#Emanuel Celler

[todaysdocument]

Discharge Petition for H.R. 7152, the Civil Rights Act of 1964

Record Group 233: Records of the U.S. House of RepresentativesSeries: General Records

This item, H.R. 7152, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, faced strong opposition in the House Rules Committee. Howard Smith, Chairman of the committee, refused to schedule hearings for the bill. Emanuel Celler, Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, attempted to use this discharge petition to move the bill out of committee without holding hearings. The petition failed to gain the required majority of Congress (218 signatures), but forced Chairman Smith to schedule hearings.

88th CONGRESS. House of Representatives No. 5 Motion to Discharge a Committee from the Consideration of a RESOLUTION (State whether bill, joint resolution, or resolution) December 9, 1963 To the Clerk of the House of Representatives: Pursuant to Clause 4 of Rule XXVII (see rule on page 7), I EMANUEL CELLER (Name of Member), move to discharge to the Commitee on RULES (Committee) from the consideration of the RESOLUTION; H. Res. 574 entitled, a RESOLUTION PROVIDING FOR THE CONSIDERATION OF THE BILL (H. R. 7152) which was referred to said committee November 27, 1963 in support of which motion the undersigned Members of the House of Representatives affix their signatures, to wit: 1. Emanuel Celler 2. John J. Rooney 3. Seymour Halpern 4. James G Fulton 5. Thomas W Pelly 6. Robt N. C. Nix 7. Jeffery Cohelan 8. W A Barrett 9. William S. Mailiard 10. 11. Augustus F. Hawkins 12. Otis G. Pike 13. Benjamin S Rosenthal 14. Spark M Matsunaga 15. Frank M. Clark 16. William L Dawson 17. Melvin Price 18. John C. Kluczynski 19. Barratt O'Hara 20. George E. Shipley 21. Dan Rostenkowski 22. Ralph J. Rivers[page] 2 23. Everett G. Burkhalter 24. Robert L. Leggett 25. William L St Onge 26. Edward P. Boland 27. Winfield K. Denton 28. David J. Flood 29. 30. Lucian N. Nedzi 31. James Roosevelt 32. Henry C Reuss 33. Charles S. Joelson 34. Samuel N. Friedel 35. George M. Rhodes 36. William F. Ryan 37. Clarence D. Long 38. Charles C. Diggs Jr 39. Morris K. Udall 40. Wm J. Randall 41. 42. Donald M. Fraser 43. Joseph G. Minish 44. Edith Green 45. Neil Staebler 46. 47. Ralph R. Harding 48. Frank M. Karsten 49. 50. John H. Dent 51. John Brademas 52. John E. Moss 53. Jacob H. Gilbert 54. Leonor K. Sullivan 55. John F. Shelley 56. 57. Lionel Van Deerlin 58. Carlton R. Sickles 59. 60. Edward R. Finnegan 61. Julia Butler Hansen 62. Richard Bolling 63. Ken Heckler 64. Herman Toll 65. Ray J Madden 66. J Edward Roush 67. James A. Burke 68. Frank C. Osmers Jr 69. Adam Powell 70. 71. Fred Schwengel 72. Philip J. Philiben 73. Byron G. Rogers 74. John F. Baldwin 75. Joseph Karth 76. 77. Roland V. Libonati 78. John V. Lindsay 79. Stanley R. Tupper 80. Joseph M. McDade 81. Wm Broomfield 82. 83. 84. Robert J Corbett 85. 86. Craig Hosmer87. Robert N. Giaimo 88. Claude Pepper 89. William T Murphy 90. George H. Fallon 91. Hugh L. Carey 92. Robert T. Secrest 93. Harley O. Staggers 94. Thor C. Tollefson 95. Edward J. Patten 96. 97. Al Ullman 98. Bernard F. Grabowski 99. John A. Blatnik 100. 101. Florence P. Dwyer 102. Thomas L. ? 103. 104. Peter W. Rodino 105. Milton W. Glenn 106. Harlan Hagen 107. James A. Byrne 108. John M. Murphy 109. Henry B. Gonzalez 110. Arnold Olson 111. Harold D Donahue 112. Kenneth J. Gray 113. James C. Healey 114. Michael A Feighan 115. Thomas R. O'Neill 116. Alphonzo Bell 117. George M. Wallhauser 118. Richard S. Schweiker 119. 120. Albert Thomas 121. 122. Graham Purcell 123. Homer Thornberry 124. 125. Leo W. O'Brien 126. Thomas E. Morgan 127. Joseph M. Montoya 128. Leonard Farbstein 129. John S. Monagan 130. Brad Morse 131. Neil Smith 132. Harry R. Sheppard 133. Don Edwards 134. James G. O'Hara 135. 136. Fred B. Rooney 137. George E. Brown Jr. 138. 139. Edward R. Roybal 140. Harris. B McDowell jr. 141. Torbert H. McDonall 142. Edward A. Garmatz 143. Richard E. Lankford 144. Richard Fulton 145. Elizabeth Kee 146. James J. Delaney 147. Frank Thompson Jr 148. 149. Lester R. Johnson 150. Charles A. Buckley4 151. Richard T. Hanna 152. James Corman 153. Paul A Fino 154. Harold M. Ryan 155. Martha W. Griffiths 156. Adam E. Konski 157. Chas W. Wilson 158. Michael J. Kewan 160. Alex Brooks 161. Clark W. Thompson 162. John D. Gringell [?] 163. Thomas P. Gill 164. Edna F. Kelly 165. Eugene J. Keogh 166 John. B. Duncan 167. Elmer J. Dolland 168. Joe Caul 169. Arnold Olsen 170. Monte B. Fascell [?] 171. [not deciphered] 172. J. Dulek 173. Joe W. [undeciphered] 174. J. J. Pickle [Numbers 175 through 214 are blank]

[frithwontdie]

Thanks for tag @stillnotwriting

Being behind gun control.

Jewish domination of American foreign policy:

[congressarchives]

Baseball History

Spring training is upon us, ushering in the first notes of spring in the midst of the last long month of winter, as it has for over a century. The history of baseball is as integral to the fiber of the sport as is the annual trip to warmer weather and the reporting of pitchers and catchers, and no history of the game is complete without reference to one of its first serious historians. Dr. Harold Seymour’s PhD was the first awarded based on baseball research, and his book (referenced above in a letter to House Judiciary Committee Chairman Emanuel Celler, who was considering sports antitrust legislation during the 85th Congress) influenced generations of sports historians. Modern baseball historians such as John Thorn have rightly identified his wife, Dorothy Seymour Mills, as equally essential to the scholarship presented in the three seminal Seymour tomes (Baseball: The Early Years; Baseball: The Golden Age; Baseball: The People’s Game), and regularly cite the two as major contributors to our understanding of the game.

Letter to Emanuel Celler and Copy of Article, 10/26/1957; Committee Papers (HR85A-F11.16); Committee on the Judiciary; Records of the U.S. House of Representatives, RG 233. 

#Congress #Springtraining #baseball #MLB #Seymour #JohnThorn #EmanuelCeller #AntiTrust

[blackkudos]

John Conyers

John James Conyers Jr. (May 16, 1929 – October 27, 2019) was an American politician of the Democratic Party who served as a U.S. Representative for Michigan from 1965 to 2017. The districts he represented always included part of western Detroit. During his final three terms, his district included many of Detroit's western suburbs, as well as a large portion of the Downriver area.

Conyers served more than 50 years in Congress, becoming the sixth-longest serving member of Congress in U.S. history; he was the longest-serving African American member of Congress. Conyers was the Dean of the House of Representatives. By the end of his last term, he was the last remaining member of Congress who had served since the presidency of Lyndon B. Johnson.

After serving in the Korean War, Conyers became active in the civil rights movement. He also served as an aide to Congressman John Dingell before winning election to the House in 1964. He co-founded the Congressional Black Caucus in 1969 and established a reputation as one of the most liberal members of Congress. Conyers joined the Congressional Progressive Caucus after it was founded in 1991. Conyers supported creation of a single-payer healthcare system and sponsored the United States National Health Care Act. He also sponsored a bill to establish Martin Luther King Jr. Day as a federal holiday. Conyers ran for Mayor of Detroit in 1989 and 1993, but he was defeated in the primary both times.

Conyers served as the ranking Democratic member on the House Committee on the Judiciary from 1995 to 2007 and again from 2011 to 2017. He served as chairman of that committee from 2007 to 2011 and as Chairman of the House Oversight Committee from 1989 to 1995. In the wake of allegations that he had sexually harassed female staff members and secretly used taxpayer money to settle a harassment claim, Conyers announced his resignation from Congress on December 5, 2017.

Early life, education, and early career

Conyers was born in Highland Park, Michigan, and grew up in Detroit, the son of Lucille Janice (Simpson) and John James Conyers, a labor leader. Among his siblings was younger brother William Conyers. After graduating from Northwestern High School, Conyers served in the Michigan National Guard from 1948 to 1950; the U.S. Army from 1950 to 1954; and the U.S. Army Reserves from 1954 to 1957. Conyers served for a year in Korea during the Korean War as an officer in the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and was awarded combat and merit citations.

After his active military service, Conyers pursued a college education. He earned both his BA (1957) and LL.B. (1958) degrees from Wayne State University. After he was admitted to the bar, he worked on the staff of Congressman John Dingell. He also served as counsel to several Detroit-area labor union locals. From 1961 to 1963, he was a referee for Michigan's workmen's compensation department.

Conyers became one of the leaders of the civil rights movement. He was present in Selma, Alabama, on October 7, 1963, for the voter registration drive known as Freedom Day.

U.S. House of Representatives

Elections

In 1964, Conyers ran for an open seat in what was then the 1st District, and defeated Republican Robert Blackwell with 84% of the vote. He was reelected 13 times with even larger margins. After the 1990 United States Census, Michigan lost a congressional district, and there was redistricting. Conyers's district was renumbered as the 14th district.

In 1992, Conyers won re-election to his 15th term in his new district, which included western suburbs of Detroit, with 82% of the vote against Republican nominee John Gordon. He won re-election another nine times after that. His worst re-election performance was in 2010, when he got 77% of the vote against Republican nominee Don Ukrainec. In 2013, his district was renamed as the 13th district.

In total, Conyers won re-election twenty-five times and was serving in his twenty-sixth term. He was the dean of the House as longest-serving current member, the third longest-serving member of the House in history, and the sixth longest-serving member of Congress in history. He was the second-longest serving member of either house of Congress in Michigan's history, trailing only his former boss, Dingell. He was also the last member of the large Democratic freshman class of 1964 who was still serving in the House.

In May 2014, Wayne County Clerk Cathy Garrett determined that Conyers had not submitted enough valid nominating petition signatures to appear on the August 2014 Primary Election ballot. Two of his workers circulating petitions were not themselves registered voters at the time, which was required under Michigan law. But on May 23, Federal District Judge Matthew Leitman issued an injunction placing Conyers back on the ballot, ruling that the requirement that circulators be registered voters was similar to an Ohio law which had been found unconstitutional in 2008 by a Federal appeals court. The Michigan Secretary of State's office subsequently announced they would not appeal the ruling.

Tenure

Conyers was one of the 13 founding members of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) and was considered the Dean of that group. Formed in 1969, the CBC was founded to strengthen African-American lawmakers' ability to address the legislative concerns of Black and minority citizens. He served longer in Congress than any other African American. In 1971, he was one of the original members of Nixon's Enemies List.

In 1965, Conyers won a seat as a freshman on the influential Judiciary Committee, which was then chaired by Democratic Congressman Emanuel Celler of New York. The assignment was considered an elite one, as Judiciary ranked behind only Ways and Means and Appropriations in terms of the number of Members who sought assignment there.

According to the National Journal, Conyers has been considered, with Pete Stark, John Lewis, Jim McDermott, and Barbara Lee, to be one of the most liberal members of Congress for many years. Rosa Parks, known for her prominent role in the Montgomery, Alabama bus boycott, moved to Detroit and served on Conyers' staff between 1965 and 1988.

Conyers was known to have opposed regulation of online gambling. He opposed the Unlawful Internet Gambling Enforcement Act of 2006. After the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. in 1968, Conyers introduced the first bill in Congress to make King's birthday a federal holiday. He continued to propose legislation to establish the federal holiday in every session of Congress from 1968 to 1983, when Martin Luther King Jr. Day was finally signed into law by President Ronald Reagan.

Conyers introduced the "Commission to Study Reparation Proposals for African Americans Act" (H.R. 3745) in January 1989. He re-introduced this bill each congressional term. It calls for establishing a commission to research the history of slavery in the United States and its effects on current society, which is to recommend ways to remedy this injustice against African Americans. The current version was introduced and referred to committee on January 3, 2013. Conyers first introduced the proposed resolution in 1989, and has stated his intention to annually propose this act until it is approved and passed. Since 1997, the bill has been designated "H.R. 40," most recently, H.R. 40. If passed, the commission would explore the longstanding effects of slavery on today's society, politics, and economy.

"My bill does four things: It acknowledges the fundamental injustice and inhumanity of slavery; It establishes a commission to study slavery, its subsequent racial and economic discrimination against freed slaves; It studies the impact of those forces on today's living African Americans; and the commission would then make recommendations to Congress on appropriate remedies to redress the harm inflicted on living African Americans."

Nixon and Watergate

Conyers was critical of President Richard Nixon during his tenure. He was listed as number 13 on President Nixon's enemies list during the president's 1969–74 presidential tenure. The president's Chief Counsel described him as "coming on fast," and said he was "emerging" as a "black anti-Nixon spokesman". Conyers, who voted to impeach Nixon in July 1974, wrote at the time,

My analysis of the evidence clearly reveals an Administration so trapped by its own war policy and a desire to remain in office that it entered into an almost unending series of plans for spying, burglary and wiretapping, inside this country and against its own citizens, and without precedent in American history.

National Health Care Act

Conyers submitted the United States National Health Care Act (Expanded and Improved Medicare for All Act) (H.R. 676); as of 2015, it had 49 cosponsors. He introduced it with 25 cosponsors, in 2003, and reintroduced it each session since then. The act calls for the creation of a universal single-payer health care system in the United States, in which the government would provide every resident health care free of charge. To eliminate disparate treatment between richer and poorer Americans, the Act would prohibit private insurers from covering any treatment or procedure already covered by the Act.

Downing Street memo

On May 5, 2005, Conyers and 88 other members of Congress wrote an open letter to the White House inquiring about the Downing Street memo. This was a leaked memorandum that revealed an apparent secret agreement between the United States and the United Kingdom to attack Iraq in 2002. The Times reported that newly discovered documents reveal British and U.S. intentions to invade Iraq and leaders of the two countries had "discussed creating pretextual justifications for doing so."

The memo story broke in the United Kingdom, but did not receive much coverage in the United States. Conyers said: "This should not be allowed to fall down the memory hole during wall-to-wall coverage of the Michael Jackson trial and a runaway bride." Conyers and others reportedly considered sending a congressional investigation delegation to London.

What Went Wrong in Ohio

In May 2005, Conyers released What Went Wrong in Ohio: The Conyers Report On The 2004 Presidential Election. This dealt with the voting irregularities in the state of Ohio during the 2004 U.S. Presidential Election. The evidence offered consists of statistical abnormalities in the differences between exit poll results and actual votes registered at those locations. The book also discusses reports of faulty electronic voting machines and the lack of credibility of those machines used to tally votes.

Conyers was one of 31 members of the House who voted not to count the electoral votes from Ohio in the 2004 presidential election.

Constitution in Crisis

On August 4, 2006, Conyers released his report, The Constitution in Crisis: The Downing Street Minutes and Deception, Manipulation, Torture, Retributions and Cover-ups in the Iraq War, an edited collection of information intended to serve as evidence that the Bush Administration altered intelligence to justify the 2003 invasion of Iraq.

The Constitution in Crisis examines much of the evidence presented by the Bush Administration prior to the invasion and questions the credibility of their sources of intelligence. In addition, the document investigates conditions that led to the torture scandal at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, as well as further evidence of torture having been committed but not made known to the public. Finally, the document reports on a series of "smear tactics" purportedly used by the administration in dealing with its political adversaries. The document calls for the censure of President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney. Conyers refused to back impeachment proceedings, however.

On anti-Muslim intolerance

Conyers proposed House Resolution 288, which condemns "religious intolerance" and emphasizes Islam as needing special protection from acts of violence and intolerance. It states that "it should never be official policy of the United States Government to disparage the Quran, Islam, or any religion in any way, shape, or form," and "calls upon local, State, and Federal authorities to work to prevent bias-motivated crimes and acts against all individuals, including those of the Islamic faith." The bill was referred to the House subcommittee on the Constitution in June 2005.

In 2005, Conyers introduced House Resolution 160, a house resolution that would have condemned the conduct of Narendra Modi, then the chief minister of the State of Gujarat in India. The resolution was cosponsored by Republican Representative Joseph R. Pitts (Republican of Pennsylvania). The resolution's title was: "Condemning the conduct of Chief Minister Narendra Modi for his actions to incite religious persecution and urging the United States to condemn all violations of religious freedom in India." The resolution cited a 2004 United States Commission on International Religious Freedom report on Modi stating that he was "widely accused of being reluctant to bring the perpetrators of the killings of Muslims and non-Hindus to justice". (See 2002 Gujarat riots.) The resolution was not adopted.

Conyers v. Bush

In April 2006 Conyers, together with ten other senior congressmen, filed an action in the U.S. District Court in the Eastern District of Michigan, Southern Division, challenging the constitutionality of the Deficit Reduction Act of 2005. The complaint alleged the bill was not afforded due consideration by the United States Congress before being signed by the President. The action was subsequently dismissed on grounds of lack of standing.

Ethics controversy

In April 2006, the FBI, and the US Attorney's office sent independent letters to the House Ethics Committee, saying that two former aides of Conyers had alleged that Conyers used his staff to work on several local and state campaigns of other politicians, including that of his wife Monica Conyers, for the Detroit City Council (she won a seat in 2005). He also forced them to baby-sit and chauffeur his children.

In late December 2006, Conyers "accepted responsibility" for violating House rules. A statement issued December 29, 2006, by the House Ethics Committee chairman Doc Hastings and Ranking Minority Member Howard Berman, said that Conyers acknowledged what he characterized as a "lack of clarity" in his communications with staff members regarding their official duties and responsibilities, and accepted responsibility for his actions.

In deciding to drop the matter, Hastings and Berman said:

After reviewing the information gathered during the inquiry, and in light of Representative Conyers' cooperation with the inquiry, we have concluded that this matter should be resolved through the issuance of this public statement and the agreement by Representative Conyers to take a number of additional, significant steps to ensure that his office complies with all rules and standards regarding campaign and personal work by congressional staff.

Copyright bill

Conyers repeatedly introduced the Fair Copyright in Research Works Act, a bill that would overturn the NIH Public Access Policy, an open-access mandate of the National Institutes of Health. Conyers' bill would forbid the government from mandating that federally funded research be made freely available to the public. The legislation was supported by the publishing industry, and opposed by groups such as the Electronic Frontier Foundation. Writers Lawrence Lessig and Michael Eisen accused Conyers of being influenced by publishing houses, who have contributed significant money to his campaigns.

House Report on George W. Bush presidency and proposed inquiry

On January 13, 2009, the House Committee on the Judiciary, led by Conyers, released Reining in the Imperial Presidency: Lessons and Recommendations Relating to the Presidency of George W. Bush, a 486-page report detailing alleged abuses of power that occurred during the Bush administration, and a comprehensive set of recommendations to prevent recurrence. Conyers introduced a bill to set up a "truth commission" panel to investigate alleged policy abuses of the Bush administration.

Bill reading controversy

In late July 2009, Conyers, commenting on the healthcare debate in the House, stated: "I love these members, they get up and say, 'Read the bill' ... What good is reading the bill if it's a thousand pages and you don't have two days and two lawyers to find out what it means after you read the bill?" His remark brought criticism from government transparency advocates such as the Sunlight Foundation, which referred to readthebill.org in response.

Bribery conviction of wife

On June 16, 2009, the United States Attorney's Office said that two Synagro Technologies representatives had named Monica Conyers as the recipient of bribes from the company totaling more than $6,000, paid to influence passage of a contract with the City of Detroit. The information was gathered during an FBI investigation into political corruption in the city.

She was given a pre-indictment letter, and offered a plea bargain deal in the case. On June 26, 2009, she was charged with conspiring to commit bribery. She pleaded guilty. On March 10, 2010, she was sentenced to 37 months in prison, and also received two years of supervised probation. She served slightly more than 27 months at the Alderson Federal Prison Camp. After supervised release, she was fully released from federal custody officially on May 16, 2013.

Response to accusations regarding American Muslim spies

In October, Conyers responded to allegations from four Republican Congress Members, in the wake of the launch of the book Muslim Mafia, that the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) sought to plant Muslim "spies" in Capitol Hill. He strongly opposed the accusations, saying:

It shouldn't need to be said in 2009, and after the historic election of our first African-American president, but let me remind all my colleagues that patriotic Americans of all races, religions, and beliefs have the right – and the responsibility – to participate in our political process, including by volunteering to work in Congressional offices. Numerous Muslim-American interns have served the House ably and they deserve our appreciation and respect, not attacks on their character or patriotism.

WikiLeaks

At a December 16, 2010, hearing of the House Judiciary Committee on the subject of "the Espionage Act and the Legal and Constitutional Issues Raised by WikiLeaks," Conyers "argue[d] strongly against prosecuting WikiLeaks in haste – or at all." He strongly defended the whistleblowing organization, saying:

As an initial matter, there is no doubt that WikiLeaks is very unpopular right now. Many feel that the WikiLeaks publication was offensive. But being unpopular is not a crime, and publishing offensive information is not either. And the repeated calls from politicians, journalists, and other so-called experts crying out for criminal prosecutions or other extreme measures make me very uncomfortable. Indeed, when everyone in this town is joined together calling for someone's head, that is it a pretty strong sign we need to slow down and take a closer look. ... [L]et us not be hasty, and let us not legislate in a climate of fear or prejudice. For, in such an atmosphere, it is our constitutional freedoms and our cherished civil rights that are the first to be sacrificed in the false service of our national security.

Conyers's statement was "in marked contrast to the repeated calls from other members of Congress and Obama administration officials to prosecute WikiLeaks head Julian Assange immediately."

Criticism of American foreign policy

Conyers and his Republican colleague Ted Yoho offered bipartisan amendments to block the U.S. military training of Ukraine's Azov Battalion of the Ukrainian National Guard. Some members of the battalion are openly white supremacists. Conyers stated, "If there's one simple lesson we can take away from US involvement in conflicts overseas, it's this: Beware of unintended consequences. As was made vividly clear with U.S. involvement in Afghanistan during the Soviet invasion decades ago, overzealous military assistance or the hyper-weaponization of conflicts can have destabilizing consequences and ultimately undercut our own national interests."

Conyers has also voiced concerns about sending anti-aircraft missiles to Syrian rebels.

Sexual harassment allegations and resignation

In 2015, a former employee of Conyers alleged that he had sexually harassed her and dismissed her. She filed an affidavit with the Congressional Office of Compliance. She said she was paid a settlement of $27,000 from public funds. BuzzFeed reported on this settlement on November 20, 2017, based on documents from Mike Cernovich, a conspiracy theorist and provocateur. BuzzFeed reported accounts of other ethical concerns associated with Conyers's office, such as sexual harassment of other female staffers, and staffers allegedly often finding him undressed inside his office.

In November 2017, Melanie Sloan, founder of Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW), publicly accused Conyers of having harassed and verbally abused her during her tenure working for the House Judiciary Committee. On one occasion, she was summoned to his office and found him sitting in his underwear, and she quickly left.

Conyers responded to these reports, saying, "In our country, we strive to honor this fundamental principle that all are entitled to due process. In this case, I expressly and vehemently denied the allegations made against me, and continue to do so. My office resolved the allegations – with an express denial of liability – in order to save all involved from the rigors of protracted litigation."

On November 21, 2017, the House Ethics Committee launched an investigation into multiple sexual harassment allegations against Conyers. Later in November 2017 there were reports that a second woman accused Conyers of sexual harassment. House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, who had initially stated that Conyers was an "icon" and had done a great deal to protect women, called upon Conyers to resign. She said the allegations against him were "very credible".

On December 5, 2017, Conyers resigned his House seat because of his mounting sexual scandals. The announcement came the day after another former staffer released an affidavit accusing Conyers of sexual harassment. The same day, an article by The Washington Post published allegations by Courtney Morse that Conyers had threatened her with a similar fate to that of Chandra Levy, a staffer found murdered in a park in Washington, DC. She said that after she rejected his advances, he "said he had insider information on the case. I don't know if he meant it to be threatening, but I took it that way."

At a time when the #MeToo movement was pushing for action against men who harassed women, some media and supporters in Detroit believed Conyers had been unfairly treated. He was reported as the "first sitting politician to be ousted from office in the wake of the #MeToo movement." One supporter said he had been "railroaded" out of office.

Caucus memberships

Founding Member and Dean of the Congressional Black Caucus

American Sikh Congressional Caucus

Congressional Progressive Caucus

United States Congressional International Conservation Caucus

Out of Afghanistan Caucus (Co-Chair)

Congressional Full Employment Caucus

Congressional Arts Caucus

Afterschool Caucuses

Congressional NextGen 9-1-1 Caucus

Political positions

According to The New Republic, Conyers was a member of the Democratic Socialists of America in 1983.

Conyers supported legislation aimed at strengthening the U.S. civil justice system. In March 2016, Rep. Conyers and Representative Hank Johnson introduced legislation to protect consumers access to civil courts, titled the "Restoring Statutory Rights Act." This legislation would "ensure that the state, federal, and constitutional rights of Americans are enforceable" and consumers aren't forced into secretive private arbitration hearings.

Detroit mayoral campaigns

While serving in the U.S. House, Conyers made two unsuccessful runs for mayor of Detroit: one in 1989 against incumbent Coleman Young and again in 1993.

1989

Incumbent Democratic Mayor Coleman Young decided to run for a fifth term, despite growing unpopularity and the declining economy of Detroit. In the September primary, Young won with 51% of the vote. Accountant Tom Barrow qualified for the November run-off by having 24%, and Conyers received 18% of the vote. Despite the difficulties of the city, Young defeated Barrow in the run-off with 56% of the vote.

1993

In June 1993, incumbent Democratic Mayor Coleman Young decided to retire instead of seeking a sixth term, citing his age and health. Many observers believed he had decided not to test his growing unpopularity. In a Detroit News poll in February, 81% said Young should retire. Conyers was one of the 23 candidates who qualified for ballot access.

Dennis Archer was the front runner in the mayoral campaign from the beginning. The 51-year-old former State Supreme Court Justice raised over $1.6 million to finance his campaign. He won the September primary with 54% of the vote. Conyers came in fourth place. Archer won the November election.

Electoral history

Personal life and death

Conyers married Monica Esters, a teacher in Detroit, in 1990. She was 25 and he was 61; they had two sons together, John James III and Carl Edward Conyers. She later served as a vice administrator of the public schools, and in 2005 was elected to the Detroit City Council. In September 2015, Monica Conyers filed for divorce, citing a "breakdown of the marriage". However, they reconciled in late 2016.

Conyers' grandnephew, Ian Conyers, was elected to the Michigan Senate in 2016. He generated controversy by telling of Conyers's planned retirement in interviews before the Congressman announced it himself, and claiming his great-uncle's endorsement. While Ian Conyers announced he would run in the special election for the Congressman's seat, John Conyers endorsed his son. John Conyers III chose not to run. Ian Conyers was defeated in the Democratic primary by Rashida Tlaib.

Conyers died on October 27, 2019, at his home in Detroit. He was 90 years old. His funeral was held on November 4 at Detroit's Greater Grace Temple.

Representation in other media

Conyers frequently posted at Daily Kos and Democratic Underground. Beginning May 2005, he had been a contributing blogger at The Huffington Post and on his own blog.

John Conyers appeared in Michael Moore's documentary Fahrenheit 9/11, discussing the aftermath of the September 11 attacks. He said many members of Congress "don't read most of the bills," as they are very lengthy. They rely on staff to study them in detail.

Honors and awards

In 2007, he was awarded the Spingarn Medal from the NAACP.

[gaia-aviva]

The failure of the Bermuda conference provoked the first serious public criticism of U.S. refugee policy. A large advertisement in the New York Times, sponsored by the rescue advocates known as the Bergson Group,  was headlined “To 5,000,000 Jews in the Nazi Death-Trap, Bermuda was a Cruel Mockery.” 

Rep. Emanuel Celler (D-New York) charged that the delegates in Bermuda had engaged in “diplomatic tight-rope walking,” at a time when “thousands of Jews are being killed daily.” In a slap at Congressman Bloom, Rep. Celler characterized the conference as “a bloomin’ fiasco.” 

The editors of The New Republic charged that Bermuda revealed “the bitter truth” that the U.S. and Great Britain were unwilling to aid “these potential refugees from murder.…If the Anglo-Saxon nations continue on their present course, we shall have connived with Hitler in one of the most terrible episodes of history.”

Bermuda galvanized some mainstream Jewish leaders to speak out more forcefully for rescue. Dr. Israel Goldstein, president of the Synagogue Council of America, charged that “the victims are not being rescued because the democracies do not want them, and the job of the Bermuda conference apparently was not to rescue victims of Nazi terror but to rescue our State Department and the British Foreign Office from possible embarrassment.” 

Even the chief British delegate to Bermuda, Richard Law, later acknowledged that Bermuda was a “façade for inaction.”

Historians have come to view the Bermuda conference as one of the era’s most vivid demonstrations of the Roosevelt administration’s abandonment of the Jews. 

American Jewish groups were alarmed that U.S. Congressman Sol Bloom (D-New York) was chosen as a member of the American delegation to Bermuda. Bloom was a staunch defender of FDR’s harsh policy toward Jewish refugees; Jewish leaders feared Bloom would serve as “an alibi” for the administration’s claim that rescue was impossible. Assistant Secretary of State Breckinridge Long wrote in his diary that he chose Bloom because the congressman was “easy to handle” and “terribly ambitious for publicity.”

The Bermuda gathering opened on April 19, 1943, which coincided with the first night of Passover and the outbreak of the Warsaw Ghetto revolt against the Nazis. The British and U.S. governments decided beforehand that in their discussions, there would be no emphasis on the plight of the Jews, nor would they adopt any policies that would benefit Jews in particular.

Nearly every rescue idea that was raised was shot down. The U.S. refused to use trans-Atlantic ships to transport refugees, not even troop supply ships that were returning from Europe empty. The Roosevelt administration also rejected any increase in the admission of refugees to the United States.

The British delegates refused to discuss Palestine as a possible haven, because of Arab opposition. They also rejected negotiating with the Nazis to release Jews, on the grounds that “many of the potential refugees are empty mouths for which Hitler has no use.” Their release “would be relieving Hitler of an obligation to take care of these useless people,” a senior British official asserted.

The delegates also dismissed the idea of shipping food to starving Jews as a violation of the Allied blockade of Axis Europe, even though Allied leaders previously made an exception for German-occupied Greece and sent food there.

In the end, the Bermuda conferees spent a large amount of time on very small-scale steps, such as evacuating 5,000 Jewish refugees from Spain (who were not in immediate danger) to the Libyan region of Cyrenaica.

After twelve days of basking in the tropical sunshine, the delegates adjourned without achieving anything of significance. The two governments kept the proceedings of the conference secret rather than admit how little they had accomplished.  

[prideguy]

Does the Civil Rights Act Protect Sexual Orientation?

Does the Civil Rights Act Protect Sexual Orientation?

[ad_1]

The Democratic chairman of the House Judiciary Committee, an inveterate male chauvinist from Brooklyn named Emanuel Celler, was livid, warning that the language was “illogical, ill-timed, and improper,” that it would be an “entering wedge” to a constitutional Equal Rights Amendment (an idea he detested), and that it would lead, as indeed it eventually did, to the overturning of state laws…

[qotznet]

The population forecast for the United States in 1970 is 170 million. The population forecast for Russia alone in 1970 is 251 million. The implications are clear.

[todaysdocument]

“No man who has studied the history of [the poll tax] by Virginia can honestly deny that its basic purpose was to curtail the vote of our Negro citizens . . . “ - Augustus C. Johnson to the House Judiciary Committee, 5/16/1962. 

File Unit: Papers Accompanying Specific Bills and Resolutions of the Committee on the Judiciary from the 87th Congress, 1961 - 1962

Series: Papers Accompanying Specific Bills and Resolutions, 1903 - 1972

Record Group 233: Records of the U.S. House of Representatives, 1789 - 2015

Transcription:

WESTERN UNION

                                       TELEGRAM

LLB042 WA 050

(LL) NL PD WASHINGTON DC 15                         1962 MAY 16 AM 3 50

HON EMANUEL CELLER

CHAIRMAN JUDICIARY COMMITTEE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WASHDC

THE PEOPLE OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA WANT THE POLL TAX ABOLISHED

AS A QUALIFICATION FOR VOTING. WE WOULD PREFER THAT THIS BE

DONE BY OUR OWN STATE GOVERNMENT BUT IF THE LEADERS OF THE

ORGANIZATION THAT DOMINATES THE COMMONWEALTH REFUSE TO REDRESS

OUR GRIEVANCES THEY CANNOT COMPLAIN IF WE APPEAL TO THE PEOPLE

OF THE NATION TO DO IT BY CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT

THE ARGUMENT HAS BEEN ADVANCED THAT THE POLL TAX IS AN

IMPORTANT SOURCE OF INCOME TO THE COMMONWEALTH. IF THIS IS

TRUE, WHY THEN IS IT NOT MADE COMPULSORY AS ARE OUR OTHER TAXES?

THEN TWICE AS MUCH WOULD BE COLLECTED FROM THIS SOURCE AS IS

COLLECTED NOW I BELIVE THIS TO BE A SPECIOUS ARGUMENT

NO MAN WHO HAS STUDIED THE HISTORY OF THE ADOPTION OF

[page 2]

WESTERN UNION

                       TELEGRAM

A050 SHEET 2

THIS TAX BY VIRGINIA CAN HONESTLY DENY THAT ITS BASIC PURPOSE

WAS TO CURTAIL THE VOTE OF OUR NEGRO CITIZENS I URGE THAT THE

JUDICIARY COMMITTEE REPORT OUT THE ANTI-POLL TAX RESOLUTION

AGUSTUS C JOHNSON CANDIDATE FOR DEMOCRATIC NOMINATION 10TH

DISTRICT VIRGINIA.

[quoteclimax]

Emanuel Celler – Roosevelt’s humor was broad, his…

“Roosevelt’s humor was broad, his manner friendly. Of wit there was little of philosophy, none. What did he possess? Intuition, inspiration, love of adventure.” -Emanuel Celler

The post Emanuel Celler – Roosevelt’s humor was broad, his… appeared first on Quote Climax!.

from Quote Climax! http://bit.ly/ttfn1

[theculturedmarxist]

The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 was debated and passed in the context of Cold War-era fears and suspicions of infiltrating Communist and Soviet spies and sympathizers within American institutions and federal government. Anticommunist sentiment associated with the Second Red Scare and McCarthyism in the United States led restrictionists to push for selective immigration to preserve national security.[8] Senator Pat McCarran (D-Nevada), the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, proposed an immigration bill to maintain status quo in the United States and to safeguard the country from communism, “Jewish interests”, and undesirables that he deemed as external threats to national security.[9] His immigration bill included restrictive measures such as increased review of potential immigrants, stepped-up deportation, and more stringent naturalization procedures. The bill also placed a preference on economic potential, special skills, and education. In addition, Representative Francis E. Walter (D-Pennsylvania) proposed a similar immigration bill to the House.

In response to the liberal immigration bill of Representative Emanuel Celler (D-New York) and Senator Herbert H. Lehman (D-New York), both Pat McCarran and Francis E. Walter combined their restrictive immigration proposals into the McCarran-Walter bill and recruited support of patriotic and veteran organizations.[9] However, various immigration reform advocacy groups and testimonies by representatives from ethnic coalitions, civil rights organizations, and labor unions challenged proposals of restrictive immigration and pushed for a more inclusive immigration reform.[10] Opponents of the restrictive bill such as Lehman attempted to strategize a way to bring the groups together to resist McCarran’s actions. Despite the efforts to resist, McCarran’s influence as chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee ultimately overpowered the liberal immigration reform coalition.

President Harry Truman vetoed the McCarran-Walter Act because it continued national-origins quotas that discriminated against potential allies that contained communist groups.[11]  However, Congress overrode the veto by a two-thirds vote of each house.[12] The 82nd United States Congress enacted the act, which became effective on June 27, 1952. The passage of the McCarran-Walter bill, known as the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952, solidified more restrictive immigration movement in the United States.

[leohtttbriar]

For more than a decade, House Judiciary Committee Chairman Emanuel Celler had blocked the ERA from reaching the floor for a debate or a vote. Finally, Rep. Martha Griffiths (D-Mich.) used a discharge petition to wrench it out of committee. Given the chance to vote on it, the House supported the amendment — with no ratification deadline — 352 to 15, a 96% majority. But when the ERA proceeded to the Senate, the maneuvers of its opponents prevailed. It was Southern conservative Sam Ervin (D-N.C.) who proposed limiting the time states would have to ratify the amendment; he also demanded the addition of a provision exempting women from the draft. Others tacked a right to school prayer onto it. With the session ending, the ERA’s enemies made full use of the Senate rule allowing unlimited debate: It died without a vote. Griffiths began again in 1971, this time adding Ervin’s proposed seven-year ratification deadline to the amendment, in a bid to quiet critics and gain supporters. But the men who insisted on the deadline — Celler and Ervin — voted against the ERA anyway. Nonetheless, in March 1972 both houses of Congress voted to adopt the Equal Rights Amendment in numbers that suggest it could have reached the necessary two-thirds vote even without a ratification deadline.

the deadline was a Completely Unnecessary concession to people who Did Not Concede Anyway and the measure Still passed because the concession was Completely Unnecessary. it is infuriating that we have to still deal with this. and now the question is in the hands of the us senate.

x

for the record, no other amendment in american history had a ratification deadline. only the ERA was burdened with a deadline. the 27th amendment took 200 years or something to be ratified. the senate can lift the deadline (senate dems and murkowski tried to earlier this year in april). we need sixty votes.

[jgmail]

Fascismo, Islam y mundo árabe. Entrevista a Stefano Fabei*

¿Cómo tuvo inicio y cuáles han sido las características principales del encuentro entre Fascismo e Islam?

Ya antes de la marcha sobre Roma, posiciones filoárabes y filoislámicas eran presentes en el interior de los «fasci di combattimento»: derivaban de las múltiples experiencias políticas confluentes en el movimiento fundado por Mussolini el 23 de marzo de 1919 : de la socialista a la republicana, de la anarquista a la sindicalista revolucionaria, del arditismo al futurismo de vanguardia.

La idea de una Italia «nación proletaria», enemiga natural de las plutocracias e imperialismos era muy difusa en este primer fascismo «de izquierda», republicano y revolucionario, y en aquel periodo ella emerge con cierto vigor también en el curso de la experiencia fiumana. Tras el fin de la Primera Guerra Mundial y advenimiento al poder de Mussolini, una serie de hechos y circunstancias políticas, internas e internacionales, permitieron a Italia ser, o al menos parecer, la nación en vía de ser la intermediaria entre Oriente y Occidente. Un mes antes de la marcha sobre Roma, Gabriele D’Annunzio, descubiertas las grandes y múltiples afinidades entre el Evangelio y el Corán, afirmó que justamente del Oriente vendría «la fuerza nueva para la Italia Nueva: de esta Italia que el destino ha querido constituya, geográfica y espiritualmente, el puente entre Occidente y Oriente».

Luego, sin embargo, en los ocho primeros años en el poder, Mussolini no llevó adelante una política autónoma árabe porque la política exterior italiana tenía como fundamental punto de referencia la inglesa, y de la marcha de los encuentros con Londres dependía la de Roma en los asuntos de los árabes. Estando en curso la «reconquista» de Libia, era entonces difícil para Mussolini llevar un verdadero y propio diálogo con el mundo árabe. Además, los impulsos hacia una política exterior verdaderamente revolucionaria, también en la cuestión de los países árabes, sostenida por los fascistas más dinámicos, venían sofocados por la excesiva influencia que tenían en el régimen nacionalistas y católicos conservadores. Solo al inicio de los años treinta, nuestra política árabe comenzó a caracterizarse de una manera más autónoma y dinámica, presentando a Italia como «puente» entre el este y oeste, un punto  de referencia, un «faro de luz» para las naciones islámicas. No en vano, entre 1930 y 1936 roma buscó acentuar su acción cultural y económica en el Medio Oriente y en el área árabo-islámica en general. Para comenzar, pensamos en Bari, en la Feria del Levante en 1930; en los convenios de los estudiantes asiáticos organizados en Roma bajo el patrocinio de los Grupos Universitarios Fascistas en 1933 y 1934; en radio Bari, que iniciaba sus transmisiones en lengua árabe en 1934; en la actividad de penetración en la prensa árabe con subvenciones a periódicos y periodistas; en el Instituto para el Oriente y el Instituto Oriental de Nápoles, centros de actividad cultural que desarrollaban una provechosa actividad política. Según Said Sciartuni, un colaborador árabe de «Vita Italiana», la revista de Giovanni Preziosi, prescindiendo de los encuentros comerciales y económicos existentes entre el mundo árabe y la Italia Fascista, existía un vínculo ideológico que habría tenido su peso específico en sus encuentros futuros. El mundo árabe según él, era un campo fértil para la extensión del fascismo, que él consideraba como un medio esencial para su renacimiento espiritual. Italia era entonces llamada a desarrollar una propaganda para el desarrollo del fascismo en Oriente; así podría haber podido combatir al comunismo en el mundo árabe conquistándose amplias simpatías. A los valores del Islam (pero también del budismo) se habría referido luego, justo después de la campaña racial, el presidente del CAUR (los Comités de Acción por la Universalidad de Roma, la llamada «internacional fascista»), Eugenio Coselschi, en el mensaje dirigido en septiembre de 1938 al congreso antibolchevique y antijudaico de Erfurt, para contraponer a las «nefastas doctrinas que proponen el sojuzgamiento de todas las naciones y de todas las razas a la tiranía de una única raza sometida a las prescripciones del Talmud, la santidad de la cruz cristiana, la sabiduría del Corán y la clarividencia de Buda» y para exaltar «la idea universal de Roma» y su batalla espiritual en nombre de todos los «creyentes y los devotos, sea a Cristo a Mahoma o a Buda» contra el vil materialismo.

Mussolini y la espada del Islam. ¿Cuál es la historia? En la base del compromiso que se instauró, ¿había solo una visión d realpolitik del Duce?

Esta es la 3ª fase de la política árabo-islámica del fascismo, aquella relativa a la segunda mitad de los años treinta, los años del Eje, el día antes de cuyo nacimiento, el 24 de octubre de 1936, Hitler había declarado a Galeazzo Ciano, ministro de exteriores del Duce, que el mediterráneo era un mar italiano y que cualquier modificación futura en el equilibrio del mediterráneo se debería hacer a favor de Italia, así como Alemania habría debido tener libertad de acción hacia el este y hacia el Báltico. Orientando las dinámicas de las dos potencias fascistas en estas direcciones exactamente opuestas, nunca se habría producido un conflicto de intereses entre Alemania e Italia. En otros términos, según Hitler, los países árabes bajo control francés e inglés, casi en su totalidad, formaban parte de la esfera de influencia de Roma. Al año siguiente, el 18 de marzo de 1937, el Duce, durante su viaje triunfal en Libia, asume el título de «Espada del Islam». Mussolini era el protector de los musulmanes en Libia, en Etiopia, allí donde había liberado de las vejaciones del Negus, en Palestina y un poco por todas partes en el Mediterráneo. Prescindiendo de las relaciones económicas y comerciales existentes entre el mundo árabe y la Italia Fascista, la política medio oriental y la cuestión árabe devinieron argumento de la prensa del régimen.

¿Cuál ha sido el rol desarrollado por Gran Bretaña en las relaciones entre Italia y el mundo árabe?

Como ya he dicho, Gran Bretaña ha sido siempre la gran antagonista de Italia en el Mediterráneo, pero como en la política árabe de Alemania, en la de Italia se tiende a no perjudicar las relaciones con Londres, al menos hasta el momento en el cual , con el estallido de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, la ruptura deviene irreversible. De la andadura de las relaciones con los ingleses depende el apoyo al nacionalismo árabe y a los movimientos de liberación del área medio-oriental como el palestino.

La Italia Fascista y la Resistencia Palestina. ¿De verdad pertenece al internacionalismo de izquierdas, como una cierta interpretación de la historia sostiene, el primado histórico de haber dado apoyo a la causa palestina?

Absolutamente no. Fue Italia el primer estado europeo en sostener de un modo concreto la lucha de liberación del pueblo palestino frente al mandato británico y al proyecto sionista en Tierra Santa. Entre el 10 de septiembre de 1936 y el 15 de junio de 1938, Italia entregó al Gran Muftí de Jerusalén, que guiaba la revuelta del pueblo palestino contra las fuerzas militares de  Gran Bretaña y contra la inmigración judía, alrededor de 138.000 libras esterlinas, una suma nada despreciable por aquellos tiempos (actualmente alrededor de 10  millones de euros). Esta contribución financiera fue decidida por el Duce al día siguiente de la guerra de Etiopía, no solo en razón de la posición asumida por Italia frente al nacionalismo árabe, y por «fastidiar a los ingleses », sino también en recuerdo de las posiciones anticolonialistas del Mussolini socialista revolucionario y del primer fascismo. Además de dinero, el ministerio de exteriores decide enviar al mujâhidîn palestino una consistente carga de armas y municiones, en principio destinada al Negus,  pero adquirida en Bélgica vía el SIM (1). Este material depositado por  casi dos años en Tarento, había debido llegar por intermediación de los saudíes, a los palestinos empeñados en la primera intifada para abatir al reino hachemita de transjordania, poner fin al protectorado británico y bloquear la llegada de otros judíos y el proyecto sionista en Tierra Santa.

¿Cuál ha sido la contribución  material – en hombres y medios- ofrecido por el mundo islámico a las fuerzas del Eje durante la Segunda Guerra Mundial?

Se trata de una contribución muy significativa, difícil de cuantificar numéricamente. Queriendo intentar dar una cifra, diremos prudentemente que más de 300.000 fueron los musulmanes de las regiones islámicas de la Unión Soviética (caucásicos, turcos de Crimea, tártaros del Volga, turkestaníes, azeríes, etc.) que se enrolaron con los alemanes para combatir contra la armada roja de Stalin; 117.000 los caídos. Por cuanto se refiere a los árabes, entre 1941 y 1945, se calcula que 500 sirios, 200 palestinos, 450 iraquíes, y alrededor de 12.000 entre argelinos, tunecinos, marroquíes y egipcios se unieron activamente al Eje. 6.300 formaron parte de unidades militares del Reich, unos pocos centenares combatieron con los distintivos del Ejercito Regio o de la Milicia Voluntaria de Seguridad Nacional, otros también militaron en la unidad de la Francia de Vichy. Emanuel Celler, miembro del congreso de los Estados Unidos, el 10 de abril de 1946 declaró que dos mil soldados árabes del Eje prisioneros de guerra estaban internos en el campo de presos de Opelika, en Alabama. Luego, en los Balcanes, más de 30.000 voluntarios de Bosnia, de Albania y de otras regiones musulmanas entraron el las Waffen SS, y a esto habría  que sumar aquellos millares de fieles de Allah que combatieron en milicias y formaciones autónomas.

¿Por qué ésta página de la historia que concierne a la relación entre el Fascismo y el mundo árabe ha permanecido hasta nuestros días tan poco conocida?

En efecto se trata de un capítulo muy descuidado por los historiadores, no solo por aquellos de los movimientos filofascistas, que entonces surgieron y se  desarrollaron un poco en todo el mundo, sino también, laguna aún más grave, entre los historiadores del colonialismo y de la descolonización; de hecho el fenómeno filofascista de ciertos países y grupos políticos, en el mundo árabo-islámico en particular, fue ante todo el corolario de la resistencia al colonialismo. Y luego ha sido la tendencia a asimilar, sin las necesarias distinciones, el fascismo al colonialismo, por no hablar del desconcierto que la simpatía y apoyo de muchos musulmanes del llamado tercer mundo a la guerra del Eje, suscitaban en ciertos ambientes políticos y culturales.

¿Qué diría a los jóvenes de ‘derecha’  que tienden a seguir las corrientes de quien quiere ver a toda costa un enfrentamiento entre dos diversas culturas, la «occidental-cristiana» y la árabo-musulmana?

Yo mantengo que el así  llamado choque de civilizaciones no existe y que esta tesis es sostenida por quien busca impedir el conocimiento y la colaboración entre una realidad humana, cultural y política ciertamente diferentes pero no por  esto necesariamente antagonistas. La diversidad  es a mi juicio una riqueza y un recurso necesario en un mundo en el cual el proceso de globalización tiende a homogeneizar a todos en el american way of life. Quien basa la propia identidad sobre sólidas raíces no teme lo diverso, sino que busca conocerlo y colaborar, si es posible, en vista de la consecución de un común objetivo… pero el discurso es extremadamente complejo…

Pregunta obligada: sobre sus proyectos de futuro, ¿tiene alguna publicación?

En este momento tengo la historia de un soldado del Novecientos y de sus guerras; se trata de la biografía del general Niccolo Nicchiarelli, Jefe del Estado Mayor de la Guardia Nacional Republicana durante la RSI.

(1) SIM- Servicio de información militar. Organo de inteligencia militar italiano de 1925 a 1945.

*Publicado el 22 de septiembre de 2008 en azionetradizionale.com (Trad. Antonio M.S.)

Bibliografía de referencia

-S.Fabei, Una vita per la Palestina ( Storia del Gran Mufti di Gerusalemme ), Mursia, 2003.

-S.Fabei, Mussolini e la resdistenza palestinense, Mursia, 2005.

-S.Fabei, Il fascio, la svástica e la mezzaluna, Mursia, Milano, 2002.

[old-man-look-at-my-life]

My Canned Text Response To Stupid Whites

In case you think it would be clever to point out that the Klan was started by Democrats, you should research dixiecrats, and who were considered conservative, or liberal, despite party affiliation. Also understand that one can look at the Federal Civil Rights Legislation passed in the 60s, and notice that nearly all SOUTHERN Senators, and Representatives, voted AGAINST said legislation regardless of party affiliation, and further, notice that nearly all NON-Southern Senators, and Representatives, voted FOR said legislation, regardless of party affiliation. And for the record, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was authored by a Democrat, by the name of Emanuel Celler, who also authored the Civil Rights Acts of 1957, and 1960. Today, the racism is alive, and well, in the Republican party, with strong support from teabaggers, and losertarians. I know that fucks up your whole narrative of Democrats being the racist party, but that's your problem.

[daniecho]

The Loneliest Americans by Jay Caspian Kang (Quotes from Chapter One)

For most Asians in America, that story begins on October 3, 1965, when President Lyndon B. Johnson stood in front of the Statue of Liberty and said something that would be proven wrong. “This bill that we sign today is not a revolutionary bill,” Johnson said. “It does not affect the lives of millions. It will not reshape the structure of our daily lives.” He was referring to the Hart-Celler Immigration Act, a landmark piece of legislation with a lengthy history dating back to the 1930s and efforts to open up immigration quotas for Jewish Europeans fleeing the Nazis. Its opponents at the time described apocalyptic scenarios in which the United States and its white population would be overrun by a horde of foreigners. (pg. 21)

The fight went all the way to the Supreme Court, which concluded that while Ozawa was more than fit to become an American, the rights of citizenship could only be extended to white men. This decision, which came down in 1922, set off a fight in Congress between lawmakers who saw an opening to create a fully racialized immigration system--one that kept out not only the Japanese, Chinse, and Koreans but Jews as well--and a group of lawmakers, who, along with President Calvin Coolidge, believed new restrictions on immigration would destroy any of diplomatic relations with Japan. (pg. 24)

In 1952, Patrick McCarran, a Democratic senator from Nevada, and Francis Walter, a Democratic congressman from Pennsylvania, pushed through a complex, endlessly negotiated immigration law that both amplified the rhetoric of fear around Asian and Jewish immigrants and also, counterintuitively, ended many of the restrictions on Asian entry to the United States. The McCarran-Walter Act ended the “Asiatic Barred Zone,” and all “Oriental” countries were given a quota of 100 to 185 visas per year. Perhaps more significantly, the ban on Asian naturalization was lifted, meaning Asian immigrants could now become full citizens. (pg. 27)

And while some some new pathways for immigrants had been laid out, the new bill also contained an “Asian-Pacific Triangle” provision that  capped the number of total Asian immigrants at two-thousand per year. [...] McCarran-Walter also curtailed Jewish immigration. In both instances, the justification came  out of the budding Cold War and the belief that Asians and Jews would propagate communism within U.S. borders. (pg. 28)

As had been true with the Magnuson Act, McCarran and Walter’s bill had been motivated almost entirely by symbolic wartime maneuvering and the decades-long fight over Jewish refugees fleeing Europe. (pg. 29)

Hannah-Jones draws a straight line between the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and the extension of that logic into all corners of federal law. But this cause-and-effect story--one day a law was passed, and the next day, some people appeared on American shores--ignores the decades of American interventions in the Pacific, multiple wars, and forty years of work by Emanuel Celler, a Jewish American congressman from Brooklyn, to reform both explicitly and implicitly anti-Semitic immigration statutes. In her excellent book about Hart-Celler, the journalist Jia Lynn Yang details how the 1924 Immigration Act’s restrictions on immigration from southern and eastern Europe made it almost impossible for Jews fleeing Hitler to settle in the Unites States. As was true with all the immigration reform acts, the incentives on every side begin, and oftentimes end, abroad. (pg. 33)

[congressarchives]

Sellers’ Sound System

The 2018 MLB All Star Game takes place in Washington, DC, this week, and for those not fortunate enough to see it in person, the sights, action and especially sounds will be accessible to audiences around the globe via television, streaming and radio.  While technology such as “Statcast” and field microphones are commonplace today, far less technology permeated the game in the 1950’s.  Enter Stan Sellers and his patented “Sports Sound System”, designed to enrich the ballpark experience by amplifying the on-field chatter so that every fan in attendance, as well as at home watching on TV or listening on radio, could hear the true sounds of baseball.  However, Sellers found resistance from the baseball establishment to his plan for installing the sound system across organized baseball.  In turn, Sellers took his complaints to Congress.

Professional baseball has been deemed exempt from antitrust laws ever since the Supreme Court decision of 1922.  In the 1950’s, several Congressional committees took up the task of investigating possible legislative oversight of baseball’s monopoly status, including the House Judiciary Committee, chaired by Emanuel Celler.  

It was to this committee, considering sports antitrust legislation during the 85th Congress (1957-1958), that Stan Sellers sent his pleas for help.  The letter, dated August, 1957, suggests support from several well-known baseball figures, mentions his thoughts on what he perceives as the monopolistic tendencies of MLB, and insists that fans are “simply wild to hear the hassles which occur on the diamond”!

Hope everyone enjoys the sights, and sounds, of the 2018 All Star Game!