#Cetewayo
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Zoeloe-oorlog. Betrekkinge tussen die Natalse koloniale owerhede en die Zoeloevolk het geleidelik versleg ná die dood van Panda (q.v.) in 1872, grootliks as gevolg van die tirannieke regeringstelsel wat steeds deur sy opvolger, Cetewayo (q.v.) afgedwing word. Periodieke vertoë deur die Natalse regering en die taktvolle pogings van sir Theophilus Shepstone (q.v.), wat in 1873 'n formele kroning" van die Zoeloe-koning uitgevoer het, het nie daarin geslaag om Cetewayo se pogings te stuit om sy gesag oor vlugtelinge uit sy land na Natal te laat geld nie. het in Desember 1878 oor 'n betwiste grens met Transvaal tot 'n spits gekom. Ekstra Britse troepe is ingevoer en op 10 Januarie 1879 het 'n Britse mag Zoeloeland binnegeval. Onbevoegde leierskap was verantwoordelik vir die ramp van Isandhlwana (q.v.) op 22 Januarie, toe meer as 800 lewens verlore gegaan het. Onmiddellik daarna kom die Zoeloe-aanslag op Rorke's Drift (q.v.), waarin 'n handjievol verdedigers die aanval wat Natal kon onderkry het, afgeslaan. vertraag weens die afwesigheid van kabel.skakels, is 'n groot aantal versterkings na Natal gestuur, waar lord Chelmsford deur sir Evelyn Wood vervang is. Die hernieude inval in Zoeloeland het op 29 Maart 1879 begin en is gevolg deur die inname van Eshowe en die finale nederlaag van die Zoeloe-magte, eers by Kambula en toe by Ulundi, die Zoeloe-leër word op verskillende maniere op tussen 12 000 en 25 000 geraam. Cetewayo is gevange geneem op 28 Augustus Onder die slagoffers was die Prins Imperial, Louis Napoleon van Frankryk (q.v.). Ongeveer 30 000 Britse troepe was by die veldtog betrokke, waarvan die koste meer as £5 000 000 beloop het.
Zuurbekom. Pompstasie van die Randse Waterraad (q.v.) suid van
Geassosieerde rasse en geslagte kom oor 'n groot deel van Natal en tot in die Kaapprovinsie voor. Die Matabele van Rhodesië en die Angoni (q.v.) van Malawi is ook verwant. Daar word geglo dat die Zoeloes omstreeks die 15de eeu uit die omgewing van die groot Sentraal-Afrikaanse mere geëmigreer het, en was 'n groep van min belang tot ongeveer die 18de eeu, toe deur die organiserende mag en oorlogsugtige gawes eers van Dingiswayo en later van Tshaka (q.v.), het hulle ontwikkel van 'n obskure en na bewering bedeesde stam tot 'n naam van terreur regdeur Suider-Afrika. Na die moord op Tshaka en die vrugtelose poging van Dingaan (q.v.) om die intog van die Voortrekkers in sy land te stuit, het die meerderheid van die Zoeloes met noord van die Tugelarivier getrek, wat die aanvaarde grens tussen hulle en die Blankes geword het, hoewel groot getalle Zoeloes het hulle in Natal gevestig. Daar was vergelykende vrede onder Panda (q.v.), maar dispute het tot 'n krisis gekom tydens die bewind van Cetewayo (q.v.), wat in die Zoeloe-oorlog (q.v.) verslaan is, afgesit en uiteindelik met baie beperkte magte heringestel is. Gedurende die 1880's het Zululand die toneel van groot onrus geword en tussenstamme-oorloë tussen 'n aantal minderjarige Britse owerhede is gestig, maar dit was eers in 1897 dat die land uiteindelik deel van Natal geword het. Onder die Afrika-mense word die Zoeloes as aristokrate beskou. het 'n hoë morele 'n goeie taal, aantreklike voorkoms en waardigheid. Baie van hulle het werk by die polisie gekry, maar hulle het 'n afkeer van mynbou. In 1906 was daar 'n verdere opkoms in Zoeloeland (sien BAMBATA REBELLIE), sedertdien is daar vrede in die land. Ten spyte van die ontwikkeling van 'n aansienlike suikerbedryf in Zoeloeland, bly die land onder die styl van stamuitbuiting en is daar steeds 'n opperhoof, wat deur die Regering erken word. Groot.
Te_mata_Bellum Zulu. Relationes inter auctoritates Coloniales Natales et populum Zuluensem post mortem Panda (q.v.) anno 1872 constantissime depravatae sunt, magna ex parte propter systema tyrannicum regiminis a successore suo Cetewayo adhuc urgeto (q.v.). Repraesentationes periodicae per Natalem Gubernationem et subtilissimas conatus Theophili Shepstone (q.v.), qui anno 1873 coronationem formalem regis Zuluensis expleverunt, conatus Cetewayi obsistere non potuit suam auctoritatem in fugitivos e patria in Natal. Mense Decembri 1878 super controversiam cum Transvaal venit, et importatis copiis extra Britanniam et die 10 Ianuarii 1879 vis Britannica Zululand invasit. Gubernium incompetens auctor fuit calamitatis Isandhlwanae (q.v.) die 22 Ianuarii. Cum plus quam DCCC vita amissa est, statim post Zulu incursus in Rorke's Drift (q.v.), quo pauci propugnatores oppugnationem Natal subegerunt, acceptis his cladibus in Britannia, quae erat. Retardata propter absentiam funerum, magna copia subsidiorum ad Natal, ubi Dominus Chelmsford substitutus fuerat a Domino Evelyn Wood. Renovata invasio Zululand incepit die 29 Martii 1879, et secuta est captio. Eshowe et ultima copiarum Zuluensium clades primum Kambula, deinde Ulundiae, exercitus Zuluensis varie inter 12000 et 25000 aestimatus est. Cetewayo capta est die 28 Augusti. Inter casus fuit Princeps Imperialis Ludovici Napoleonis Franciae (q.v.). Circiter triginta milia militum Britannicorum in expeditione versata sunt, quorum sumptus supra 5,000,000 libras centum erant.
Zuurbekom. Pumping station of the Rand Water Board (q.v.) south of
Nationes associatae et nationes per magnam partem Natalis et in Promontorio Promontorio inveniuntur. Matabele Rhodiensis et Angonis Malavium narrantur. Zulus creditur migrasse e vicinia lacus centralis Africani circiter saeculo XV, et coetus parvi momenti fuerunt usque ad saeculum XVIII fere, cum per vim et dona bellica primum Dingiswayo et postea Tshaka ordinandis. ex obscuro et timido asserto in nomen terroris per Africam. Post Tshaka caedem et frustra conatum Dingaan (q.v.) claudendi ingressum in regionem Voortrekkeri, plures Zulus cum septentrione fluminis Tugela traxerunt, qui terminus acceptus inter eos et Albos factus est, quamquam magnus numerus Zulus in propria Natal consedit. Pax comparativa fuit sub Panda (q.v.), sed controversiae ad discrimen accesserunt regnante Cetewayo (q.v.), qui victus est in bello Zuluensi (q.v.), depositus, ac demum restitutus cum admodum limitibus potestatibus. Durante anno 1880 Zululand scaena magnae tumultus facta est et intertribala bella inter aliquot minora auctoritas Britanniae constituta est, sed non usque ad 1897 regionem tandem Natal facta est. Apud Africanos Zulus aristocratae habentur. bene morata lingua, decorus specie ac dignitate praeditus. Multi eorum in vigilibus adhibitis invenerunt, sed fodiendarum fastidium habent. Anno 1906 ulterior in Zululand ortus (vide BAMBATA REBELLION), cum terra in pace facta est. Quamvis magnae industriae saccharo in Zululand evolutionem, patria sub stylo tribuum abusionum remanet et adhuc est princeps Paramount, a Gubernio agnitus. Magna
#Zoeloeland#afrikaans#south africa#Zoeloe-oorlog#Zoeloe-koning#Cetewayo#Zoeloe-aanslag op Rorke's Drift
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II. Impotencia y desesperación.
II. Impotencia y desesperación.
…Empezamos a creer que éramos inherentemente inferiores a los blancos. Estos sentimientos de inferioridad dieron luz a un sentido de autodesprecio que se expresa en patrones de comportamiento autodestructivo. La miseria de nuestra situación, nuestra sensación de impotencia y desesperación, creó en nuestras mentes una predisposición hacia el uso de cualquier sustancia que produce ilusiones…
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The Spectator: Les Misérables is another depressing example of the BBC’s woke quota targets
As the Allies advanced towards Germany in September 1944, their supplies were brought all the way from western Normandy in a constant shuttle convoy known as the Red Ball Express. If you were making a realistic movie about this, three quarters of the truck drivers would be played by black actors, because that’s how it was in real life.
Similar rules would have to apply to any remake of Zulu or Zulu Dawn. It is an awkward but inescapable historical fact that there was no diversity whatsoever among Cetewayo’s Impis: they were all, resolutely, from the same African tribe. At the Battle of Crécy, on the other hand, every single participant was white European — even the misleadingly named Black Prince — so any movie version probably wouldn’t involve a call to Samuel L. Jackson’s casting agent.
You could go through all of history like this and make pretty sensible guesses on the ethnicity of the participants. Sometimes you might be surprised. For example, researching a novel I wrote set at the Battle of Arnhem, I found that at least one British unit had a black paratrooper (naturally nicknamed ‘Chalky’ by his comrades). So I included him, not because he was at all representative, but because I thought it was a quirk of history too interesting to resist.
Anyway, to Les Misérables and the casting of David Oyelowo as Javert. Can anyone point me to any evidence that there were black police inspectors in early 19th- century France; or that a gentleman of West African extraction was what Victor Hugo had in mind when he created this son of a galley slave? Otherwise, I’ll have to assume that this is another depressing example of the BBC’s woke quota targets — 15 per cent representation of black and minority ethnic actors on screen by 2020 — being given precedence over verisimilitude, artistic integrity and viewer satisfaction. Very few of us licence-fee payers, I am sure, would consider ourselves to be racist. But the BBC would appear to be on a mission to make us feel as though we are by forcing us to notice stuff we shouldn’t have to notice.
Still, I shall carry on enjoying Andrew Davies’s adaptation — but at least as much for the purposes of bracing masochism as for pleasure. Never was a novel more accurately titled than Les Misérables. Hugo works so hard to give his characters the worst possible deal that sometimes you want to laugh — the only laugh you’ll get — at the contrivance. Fantine, for example. How stupid do you have to be to sell your hair and front teeth before you go on the game rather than afterwards?
Andrew Davies — among others — has commented on what a dire travesty of the original the musical version is. The more I see of this epic, melodramatic gloomfest, the more I disagree. For more than a century, Les Misérables was desperately in need of a few jaunty numbers to counter the natural urge it induces to slit one’s wrists. Boublil and Schönberg did the world and Hugo a massive favour.
SAS: Who Dares Wins is back on Channel 4 for a fourth season (Sundays), more enjoyable than ever because this time half the contestants being put through the mill are female. The ostensible rationale for this is to celebrate the fact that women are now eligible to join the Special Forces. Underneath, though — at least this is what I’m hoping — it’s a subversive exercise by old-school military reactionaries designed to show why this is a stupid, politically correct policy that can never work in practice.
Most of the evidence from around the world shows this anyway. For example, a study conducted by the US Marine Corps found that mixed-sex units (containing fit, motivated, capable women) performed noticably more badly in combat-style tasks than all-male ones. No one is saying that women can’t make good fighting soldiers (the obvious example being the YPJ in Syria and Iraq); just that no matter how determined (or ruthless) girls might be, they are almost invariably let down by their physiology.
We saw this in Who Dares Wins, where in the thin Andean air, 10,000ft above sea level, the contestants had to lug huge logs up a mountain trail. And guess which sex it was that bore the brunt of the heavy lifting. Later in the series, the contestants have to box one another and one of the women gamely volunteers to go up against a man. Guess who wins. Really, no one likes to see a pretty girl having seven shades beaten out of her by a bloke. But maybe brave Louise was doing her sex a favour: you really want total equality? This is what it looks like.
https://www.spectator.co.uk/2019/01/les-miserables-is-another-depressing-example-of-the-bbcs-woke-quota-targets/
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Why don’t they make movies about our African kings & queens? I would love to see a film about Akhenaton and his beautiful wife Queen Nefertiti! Or Cetewayo, a king who was a war hero.
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“I’m sorry?” Surely the lawyer in front of you must be mistaken.
“That’s what the will says, Mx. Anderson. Power and wealth. Here are the papers with the bank vaults. Most of them are in Switzerland, of course.”
She pushes the papers over, some of them new, others older and worn. Several are preserved pieces of parchment pressed between sheets of glass to preserve them. Two are clay tablets, hefty and thick.
You slowly shuffle through the pile, brow furrowed. English, French, Greek, Hebrew. You’re pretty sure the tablets are Sumerian, but you might be wrong. You look up.
“Um.... by any chance, what kind of demigod was he, did you know?”
Ms. Athenon looks up, eyes a steel grey behind her spectacles. “I’m sorry?”
“There’s a lot of Demi-gods out there, ma-am. Achilles, Heracles, Harmonia, Imhotep, Apis, Ju, Cetewayo, Ryan’gombe, Nongshaba, Tala, Hanan, Arjuna, Bhishma, Bragi, Cú Chulainn...” You trail off, looking back down at the stack of documents before you.
“That is quite the list. I’m afraid to say that it wasn’t something that my client and I discussed. Maybe there will be something in some of those vaults that will help you figure it out.”
One winter you let a homeless guy live in your garage in exchange for shoveling the snow off your driveway. He was a decent guy all in all and left when spring came. Five years later you’re informed that he’s died. You are his sole beneficiary- You inherited the power and wealth of a demi-god.
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Capitalisme + Came = Génocide : Lincoln Detox Center : Le programme anti-drogue du peuple
Capitalisme + Came = Génocide : Lincoln Detox Center : Le programme anti-drogue du peuple
2022-01-03 13:12:00 Source Nous reproduisons dans une série d’articles la brochure Capitalisme + Came = Génocide dans sa version de 2017. En 1969, l’ex-toxicomane et membre du Black Panther Party, Michael Cetewayo Tabor écrivait Capitalisme + Came = Génocide, un texte devenu depuis lors incontournable sur les ravages de la drogue, en particulier de l’héroïne, dans les ghettos noirs de New…
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Abolish the Police-Prison-Pharma-Private Profit-Complex
Abolish the Police-Prison-Pharma-Private Profit-Complex
The Los Angeles Board of Police Commissioners, AKA the LAPC, exposed its true nature once and for all, hopefully, when it voted in October to authorize the use of drones by LAPD's Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) unit, despite 90+% opposition from the public at every hearing they scheduled to try to whip up support. They also thereby tacitly acknowledge that despite their denials, drones are essentially weapons.
It's probably no coincidence that with the "technical assistance" of the LAPD, CBS this month is reviving "SWAT" as a TV show, purportedly demonstrating that the unit is a mechanism for community responsiveness and engagement.
The LAPD's own polling and survey instruments show a growing lack of trust for the department, especially among Black and Brown residents. The challenge facing community organizers is how to deepen that mistrust, and the condemnation of racist killings by police with impunity, into a widespread awareness that, as enforcers of exploitation, oppression, white supremacy and colonialism, the police have no legitimacy whatsoever. And then how to translate such awareness into resistance and a struggle for community defense and a better world.
Black Lives Matter has begun challenging L.A. District Attorney Jackie Lacey, who has not indicted a single cop in 5 years for any of the approximately 300 police killings that have taken place in the county under her watch. But again, the challenge is to develop a campaign that gives meaning to the recognition that there is "No Justice - Just Us!" -- that the entire criminal injustice system of prosecutors, courts, judges, cops, jailers and prisons, is part of the oppressive and repressive mechanism of a settler-colonial, patriarchal, racial-capitalist society that must be uprooted and transformed.
Critical Resistance and other "prison abolitionists" inside and outside prison walls have focused attention on the continued legalization of prison slavery under the 13th Amendment, the enormous social and financial costs of racialized mass incarceration, the continuing price that formerly-incarcerated people and their families pay even after release from prison because of punitive laws and social practices. But the challenge remains, how can we regain the absolute moral and political condemnation of slavery that the original abolitionists had, the commitment to extirpate the ownership of human beings root and branch, and translate it into a powerful mass movement to abolish prisons, police and the entire system they enforce?
This is the fundamental question we must answer, the essential challenge we must meet, if our efforts are to have success. Otherwise, our piecemeal reforms and victories may result in an occasional officer being tried or even convicted, an occasional DA or judge being voted out of office, a police chief or three losing their jobs, an occasional prisoner being freed and recompensed, while the system strengthens is capacity for counter-insurgency policing, conducting mass surveillance, and building a carceral state apparatus.
The formula is fairly simple: unite our forces, and divide, disperse and undermine our enemy's ranks and support base. Carrying it out in practice over the long term is the difficulty.
What does it mean to unite our forces? We need greater collaboration and communication among those dealing with racist police killings with impunity, those opposing mass incarceration and prison slavery, those challenging political imprisonment and state repression, and opponents of the death penalty or other particular injustices. The principled basis for such unification must be a common recognition that these issues and problems are systemic in nature. The solution is not better training, stricter oversight, or fairer sentencing, but a struggle for a society based on fundamentally different principles of self-determination, solidarity, liberation, equality and mutual aid.
This same paradigm applies not just to organizing around "criminal justice" issues of policing and prisons, but to all other areas in which the oppressive, exploitative nature of this system creates contradictions between human need and freedom and the maintenance of a system of privatized land theft and profit extraction. Tenants facing eviction or deplorable housing conditions, homeless people, homeowners facing foreclosure, people in public housing facing privatization, neighborhoods grappling with displacement and gentrification are all facing aspects of the same beast: private ownership of stolen land. The under- and unemployed, minimum-wage workers, women working a "double-shift" in the home and the workplace, prisoners forced to labor for a pittance, unions facing campaigns to decertify them or strip them of the ability to organize politically or to bargain collectively similarly are contending with different aspects of the same system of private control of social labor.
Dividing and subduing our enemy is also easier said than done. The first requirement there is the recognition that we have an enemy, one whose survival depends on its ability to maintain its dominance over us, and who therefore is implacable in a life-or-death struggle against us. We must make an accurate assessment of it forces, not just the military power at its command in the armed forces, but the extent of people who see their interests dovetailing with the relatively few at the top who suck up the lion's-share of the wealth the system of exploitation of people and nature generates. This includes in the US most of the hundreds of thousands in the ranks of local, municipal, county, state and federal law enforcement and so-called "correctional" and detention facilities, border guards, and the for-profit corporate entities that have contracts to interface with, enhance, outfit and extend those mechanisms for surveillance, suppression and confinement. It also includes many in the ranks of the volunteer US military, especially career military, and the vast network of defense industry corporations, mercenaries, private corporate security forces, intelligence operatives, and others. Historically, in many imperial societies, veterans of all those uniformed services and agencies are another base for reaction.
However, within all those sectors, contradictions around race, gender, class and other social aspects are still operative, and should be addressed. Recent examples, such as Black and allied NYPD officers expressing solidarity with Colin Kaepernick's "take a knee" protests against racist police murders is an example. For all of them, as for people on our side of the divide, we need to project the alternative we offer to the systems we want to abolish. Grievance and injury are not enough; people need and want to know what they are fighting for. Projecting a credible alternative, beginning to demonstrate in practice the kind of better world we are fighting for is thus critical to both uniting our forces and dividing theirs.
Another key is finding wedge issues that will divide the masses of the ruled and governed from the system they predominantly buy into and give their consent to. This involves transforming repugnance at Trump into opposition to the empire; anger at killer cops into repudiation of the system they enforce and that protects them; frustration with routinized sexual harassment into desire for a world free from patriarchy and the commercialization of hyper-gendered sexuality.
To do this, we need to be engaged with people in meaningful workplace or community-based organizing to meet basic human needs and defend human freedom and dignity through self-directed action. We need to make study of our own potentials and of the nature of the enemy and its system appealing and productive. We need to take a page, not from the right, which has a relatively easy job of basing itself on the reactionary character of white settler culture and identity, but from the military forces of the empire, who understand how to identify and deal with their own weaknesses and challenges and those of their adversaries. Only by doing so will we be able to inspire and unite people around the possibilities of victory and a better world.
OPIOIDS AND IMPERIALISM
A major example of an area where our movements are failing to grasp and deal with the contradictions challenging the empire is the issue of the opioid epidemic. I am not aware of any major local or national initiative from the left to deal with opioids theoretically or practically, to engage under principles of mutual aid, solidarity and direct action with people and communities plagued by this crisis.
This is a serious failure. During the heroin epidemic in the Vietnam War era, the left led in a critique exposing heroin as a form of chemical/biological warfare by imperialism, such as in “Capitalism + Dope = Genocide” by Cetewayo of the Black Panther Party. The left was involved in healing efforts, such as Lincoln Detox and Dr. Mutulu Shakur’s efforts through the Black Acupuncture Anesthesia Association, and in direct actions against the drug plague and dealers by the BLA.
During the crack cocaine epidemic, the left also led in efforts like the Crack the CIA Coalition to expose the links between drug traffic and US imperialist war in Central America through the Contras, stop the flow of drugs, and expose the racist discrepancies between penalties for crack and powder cocaine and the stigmatization of “crack whores” and “crack babies.”
During the AIDS epidemic, it was the left, primary ACTUP, that led efforts to end the stigmatization of gays, Haitians and all HIV-positive people, to demand government action, to deal with the international scope of HIV, and to create needle-sharing and other harm-reduction programs.
The opioid epidemic is clearly related to the War on Terror and the community destruction of necrotic monopoly-financial capitalism, and the death throes of US settler-colonialism and imperialism. The left must step up with more than exposures of insurance companies or Big Pharma. We need to engage in direct action and political struggle with the families and communities contending with opioids.
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can u believe that i now have the most iconic rhodey moments in print.... rhodey guilt tripping josiah x... "i didn't hear anybody give you permission to die".... him being with cetewayo as he died.... ares rushing in to help him... twice.... bucky calling him mr. rhodes.... gratuitous hitler cameo.... I AM ULTIMO GOD OF MACHINES listen. listen i can now die happy goodbye
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Image taken from page 66 of 'Zululand and Cetewayo, containing an account of Zulu customs, manners and habits ... With portrait of Cetewayo, and ... illustrations, etc'
Image taken from: Title: "Zululand and Cetewayo, containing an account of Zulu customs, manners and habits ... With portrait of Cetewayo, and ... illustrations, etc" Author: LUDLOW, Walter Robert. Shelfmark: "British Library HMNTS 10097.b.21." Page: 66 Place of Publishing: London Date of Publishing: 1882 Publisher: Simpkin, Marshall & Co. Issuance: monographic Identifier: 002279532 Explore: Find this item in the British Library catalogue, 'Explore'. Open the page in the British Library's itemViewer (page image 66) Download the PDF for this book Image found on book scan 66 (NB not a pagenumber)Download the OCR-derived text for this volume: (plain text) or (json) Click here to see all the illustrations in this book and click here to browse other illustrations published in books in the same year. Order a higher quality version from here. from BLPromptBot http://ift.tt/2wPyQVR
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Hell fire? We eat hell fire - cetewayo https://www.instagram.com/p/CEVioGTjKb3/?igshid=1i7fh71c8n2k2
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War Machine 3 (1994) . Written by Len Kaminski and Scott Benson Penciled by Gabriel Gecko Inked by Pam Eklund . War Machine and Deathlok finally found Cetewayo, and after Deathlok left to help some injured people, War Machine had to fight Arum's army... . See my YouTube-channel for more details about the story! . #marvel #war #warmachine #avengers #cable #lenkaminski #90s #comics #scottbenson #pameklund #gabrielgecko #deathlok #ironman #cyborg #weapons #guns https://www.instagram.com/p/CN5OizSBv21/?igshid=lrkt5p1t0k4s
#marvel#war#warmachine#avengers#cable#lenkaminski#90s#comics#scottbenson#pameklund#gabrielgecko#deathlok#ironman#cyborg#weapons#guns
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Mark Twain - Mastürbasyon Ilmi Üzerine Kitabından 14 Adet Kitap Alıntılarını Sizler Için Derledik
Mark Twain – Mastürbasyon Ilmi Üzerine Kitabından 14 Adet Kitap Alıntılarını Sizler Için Derledik
“Zulu kahramanı Cetewayo: Ötsün kuşun elinde, aksi değmez zahmete.” Mark Twain – Mastürbasyon Ilmi Üzerine
“Ölümsüz Franklin: Mastürbasyon icadın anasıdır. Ayrıca: En sağlam ilke mastürbasyondur.” Mark Twain – Mastürbasyon Ilmi Üzerine
“Zulu kahramanı Cetewayo: Ötsün kuşun elinde, aksi değmez zahmete.” Mark Twain – Mastürbasyon Ilmi Üzerine
“Zulu kahramanı Cetewayo: Ötsün kuşun…
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NEW: The Overnight Players - Babylon Destruction
The Overnight Players - Babylon Destruction | REISSUE Digital reissue of their 1980 album. Recorded at Channel One by Jo Jo Hoo Kim. The Overnight Players was a bunch of top rated session musicians such as Ranchie McLean, Mikey Bo Richards, Bubbler Waul, Chinna Smith, Sky Juice, Winston Wright, Dean Frazer, Clive Hunt, Nambo and others. Tracks: Shaka the Great Shaka Part 2 Malcolm X Marcus Garvey Toussaint L'overture Dumas, The Greatest Lion of Judah Lumumba Cetewayo Bubble up Dub (Bonus Track) Read the full article
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Image from 'Zululand and Cetewayo, containing an account of Zulu customs, manners and habits ... With portrait of Cetewayo, and ... illustrations, etc', 002279532
Author: LUDLOW, Walter Robert.
Page: 223
Year: 1882
Place: London
Publisher: Simpkin, Marshall & Co.
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Capitalisme + Came = Génocide : Plate-forme et programme du Black Panther Party
Capitalisme + Came = Génocide : Plate-forme et programme du Black Panther Party
2022-01-01 13:12:00 Source Nous reproduisons dans une série d’articles la brochure Capitalisme + Came = Génocide dans sa version de 2017. En 1969, l’ex-toxicomane et membre du Black Panther Party, Michael Cetewayo Tabor écrivait Capitalisme + Came = Génocide, un texte devenu depuis lors incontournable sur les ravages de la drogue, en particulier de l’héroïne, dans les ghettos noirs de New…
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