopoly status, including the House Judiciary Committee, chaired by Emanuel Celler.  

It was to this committee, considering sports antitrust legislation during the 85th Congress (1957-1958), that Stan Sellers sent his pleas for help.  The letter, dated August, 1957, suggests support from several well-known baseball figures, mentions his thoughts on what he perceives as the monopolistic tendencies of MLB, and insists that fans are “simply wild to hear the hassles which occur on the diamond”!

Hope everyone enjoys the sights, and sounds, of the 2018 All Star Game!

[statetalks]

Did Republicans Support The Civil Rights Act

Civil Rights Act Of 1964

Civil Rights Act

Long title An Act to enforce the constitutional right to vote, to confer jurisdiction upon the district courts of the United States of America to provide injunctive relief against discrimination in public accommodations, to authorize the Attorney General to institute suits to protect constitutional rights in public facilities and public education, to extend the Commission on Civil Rights, to prevent discrimination in federally assisted programs, to establish a Commission on Equal Employment Opportunity, and for other purposes. Enacted by

Introduced in the Houseas H.R. 7152 Emanuel Celler ” rel=”nofollow”>D) on June 20, 1963

Committee consideration by

Passed the House on February 10, 1964 

Passed the Senate on June 19, 1964  with amendment

House agreed to Senate amendment on July 2, 1964 

Signed into law by PresidentLyndon B. Johnsonon July 2, 1964

Major amendments

23rd U.S. Constitutional Amendment

The Civil Rights Act of 1964 ” rel=”nofollow”>Pub.L. , 78  , enacted July 2, 1964) is a landmark civil rights and labor law in the United States that outlaws discrimination based on , , religion, sex, national origin, and later sexual orientation and gender identity. It prohibits unequal application of voter registration requirements, racial segregation in schools and public accommodations, and employment discrimination. The act “remains one of the most significant legislative achievements in American history”.

Formal Debate Begins On The Civil Rights Bill

On March 30, the Senate began formal debate on H.R. 7152. Senator Richard Russell divided the senators opposing the bill, known as the Southern bloc, into three six-member platoons to prolong the filibuster. When one platoon had the floor, the other two rested and prepared to speak. Each member was responsible for talking four hours per day. Russell hoped the filibuster would erode public support for civil rights and compel the pro-civil rights senators to dilute H.R. 7152 in order to secure passage. He did not expect to defeat the bill.

Clarence Mitchell to Roy Wilkins, April 3, 1964 . Typed letter. NAACP Records, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress Courtesy of the NAACP

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Republicans Passed The First Civil Rights Act In 1866

Human Events Staff

Thanks to Republicans beginning to appreciate the heritage of our Grand Old Party, it has become better known that Republicans in Congress supported the 1964 Civil Rights Act much more than did the Democrats. Indeed, the legislator most responsible for breaking the Democrat filibuster was a Republican senator, Everett Dirksen.

And now, the question that should be before us: How did that landmark legislation come to be?  The answer to that is a source of pride for all Republicans today.

The origin of the 1964 Civil Rights Act can be traced back to the Reconstruction era. That was when the Republican Party enacted the first civil rights act ever, the 1866 Civil Rights Act. Never heard of it? Democrat history professors would rather you didnt. With that law, Republicans took a big step toward making Abraham Lincolns vision for a new birth of freedom a reality.

Ominously, the assassination of the Great Emancipator had left the presidency to his Democrat vice president, Andrew Johnson.  Senator Lyman Trumbull , co-author of the 13th Amendment banning slavery, also wrote the 1866 Civil Rights Act. Republican support was nearly unanimous, while Democrats were unanimously opposed.  This would be the first time Congress overrode a presidential veto of a significant bill.

Andrew Johnson refused to enforce this law in the southern states, so it had little effect there. However, many racially discriminatory laws in the North were repealed or struck down as a result.

President Johnson Seeks Support Of Civil Rights Leaders

Immediately after signing the act, President Johnson held a meeting with civil rights leaders in the cabinet room at the White House. He wanted to ensure their collaboration, when the act would inevitably be tested, to not call for demonstrations and to carefully select test cases in the courts. In turn the president promised the full support of the Justice Department in protecting the act. He received assurances from those present that they understood and would cooperate.

Lee C. White. White House Memorandum, July 6, 1964. Courtesy of the Lyndon Baines Johnson Presidential Library and Museum, Austin, Texas

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Civil Rights Activist Gwendolyn Simmons Interviewed By Joseph Mosnier In 2011

Civil rights activist Gwendolyn Simmons discusses Freedom Summer and her shock that Goodman, Chaney and Schwerner were murdered in an interview conducted by Joseph Mosnier for the Civil Rights History Project in 2011.

Civil Rights History Project Collection , American Folklife Center

Watch the video

Steele Says Gop Fought Hard For Civil Rights Bills In 1960s

Featured Fact-check

Says Joe Biden and Democrats have done absolutely nothing to help families struggling to keep up with inflation.

The degree of Republican support for the two bills actually exceeded the degree of Democratic support, and it’s also fair to say that Republicans took leading roles in both measures, even though they had far fewer seats, and thus less power, at the time. Both of these factors are enough to earn Steele a rating of True.

On This Day Filibuster Fails To Block The Civil Rights Act

  On June 19, 1964, the Senate ended a long debate, overcoming a record-setting filibuster to join the House in approving the Civil Rights Act. The landmark law was a turning point in American history, as it addressed discrimination and segregation on a national level.

Link: See the Civil Rights Act

The Civil Rights Act had been before Congress, in several forms, since the late 1950s. A turning point was reached in March 1964, when a group of Southern senators started a record-setting filibuster.

No full-featured Civil Rights Act proposal had ever survived a filibuster attempt on the Senate floor. A prior bill, the Civil Rights Act of 1957, was important but it had a limited impact and it was difficult to enforce. It also had survived a one-person 24-hour filibuster in 1957 from Senator Strom Thurmond.

As Senate Majority Leader, Lyndon Johnson had been involved heavily in the fight for the Civil Rights Act of 1957, and as President in 1964, he was committed to a much more comprehensive 1964 act.

The House had already passed its version of the Civil Rights Act when the Senate filibuster began in April 1964. A cloture motion would be needed to overcome the filibuster, which required a vote in favor of limiting debate by 67 Senators under the rules in place in 1964.

Behind the scenes, two opposing leaders were working to find a way to get 67 votes to break the filibuster: Democratic Senate whip Hubert Humphrey and Republican Senate Minority Leader Everett Dirksen of Illinois.

The Civil Rights Act Of 1964

The civil rights movement deeply affected American society. Among its most important achievements were two major civil rights laws passed by Congress. These laws ensured constitutional rights for African Americans and other minorities. Although these rights were first guaranteed in the U.S. Constitution immediately after the Civil War, they had never been fully enforced. It was only after years of highly publicized civil rights demonstrations, marches, and violence that American political leaders acted to enforce these rights.

President Lyndon Johnson signs the historic Civil Rights Act of 1964. Behind him stands the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr.

President John F. Kennedy proposed the initial civil rights act. Kennedy faced great personal and political conflicts over this legislation. On the one hand, he was sympathetic to African-American citizens whose dramatic protests highlighted the glaring gap between American ideals and American realities. Kennedy understood that black people deserved the full equality they were demanding. He also knew that racial discrimination in the United States, particularly highly public displays of violence and terror against racial minorities, embarrassed America internationally. Moreover, his civil rights legislation generated considerable support among Northern liberals and moderates as well as millions of African-American voters in states where they could vote without difficulty or intimidation.

Clarence Mitchell Jr Calls For A Real Showdown On Civil Rights

As the 88th Congress began its second session early in January 1964, hearings on proposed civil rights legislation were about to commence in the House Rules Committee. Clarence Mitchell, Jr., , Washington Bureau director for the NAACP, explains the reason that the legislation has taken so long to reach this stage and calls for âa real showdown on civil rightsâ in this interview for At Issue: Countdown on Civil Rights, broadcast January 15, 1964, on National Educational Television.

Watch the video

The Killing Of Civil Rights Workers Chaney Goodman And Schwerner

On June 21, 1964, the first day of Mississippi Freedom Summerorganized by the Council of Federated OrganizationsJames Chaney, Andrew Goodman, and Michael Schwerner drove to Neshoba County to investigate the burning of a black church following a voting rights meeting. On their way home, the civil rights workers were arrested and jailed by Deputy Sheriff Cecil Price. Price and local Klansmen took them to a remote area, where they were tortured, shot to death, and buried in an earthen dam. On June 23, Choctaw hunters found their burned car in the Bogue Chitto swamps. President Johnson launched a massive FBI search and investigation. Their bodies were discovered on August 4 outside the town of Philadelphia, Mississippi.

1 of 2

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. TRIPLE MURDER Statesâ Rights, Mississippi . Pamphlet. NAACP Records, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress

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Letter From Roy H Millenson

Roy H. Millenson was a staff member for Jacob K. Javits, who was a member of the U.S. House of Representatives and later a U.S. senator from New York. In 1964, Millenson worked for the American Jewish Committee as a lobbyist. Along with representatives from other religious organizations, he urged lawmakers to pass the Civil Rights Act and observed how they voted from the gallery of the House of Representatives, much to the displeasure of some House members.

Letter from Roy H. Millenson to the Voices of Civil Rights Project, December 9, 2003. Voices of Civil Rights Project Collection, American Folklife Center, Library of Congress Courtesy of Roy Millenson

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Title Vinondiscrimination In Federally Assisted Programs

Prevents discrimination by programs and activities that receive federal funds. If a recipient of federal funds is found in violation of Title VI, that recipient may lose its federal funding.

General

This title declares it to be the policy of the United States that discrimination on the ground of race, color, or national origin shall not occur in connection with programs and activities receiving Federal financial assistance and authorizes and directs the appropriate Federal departments and agencies to take action to carry out this policy. This title is not intended to apply to foreign assistance programs.Section 601 This section states the general principle that no person in the United States shall be excluded from participation in or otherwise discriminated against on the ground of race, color, or national origin under any program or activity receiving Federal financial assistance.

Executive Order

Those Racist Dixiecrats Create Mainstream Republican Policy

But their ideas formed modern GOPs core platform.

In a campaign ad, Democrat-turned-Republican Jesse Helms said racial quotas prevented white people from getting jobs. The lie of racial quotas persists in the GOPs rejection of affirmative action. Racial quotas are illegal.

Take the idea of special interests. Heres Helms view, as a Republican:

Are civil rights only for Negroes? While women in Washington who have been raped and mugged on the streets in broad daylight have experienced the most revolting sort of violation of their civil rights. The hundreds of others who have had their purses snatched by Negro hoodlums may understandably insist that their right to walk the street unmolested was violated. Television commentary, 1963, quoted in The Charlotte Observer.

But you would think that Ted Cruz would have a clearer understanding of the connections between the Dixiecrats and the Republican Party.

He loves Jesse Helms.

Looking to do your part? One way to get involved is to read the Indivisible Guide, which is written by former congressional staffers and is loaded with best practices for making Congress listen. Or follow this publication, connect with us on , and join us on Facebook.

Senate Civil Rights Debate

Working for CBS as a courtroom illustrator, Howard Brodie captured not only the action on the Senate floor, but the sensibility of the crowd in the gallery above. Blacks, whites, the elderly, the young, men and women gathered together, united in their desire to see the creation of the historic legislation.

Howard Brodie. Senate Civil Rights debate, Gallery. Crayon drawing, 1964. Howard Brodie Collection, , Library of Congress © Estate of Howard Brodie

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âIt is expected that the Mansfield-Dirksen amendment will be approved by a substantial vote.â

Clarence Mitchell to Roy Wilkins, May 8, 1964

Fact Check: More Republicans Voted For The Civil Rights Act As A Percentage Than Democrats Did

President Lyndon B. Johnson signs the 1964 Civil Rights Act as Martin Luther King Jr. and others look on in the East Room of the White House, July 2, 1964.

Conservative commentator Ben Shapiro claimed on a Dec. 3 episode of his podcast that, compared to Democrats, a greater percentage of Republicans voted for the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

More Republicans voted for the Civil Rights Act as a percentage than Democrats did, he  on the show.

Verdict: True

While the landmark act received a majority of support from both parties, a greater percentage of Republicans voted in favor of the bill. Throughout the 1950s and 60s, Republicans were generally more unified than Democrats in support of civil rights legislation, as many Southern Democrats voted in opposition.

Fact Check:

Shapiro made the claim in response to a question put forward by Franklin Foer in an article he wrote for The Atlantic. What if the moderate Republicans of the late 1950s and early 60s had aggressively owned the civil-rights agendaand rendered the cause of racial justice a bipartisan concern? asked Foer.

By the way, they did, responded Shapiro.

As the civil rights movement gained momentum in the 1950s and 60s, the federal government passed a number of civil rights bills, four of which were named the Civil Rights Act.

During this period, the South was a Democratic stronghold that consistently resisted the civil rights movement.

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The 1964 Civil Rights Bill

On November 20, 1963, the civil rights bill was referred to the House Rules Committee. Chairman Howard W. Smith , an avid segregationist, refused to grant a rule for the billâs floor debate. He conceded in early January 1964 under the threat of a discharge petition and public pressure. The Rules Committee finally cleared H.R. 7152 on January 30. The bill that passed the House on February 10 by a 290130 vote was stronger and broader than the bill President Kennedy proposed. It included additional protection of the right to vote, an FEPC, Part III, provisions on public facilities, and the withholding of federal funds from discriminatory programs. Representative Emanuel Celler initially supported a much stronger bill, with FEPC and Title III authority, but the administration had made an ironclad agreement with Representative William McCulloch not to go beyond its initial scope.

U.S. Congress. H.R. 7152 in the House of Representative 88th Congress, 2nd Session, February 10, 1964. Printed document. NAACP Records, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress

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Republican Views On Civil Rights

Very few people who are well versed in politics have not heard the stereotype that Republicans are the party of racism and discrimination. But what exactly are Republican views on civil rights? Are they as outrageous as the media makes them out to be? The involvement of todays two major parties in the civil rights movements is largely speculated on, and few know the hard facts. It has been stated over and over again that Abraham Lincoln was a Republican, and also that the parties switched platforms after this point.

Republicans did play a role in the civil rights movement of the 60s. While the entire party was not active in the movement, parts of the party were integral to the movements outcome. Today, while some ideals may be easy to twist, Republicans argue that the partys platforms regarding any group of people are not founded in hate or on the basis of denying groups of people their civil rights. Policies that seem discriminatory are oftentimes based in tradition or on other logic that is not widely advertised.

Democrats Assail ‘jim Crow’ Assault On Voting Rights So What’s Their Plan

“Voting rights is the test of our time,” activists chanted, reprising Biden’s own declaration made during a speech in Philadelphia last month.

While Biden has spoken about the urgent threat to the right to vote, he has faced increasing criticism from his allies for not doing more to ensure that federal voting legislation becomes law.

“Our president has given us his word that he will be a champion for voting rights, but we have yet to see him put those words into action,” said Deborah Turner, president of the League of Women Voters of the United States.

White House press secretary Jen Psaki said Tuesday that “voting rights and ensuring access to voting continues to be a central priority for the president,” adding that Biden stands with activists.

“He’s maybe not the right target of their frustration because his objective is also to get voting rights legislation passed, and he would like to sign that legislation into law,” Psaki told reporters.

Voting rights groups have called on Biden to come out in support of eliminating or changing the filibuster rules, in order to allow voting rights bills to pass with a simple majority, side-stepping widespread Republican opposition.

Turner and others called on Biden to use the “full power of his office,” and “compel Congress to pass voting rights legislation and ensure the freedom to vote for all of us and the freedom to vote for every American.”

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Television Coverage Of Presidents Johnsons Remarks Upon Signing The Civil Rights Act Of 1964: Excerpts From The Speech

President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act on July 2, 1964, in a nationally televised ceremony in the East Room of the White House before Congressional leaders and civil rights leaders instrumental in the billâs passage. This excerpt of the speech he made before signing the bill was included in H. R. 7152The Civil Rights Bill, broadcast July 3, 1964, on NBC.

Watch the video

Republicans During The Civil Rights Movement

Much like politics today, Republicans and Democrats had a wide range of beliefs within their parties during the civil rights movement. Where any given Democrat or Republican stood on civil rights depended more on whether they were conservative or liberal Republicans or Democrats than it did which party they were a member of.

Moderate and liberal Republicans, as well as moderate and liberal Democrats, supported the civil rights movement. Much to the same effect, conservative Democrats and conservative Republicans alike opposed the civil rights movement. This is where much of the confusion as to which party affiliation today equates to support of this movement comes in. For the most part today, we associate Republicans with conservatism and Democrats with liberalism. However, there are more liberal Republicans and more conservative Democrats today just as there were in the 60s.

Chuck Cooper Becomes First African American Selected In Nba Draft

The Dixie Democrats seceding from the Democratic Party. The rump convention, called after the Democrats had attached President Trumans civil rights program to the party platform, placed Governor Strom Thurmond of South Carolina and Governor Fielding L. Wright of Mississippi in nomination.

Up until the post-World War II period, the partys hold on the region was so entrenched that Southern politicians usually couldnt get elected unless they were Democrats. But when President Harry S. Truman, a Democratic Southerner, introduced a pro-civil rights platform at the partys 1948 convention, a faction walked out.

These defectors, known as the Dixiecrats, held a separate convention in Birmingham, Alabama. There, they nominated South Carolina Governor Strom Thurmond, a staunch opposer of civil rights, to run for president on their States Rights ticket. Although Thurmond lost the election to Truman, he still won over a million popular votes.

It was the first time since before the Civil War that the South was not solidly Democratic, Goldfield says. And that began the erosion of the southern influence in the Democratic party.

After that, the majority of the South still continued to vote Democratic because it thought of the Republican party as the party of Abraham Lincoln and Reconstruction. The big break didnt come until President Johnson, another Southern Democrat, signed the Civil Rights Act in 1964 and the Voting Rights Act in 1965.

Fifty Years Later A Dive Into What It Took To Make The Historic Legislation Law

The Civil Rights Act of 1964, a landmark piece of legislation, was a long time in the making, and the passage of the bill required the political machinations of an assortment of Republicans, Democrats, Northerners and Southerners, congressmen, senators, presidents and activists. The photo above, taken by White House press office photographer Cecil Stoughton, shows the wide range of politicans and private citizens it took to guide the Civil Rights Act from a presidential promise to a national law.

Congress had considered, and failed to pass, a civil rights bill every year from 1945 to 1957. In 1957, Congress finally managed to pass a limited Civil Rights Act, which it added to in 1960, but these bills offered black Americans only modest gains. It wasn’t until 1963, in a televised speech, that President Kennedy called for a robust Civil Rights Act. Kennedy began his address by talking about the two black students who had recently enrolled in the University of Alabama, but needed the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen in order to safely attend classes.

Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, President Kennedy said, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law.”

On November 22, 1963, President Kennedy was assassinated in Texas, and as the nation mourned the loss of their president, the future of the Civil Rights Act seemed less certain than ever before.

Black People Kept Civil Rights At Gop Forefront In Late 19th Century

African Americans remained active in the Republican Party and, for a time, kept voting and civil rights at the forefront of the party’s agenda. When the U.S. Supreme Court struck down the 1875 Civil Rights Act in 1883, several Northern state governments controlled by Republicans created their own civil rights laws. John W.E. Thomas, a former enslaved person who was the first African American elected to the Illinois General Assembly, introduced the 1885 Illinois Civil Rights Act.

But white Southern intransigence made it impossible to enact any meaningful protections at the federal level. That, combined with the rise of a new generation of white Republicans more interested in big business than racial equality, cooled GOP ardor for Black civil rights.

Republicans started taking the Black vote for granted, and the Republicans were always divided, Foner said. There were those who said, Weve really got to defend the Black vote in the South. And others said No, no, weve got to appeal to the business-minded voter in South as the party of business, the party of growth.

Fact check:Devastating 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre wasn’t worst U.S. riot, isn’t ignored in books

The Great Migration of African Americans from the South, which began just before the United States entry into World War I, brought many Black people into cities where they could vote freely and put them in touch with local Democratic organizations that slowly realized the potential of the Black vote.

source https://www.patriotsnet.com/did-republicans-support-the-civil-rights-act/

[todaysdocument]

Discharge Petition for H.R. 7152, the Civil Rights Act of 1964

Record Group 233: Records of the U.S. House of RepresentativesSeries: General Records

This item, H.R. 7152, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, faced strong opposition in the House Rules Committee. Howard Smith, Chairman of the committee, refused to schedule hearings for the bill. Emanuel Celler, Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, attempted to use this discharge petition to move the bill out of committee without holding hearings. The petition failed to gain the required majority of Congress (218 signatures), but forced Chairman Smith to schedule hearings.

88th CONGRESS. House of Representatives No. 5 Motion to Discharge a Committee from the Consideration of a RESOLUTION (State whether bill, joint resolution, or resolution) December 9, 1963 To the Clerk of the House of Representatives: Pursuant to Clause 4 of Rule XXVII (see rule on page 7), I EMANUEL CELLER (Name of Member), move to discharge to the Commitee on RULES (Committee) from the consideration of the RESOLUTION; H. Res. 574 entitled, a RESOLUTION PROVIDING FOR THE CONSIDERATION OF THE BILL (H. R. 7152) which was referred to said committee November 27, 1963 in support of which motion the undersigned Members of the House of Representatives affix their signatures, to wit: 1. Emanuel Celler 2. John J. Rooney 3. Seymour Halpern 4. James G Fulton 5. Thomas W Pelly 6. Robt N. C. Nix 7. Jeffery Cohelan 8. W A Barrett 9. William S. Mailiard 10. 11. Augustus F. Hawkins 12. Otis G. Pike 13. Benjamin S Rosenthal 14. Spark M Matsunaga 15. Frank M. Clark 16. William L Dawson 17. Melvin Price 18. John C. Kluczynski 19. Barratt O'Hara 20. George E. Shipley 21. Dan Rostenkowski 22. Ralph J. Rivers[page] 2 23. Everett G. Burkhalter 24. Robert L. Leggett 25. William L St Onge 26. Edward P. Boland 27. Winfield K. Denton 28. David J. Flood 29. 30. Lucian N. Nedzi 31. James Roosevelt 32. Henry C Reuss 33. Charles S. Joelson 34. Samuel N. Friedel 35. George M. Rhodes 36. William F. Ryan 37. Clarence D. Long 38. Charles C. Diggs Jr 39. Morris K. Udall 40. Wm J. Randall 41. 42. Donald M. Fraser 43. Joseph G. Minish 44. Edith Green 45. Neil Staebler 46. 47. Ralph R. Harding 48. Frank M. Karsten 49. 50. John H. Dent 51. John Brademas 52. John E. Moss 53. Jacob H. Gilbert 54. Leonor K. Sullivan 55. John F. Shelley 56. 57. Lionel Van Deerlin 58. Carlton R. Sickles 59. 60. Edward R. Finnegan 61. Julia Butler Hansen 62. Richard Bolling 63. Ken Heckler 64. Herman Toll 65. Ray J Madden 66. J Edward Roush 67. James A. Burke 68. Frank C. Osmers Jr 69. Adam Powell 70. 71. Fred Schwengel 72. Philip J. Philiben 73. Byron G. Rogers 74. John F. Baldwin 75. Joseph Karth 76. 77. Roland V. Libonati 78. John V. Lindsay 79. Stanley R. Tupper 80. Joseph M. McDade 81. Wm Broomfield 82. 83. 84. Robert J Corbett 85. 86. Craig Hosmer87. Robert N. Giaimo 88. Claude Pepper 89. William T Murphy 90. George H. Fallon 91. Hugh L. Carey 92. Robert T. Secrest 93. Harley O. Staggers 94. Thor C. Tollefson 95. Edward J. Patten 96. 97. Al Ullman 98. Bernard F. Grabowski 99. John A. Blatnik 100. 101. Florence P. Dwyer 102. Thomas L. ? 103. 104. Peter W. Rodino 105. Milton W. Glenn 106. Harlan Hagen 107. James A. Byrne 108. John M. Murphy 109. Henry B. Gonzalez 110. Arnold Olson 111. Harold D Donahue 112. Kenneth J. Gray 113. James C. Healey 114. Michael A Feighan 115. Thomas R. O'Neill 116. Alphonzo Bell 117. George M. Wallhauser 118. Richard S. Schweiker 119. 120. Albert Thomas 121. 122. Graham Purcell 123. Homer Thornberry 124. 125. Leo W. O'Brien 126. Thomas E. Morgan 127. Joseph M. Montoya 128. Leonard Farbstein 129. John S. Monagan 130. Brad Morse 131. Neil Smith 132. Harry R. Sheppard 133. Don Edwards 134. James G. O'Hara 135. 136. Fred B. Rooney 137. George E. Brown Jr. 138. 139. Edward R. Roybal 140. Harris. B McDowell jr. 141. Torbert H. McDonall 142. Edward A. Garmatz 143. Richard E. Lankford 144. Richard Fulton 145. Elizabeth Kee 146. James J. Delaney 147. Frank Thompson Jr 148. 149. Lester R. Johnson 150. Charles A. Buckley4 151. Richard T. Hanna 152. James Corman 153. Paul A Fino 154. Harold M. Ryan 155. Martha W. Griffiths 156. Adam E. Konski 157. Chas W. Wilson 158. Michael J. Kewan 160. Alex Brooks 161. Clark W. Thompson 162. John D. Gringell [?] 163. Thomas P. Gill 164. Edna F. Kelly 165. Eugene J. Keogh 166 John. B. Duncan 167. Elmer J. Dolland 168. Joe Caul 169. Arnold Olsen 170. Monte B. Fascell [?] 171. [not deciphered] 172. J. Dulek 173. Joe W. [undeciphered] 174. J. J. Pickle [Numbers 175 through 214 are blank]

[kulkulcan]

The greatest chess players of the 20. century

I attempt to collect the for me most impressive chess masters in the last century, which appears to be a big task:

1. Alexander Aljechin

2. Robert James Fischer

3. Gary Kasparow

4. José Raul Capablanca

5. Anatoli Karpov

6.  Michail Botwinnik

7. Emanuel Lasker

8. Richard Retí

9. Akiba Rubinstein

10. David Bronstein

11. Efim Bogoljubow

12. Victor Kortchnoi

13. Tigran Petrosjan

14. Mikhail Tal

15. Paul Keres

16. Boris Spassky

17. Wassili Smyslow

18. Max Euwe

19. Siegbert Tarrasch

20. Aaron Nimzowitzsch

21. Salo Flohr

22. Wladmir Kramnik

23. Harry Pillsburry

24. Samuel Reshevsky

25. Viswanathan Anand 

26. Ceza` Maroczy

27. Efim Celler

28. Alexej Shirov

29. Gata Kamsky 

30. Peter Leko

There can be mentioned Savielly Tartakower, Bent Larson, Weslin Topalov, Vasyl Iwantschuk and Boris Gelfand too.