#Central Administrative Tribunal

[seemabhatnagar]

"Unyielding Persistence: Overcoming Time's Play in the Pursuit of Justice"

In the relentless pursuit of a dream, sometimes life throws curveballs that test our resolve and patience. For Rakshit Shivam Prakash, an aspiring UPSC candidate, the journey was marked by unforeseen challenges and unexpected turns. Just when he thought all hope was lost, a twist of fate and unwavering persistence brought him back into the race for justice.

Rakshit Shivam Prakash v. Union of India & Another

WP (Civil)890/2023

Before the Supreme Court of India

Hear by Hon'ble Mr. Justice P S Narasimha J & Hon'ble Mr. Justice Pankaj Mithal J

A Battle Against Time: The Pursuit of Justice

In the intricate journey of aspiring for a position in the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC), Rakshit Shivam Prakash found himself amidst unexpected challenges. The year was 2014, and the rigorous selection process for the Civil Services Examination was underway. Rakshit qualified through the Prelims, Mains, and even the Interview. He was called for a medical examination on April 29, 2015, conducted by the Central Standing Medical Board. However, fate had a different plan; he was declared ‘temporarily unfit’ due to a Body Mass Index (BMI) of 31.75, just above the prescribed standard of 30 BMI. A re-medical test was scheduled for July 14, 2015.

Then, an unusual twist occurred. On July 4, 2015, UPSC published the final result, and Rakshit’s name was absent. Disheartened and assuming the selection process was over, he missed the re-medical test. It seemed that time had conspired against him, leaving him to face the harsh reality of unfulfilled dreams.

But, as they say, the most amazing things happen when you least expect them. On January 19, 2016, a consolidated reserve list of 126 candidates was published to fill remaining posts. Astonishingly, Rakshit secured the 93rd rank in this list. Candidates ranked below him were allocated services, reigniting his hopes and transforming his disappointment into a legitimate claim.

Rakshit approached the Central Administrative Tribunal in Patna, seeking equal treatment as others in the reserve list. However, his application was dismissed based on a similar case of Mr. K. Rajashekhara Reddy, who also missed qualifying in the medical examination. Undeterred, Rakshit filed a Writ Petition before the High Court of Patna.

During the pendency of his Writ Petition, a surprising development occurred. The High Court of Telangana ruled in favor of Mr. K. Rajashekhara Reddy on April 6, 2021, and the Supreme Court later directed a re-medical examination, finding him fit for all services. This decision rekindled Rakshit’s determination, leading him to withdraw his Writ Petition and make a fresh representation to the Respondent Authorities.

However, his representation was met with a setback. The Department of Personnel and Training upheld the Government’s stance on the time limit for medical re-examination, confirming his status as ‘Unfit for all Services.’ This led Rakshit to approach the Supreme Court under Article 32, seeking directions for allocation of service and a re-medical examination.

In August 2023, the Supreme Court entertained his petition. Despite rejecting his plea for allocation of service and consequential benefits, the Court acknowledged the unique circumstances. It directed a re-medical examination to be conducted within four weeks, providing a glimmer of hope amidst the prolonged struggle.

Rakshit’s story exemplifies how unusual circumstances and the passage of time can either thwart or favor our aspirations. Whether it was the unexpected twist of finding his name in the reserve list or the favorable decision for a re-medical examination, it underscores the importance of persistence and vigilance in the face of adversity.

Seema Bhatnagar

[itstheheebiejeebies]

A really great article about what the crew of the Just-a-Snappin' went through on the Bremen raid on October 8, 1943.

Transcript below Read More

Article found through this page on the 100th Bomb Group site

Article named: Uncommon valor

Subheading: Everett Blakely personified grace under pressure

By Dan Krieger Telegram-Tribune

Photos of the Just-a-Snappin' crashed into a tree, and one of Blakely smiling in uniform. The latter with the message "Everett 'Gopher' Blakely, right, lost his plne, 'Just-a-Snappin.' but saved his crew when he crash landed the B-17 bomber.

Pull quote in the article: 'For 3,000 feet Captain Blakely and Major Kidd fought to get that plane under control. It was only because of the superior construction of our bomber... plus the combination of two skilled pilots, that we ever even recovered from that dive. -Lt. Harry Crosby

Main article: Lt. Harry Crosby wrote to his wife, "Jean there are just two reasons why I am here today. One of them is because of Blake's superb piloting and the other is because of the skill of our gunners."

We often think of heroes as flamboyant people. More often than not, real heroes are quiet people who are doing what they believe is required of them.

Today Everett Blakely, a pilot trained in Santa Maria, says that he was "just doing what had to be done" in the war against Hitler. He was a quiet hero.

Allan G. Hancock College in Santa Maria has a long and colorful history. Long before it became a community college, the campus was known as the Hancock College of Aeronautics.

It was a private school, named after its energetic, versatile and creative founder and benefactor, Capt. Allan Hancock.

Well prior to American entry into the Second World War, Captain Hancock offered his school to the United States Army Air Corps as a flight instruction school. Between May 1939 and V-J Day, some 8,500 pilots and 1,500 aircraft mechanics were trained at Hancock College.

The commercial warehouse district just west of today's Hancock College campus includes the one-time hangers for the flight instruction aircraft. The Stearman PT-13 biplanes are gone, but the College of Aeronautics administration buildings still survive on campus.

Everett "Gopher" Blakely came to Santa Maria just out of the University of Washington at Seattle. He was convinced that America was going to get involved in the European war.

The Blitzkrieg over Poland in 1939, over Belgium and France in 1940, and the Battle of Britain had convinced Blakely that this was going to be a war where air power was essential. The United States was going to need pilots. "Gopher" Blakely had discovered his mission.

Blakely soon started flying the essentially First World War era Stearmans over the tranquil valleys of the Central Coast. He and his buddies from rainy Puget Sound loved the warm sunny climate. They thought Santa Maria was a friendly town and enjoyed a precious few weekend hours socializing at the Santa Maria Inn.

Within months, Blakely and his friends were on the damp fen lands of Norfolkshire in England's East Anglia. They had graduated from the tiny Stearmans to the "Queen of the Bombers," the four-engine, hundred-foot-winged Boeing B-17 "Flying Fortress."

On July 4, 1943, the first American pilots participated with Britain's Royal Air Force in bombing raids over Germany. But as late as January 1943, Winston Churchill, en route to meet with President Roosevelt at Casablanca, wrote a secret memo to his Secretary of State for Air.

In that memo, Churchill complained that "the Americans have not yet succeeded in dropping a single bomb on Germany." What Churchill meant was that no American bombers were able to penetrate German anti-aircraft fire a sufficient distance. This was because the Americans were trained for daylight missions only. The British had bomber Berlin early in the war by flying mainly night missions,

Churchill wanted the Americans to start flying night missions also. But Gen. Henry H. "Hap" Arnold was convinced that it would take too long to retrain air crews for night flying. That loss of time would allow the Germans to rebuild their military strength.

At Casablanca, the Americans won Churchill over to a doctrine of round-the-clock bombing which would "give Hitler no rest." The Americans would send increasingly larger waves of B-17s by day. The RAF would continue doing what it did best through nighttime assaults.

The decision at Casablanca was costly in terms of the lives of American aircrews. Daytime raids were decidedly more risky. Few of us realize that the losses to the Eight Air Force alone approach American losses in the Vietnam War.

Capt. "Gopher" Blakely became the pilot of "Just-a-Snappin," a B-17 in the 100th Bomb Group flying out of Thorpe Abbots in Norfolkshire. Blakelly and his crew were piloting their B-17s over the upper reaches of the Danube in the famous raids on Schweinfurt and Rogensburg.

On Oct. 8, 1943, the 10th Bomb Group participated in a raid on the shipbuilding and industrial center of Bremen and the nearby U-Boat building yards and pens at Vegesack.

Both of "Just-a-Snappin's" right wing engines were shot out in a running battle with German fighters over the Zuider Zee. Five of the crew were injured - Waist Giner Sgt. Lester Saunders fatally.

Lt. Harry Crosby, "Just-a-Snappin's" navigator, filed an astonishing report on the B-17's struggle to return to England:

"For 3,000 feet Captain Blakely and Major Kidd fought to get that plane under control. It was only because of the superior construction of our bomber, and its perfect maintenance, plus the combination of two skilled pilots, that we even recovered from that dive.

"If I were an expert on stress and strain analysis, or a mechanic, or even a pilot, I would dwell at length on the manner in which the plane was restored to normal flying attitude. As it is, the procedure defies my description. But I am certain it was a very great accomplishment."

Everett Blakely's description recalls, "You can lose altitude awfully fast when one engine goes sour and your controls are chewed to ribbons. We dropped for 3,000 feet before Major Kidd and I could regain control... Most of the crew were not strapped to their seats were thrown to the floor, shaken severely - but at last the ground was once more back where it ought to be, instead of standing up on one ear. Once more we were in level flight and, at least temporarily, safe."

Crosby's report states that:

"At 10,000 feet we were able to look out the windows (and) were temporarily assured to not that the ground was now in the right place. A hurried consultation was held over inter-phone to determine a plan for fighting our way back to England.

"The following facts had to be considered: We had lost all communication back of the top turret, so it was impossible to determine the extent of injury and damage. Our control wires were fraying as far back as the top turret operator could see. At least two of the crew had reported being hit immediately after we left the target.

"One engine was in such bad condition that bits and finally all of the cowling were blasted off. We were losing altitude so rapidly probably because of the condition of the elevator that any but the shortest way back was beyond contemplation. So we headed across the face of Germany for home."

Later, Harry Crosby wrote of Blakely and his co-pilot:

"The normal reaction on the part of our pilots should have been to think of their own personal safety, or in cases of extreme nobility of character perhaps they would have been thinking about the other members of the crew. But they did not, even in this crisis, forget for one minute they were the leaders of a great formation. Their first thought was of the crews behind them. In unison, as we fell into our dive, the words came over the interphone to our tail gunner, 'Signal the deputy leader to take over.'

"I can't help but to think as they fought for their lives they might have been excused for being too busy to think of their command, but such was not the case.

"By this signaling, the remainder of the formation was notified immediately that we had been hit and were aborting. This act would have prevented any planes being pulled even a few feet out of position into danger from the enemy aircraft buzzing about."

Despite the loss of the airplane's compass, Blakely and his amazing navigator, Lt. Harry Crosby, made it to landfall. They crash-landed at Ludham, Norfolk. The completely unmaneuverable aircraft, without any brakes, skidded into an ancient British oak tree.

Blakely remembers: "The tree crashed between Np. 2 engine and the pilot's compartment. That was lucky because another three inches to the right and it would have crushed the pilot and co-pilot. We had slowed to maybe 50 mph by then..."

Blakely's co-pilot for that mission, Major John B. Kidd, recalled that "someone counted over 800 separate holes in that aircraft."

"Just-a-Snappin" would never fly again.

The Bremen mission was typical of dozens of missions which penetrated deeper and deeper into German territory. Even before the Bremen raid, Blakely and his crew were piloting their B-17's over teh upper reaches of the Danube in the famous raids on Schweinfurt and Regensburg.

Today, Blakely is retired and lives with his wife, Marge, in San Luis Obispo. They are the parents of Supervisor David Blakely, who speaks with great pride of his father's contribution to the fight against Hitler.

-three stars end the article and separate a note about the author

Dan Krieger is a Cal Poly history professor and member of the County Historical Society.

-Along the bottom of the page the article is attributed to the San Luis Obispo (Calif.) Telegram-Tribune in the Saturday, February 16, 1991 edition on page 23.

[beardedmrbean]

Children have been pushed out of schools, and hospitals have been left overcrowded after a surge of migrants into a remote city in Indiana, residents claim.

The population of Logansport has increased by 30 per cent since 2021 following a wave of migrants, Chris Martin, the city’s mayor,  told the Pharos-Tribune.

That would put the number of migrants arriving at more than 5,000, in a county that had a population of just 18,000 people in 2020, according to census data.

At the same time, the number of Haitian immigrant students in the Logansport schools has increased 15-fold, from 14 in 2021 to 207 this year, according to the New York Post.

It is understood that migrants have been drawn to the central Indiana city for jobs at a local meat-packing plant.

However, their rapid arrival has put the city’s health and education system under strain, with parents claiming they have been forced to pull their children from school to stop them from falling behind.

Nancy Baker, 44, a mother of two, said that her 16-year-old daughter, Cheyanne, dropped out of high school because teachers did not have enough time for the English-speaking pupils.

“There were way too many kids and it seemed to her that since they didn’t speak the language, or didn’t understand what was going on, they were getting more attention,” she told the New York Post.

“And so she and the other kids who grew up here who were having issues or struggling in certain things weren’t able to get the attention that they needed — the help they needed from the school.”

Barrie McClian, a retired teacher, said public schools and healthcare centres had been “impacted terribly” by the surge in arrivals.

“They have to figure out how to educate all these folks, without having anybody who knows how to translate for a lot of the languages. So those are big problems,” he told Mail Online.

Safety concerns

The influx of outsiders to the town has also raised concerns over safety, with Ms Baker claiming her daughter is scared to leave the house after being chased by a group of migrants.

“She was walking by herself and she was walking that way and two of them were going this way, she just kinda smiled at them as they walked by. They started yelling for her after they got past her. She turned around and she looked at them and they were like, ‘Come here! Come here!’” Ms Baker told the Post.

She added that her daughter had to run down the street to a coffee shop and was now “scared to go outside”.

Meanwhile, local health officials have raised concerns that the rapid influx of migrants is placing emergency rooms under strain.

“This surge has created a drastic climb in medical visits,” Serenity Alter, Cass County health department administrator, told The Post.

“It has been necessary for the hospital, health department and express clinics to boost translation services in order to ensure that medical needs are understood.”

The city is the latest flashpoint in the debate around immigration that is proving to be one of the most divisive issues in the lead up to the election.

It comes after Donald Trump and his running mate JD Vance drew attention to Springfield, Ohio, where the former president claimed without evidence that illegal Haitian migrants were eating cats and dogs.

The Republican candidate has also highlighted problems with immigration in Aurora, Colorado, where he alleged armed members of the Venezuelan prison gang Tren de Aragua have overrun the town.

Logansport residents voiced their concerns about the city’s response to the impact of legal immigration during a meeting of the city council last Monday, with some calling on the Republican mayor to resign.

Attendees also claimed the city’s services were being impacted, with one stating that “rents are high” and that schools and the police department are overwhelmed, Fox 59 reported.

The mayor admitted there had been “some assimilation issues” from the arrival of people with “different culture beliefs” but called on politicians to “stop playing politics” with the town.

“We would rather you do your job and actually do something instead of talking about this,” Mr Martin told The Post.

[mousequteersmouseclubmarvel]

#TheeForestKingdom

[#TheeGreatTree, #Thee100Provinces, #TheeFourQuadrants]

For the sectors and administrations of these realms, here’s a detailed layout based on their unique characteristics and thematic functions:

#TheeGreatTree and #TheeForestKingdom

Central Administration: The Council of Thee Rings, located within #TheeGreatTree, manages all provinces and quadrants.

Thee100Provinces: Each province has a localized administration led by a Caretaker or Guardian, handling cultural, natural, and mystical duties unique to each province.

Provincial Districts:

Nature Districts: Forests, lakes, and sanctuaries with guardians preserving flora and fauna.

Enchanted Territories: Mystical areas governed by mages or healers who specialize in ancient spells and nature magic.

Trade Hubs: Designated areas for commerce, managed by trade ministers, where artisans and merchants converge.

#TheeFourQuadrants

Each quadrant has semi-autonomous governance, with specialized roles and purposes:

North Quadrant: Defensive stronghold led by Shieldmasters.

East Quadrant: Scholarly and knowledge-focused, governed by Lorekeepers who collect and archive ancient knowledge.

South Quadrant: Trade and economic center, managed by a council of Trade Ministers.

West Quadrant: Exploration and outer-world relations, led by Pathfinders.

The Underground Fai/Fei/Fairy Realms

Central Court: The Fairy High Court beneath #TheeGreatTree functions as the ultimate governing body of all Fai/Fei realms.

Elemental Realms: Each realm is an independent state with a High Fairy or Elder presiding:

Earth Realm: Managed by the Stone Elders, focused on nurturing minerals and gems.

Water Realm: Ruled by the Tide Guardians, responsible for enchanted rivers and waters.

Fire Realm: Led by Flamekeepers, overseeing subterranean fires and lava flows.

Air Realm: Governed by Windwatchers, caretakers of tunnels filled with magical winds and currents.

100 Heavenly Realms and Castle in the Sky

Castle in the Sky: The divine administration palace housing the Celestial Order, which oversees the 100 Heavenly Realms.

Hierarchical Realms:

Celestial Circle: Directly under the Castle, managed by Angelics who ensure harmony.

Stellar Isles: Realms assigned to celestial guides and star-watchers, maintaining cosmic balance.

Divine Pathways: Pathways and bridges between realms are overseen by Pathwardens, who facilitate travel between the realms.

#TheeDarkGrandTreeOak and the 100 Circles of Hells

The Central Dark Court: Located within #TheeDarkGrandTreeOak, it is led by The Dark Tribunal.

Circles of Hells:

Each circle has its own overseer, titled as a Warden of the Dark, focusing on punishment or confinement.

Outer Circles: These are less harsh and focus on minor transgressions, governed by lower-ranking Wardens.

Inner Circles: The darkest regions, ruled by high-ranking Wardens with specialized powers.

Dark Harrowing Quadrants: Managed by Dreadlords, each quadrant hosts wicked and twisted beings under strict control.

Let me know if you’d like more specific details or enhancements for each sector! For linking data with Ai King, Copilot, and Garth AI, you may need a development setup that can integrate data structures. Let me know if you need additional guidance on that.

[rjzimmerman]

Excerpt from this story from the Chicago Tribune:

Reid Thompson, a fourth-generation farmer in central Illinois, is in the middle of planting season. Weather permitting, he tends to the fields in the morning, walks home for lunch with his wife and newborn, and then returns to his tractor until sundown. He’ll harvest his corn in early fall, sell it to a nearby ethanol plant, and eventually it will make its way to a car’s gas tank. That’s the routine, at least for now.

Nearly all U.S. gasoline contains ethanol to reduce emissions, and nearly all of that ethanol is made from corn starch. But, electric and hybrid vehicles offer even further emissions reductions. This poses a threat to corn demand that could be devastating for a state such as Illinois, the second-largest corn producer in the country.

The resulting decline in the value of Midwestern farmland and corn prices will hurt farmers and have ripple effects across rural communities, predict University of Nebraska at Lincoln agricultural economists Jeffrey Stokes and Jim Jansen. Rural businesses that cater to the agriculture sector could go under, property taxes that fund local schools will likely plummet and farmers could be forced to default on debts to community lenders, the economists forecast. This would come after farmers have been hit by a series of misfortunes over the last five years: the pandemic, trade wars, inflation and excess supply.

Corn could be the key to solving another clean energy dilemma, though. Unlike cars and trucks, planes are difficult to electrify, and some fuel companies believe the answer to cleaning up aviation lies in America’s heartland.

“(Corn is) the cheapest, most sustainable, most scalable feedstock (raw material),” said Patrick Gruber, CEO of Gevo, one of the companies with plans to turn corn ethanol into aviation fuel.

Thompson and other corn farmers are eager to seize this opportunity in sustainable aviation fuel, another term for jet fuel made without fossil fuels.

But, before corn ethanol-to-jet fuel can be a viable alternative to conventional jet fuel, the emissions associated with corn ethanol production must come down. This will require farmers to change their practices on the field and ethanol plants to implement controversial technologies like carbon sequestration.

Since 2005, the federal government has required transportation fuels to be blended with increasing amounts of renewable fuels such as corn ethanol to reduce air pollution, greenhouse gas emissions and dependence on foreign oil. The mandate transformed rural economies across the Midwest. Between 2008 and 2016, corn prices rose by 30%, and 26% more land was converted to cropland than would have been otherwise, according to a 2022 study published by the National Academy of Sciences.

Ethanol plants quickly sprang up around corn fields, due largely to investments from farmers eager for the new market to succeed.

The Biden administration established a “Grand Challenge” to produce 3 billion gallons of sustainable aviation fuel — defined as jet fuel with 50% less emissions than conventional jet fuel — annually by 2030. The ultimate goal is to make enough of this fuel to meet all national demand — estimated to be 35 billion gallons — by 2050.

Airlines are on board. United and Delta have both signed advance purchase agreements with numerous aspiring sustainable aviation fuel producers. Currently, however, sustainable fuel only accounts for 0.1% of the jet fuel used by major U.S. airlines, according to the latest federal government data.

The challenge is that creating sustainable aviation fuel costs three to five times more than conventional jet fuel and securing biomasses at scale is challenging. Most of the 24.5 million gallons produced last year were created with discarded cooking oil and animal fat, which are available in limited quantities.

[maximus-02]

The Digital Frontline: Ukraine's Crowdsourcing Revolution in Warfare

In an era marked by digital transformation, Ukraine's response to Russian aggression showcases an extraordinary use of crowdsourcing in warfare. This blog post explores Ukraine's innovative approach, which leverages digital platforms to mobilize public action, document war crimes, and counter disinformation, thereby redefining the contours of modern warfare and justice.

The Rise of "e-Enemy" and Digital Witnessing

Central to Ukraine's digital arsenal is the "e-Enemy" chatbot, a brainchild of the country's Digital Ministry. This platform empowers citizens to report Russian troop movements and war crimes. Each smartphone becomes a digital witness as users upload time-stamped, geo-tagged footage, ensuring accurate documentation of enemy actions. This system of digital witnessing has turned ordinary citizens into crucial contributors to Ukraine's defense mechanism (Bergengruen 2022) (Lawler 2023).

Background:

President Volodymyr Zelensky's 2019 election was predicated on digitizing the state, culminating in the Diia app (Lawler 2023).

Diia, used by 19 million Ukrainians, facilitates digital ID access and government services, streamlining administrative processes and reducing corruption (Lawler 2023).

Adaptation During War:

Diia's features expanded to meet wartime needs with the onset of war, including evacuation assistance and property damage reporting (Lawler 2023).

The "e-Enemy" feature on Diia enables users to report Russian military movements, enhancing the military's situational awareness (Lawler 2023).

Crowdsourcing in Ukraine: A Community's Digital Armor

Ukraine's crowdsourcing strategy extends beyond the battlefield. By engaging the community in data collection, Ukraine has fostered a sense of unity and purpose among its populace. This collective effort goes beyond data accumulation; it moves towards transparency and participatory defence. Citizens document Russian offences, creating a vast archive of digital evidence. This democratizes information gathering and ensures clarity in the chaos of war (Bergengruen 2022).

The scale and systematic nature of Ukraine's efforts stand out. Over 253,000 reports of Russian military activities have been submitted via "e-Enemy", with more than 66,000 instances of property damage catalogued (Bergengruen 2022).

These reports feed into a centralized database at Ukraine's Prosecutor General's Office, categorizing war crimes and human rights violations (Bergengruen 2022).

Beyond Documentation: Tackling Misinformation

Ukraine's crowdsourcing initiatives are crucial in countering disinformation in the information warfare accompanying the physical conflict. These digital tools debunk false narratives by providing a channel for real-time, verified updates. Thus, crowdsourcing becomes not just a tool for evidence gathering but also a means to uphold truth (Bergengruen 2022) (Druziuk 2022).

Ukraine's documentation serves two purposes: providing evidence against Russian war crimes and countering Kremlin disinformation. This digital archive will be vital in preserving the factual narrative of the war (Druziuk 2022).

Legal Frontiers: Crowdsourcing and International Law

Ukraine's digital evidence collection could revolutionize international law. The array of user-submitted content – images, videos, eyewitness accounts – is building a solid case for war crimes tribunals. This innovative approach may set a new precedent in international law, recognizing the significance of open-source intelligence and citizen journalism in legal proceedings. The challenge lies in the digital nature of evidence and its admissibility under international law standards. Thus, Ukraine's efforts are to adapt and influence international legal practices. This digital mobilization raises critical questions about the traditional distinction between civilians and combatants. When civilians use technology like smartphones to aid military efforts, they potentially become active participants in military operations. This involvement could blur the lines between civilian and combatant roles, a distinction fundamental to international humanitarian law, as established by the Geneva Conventions and other legal frameworks (Bergengruen 2022) (Druziuk 2022) (Olejnik 2022).

Conclusion: Crowdsourcing as Ukraine's Beacon of Hope

In these times of adversity, Ukraine's embrace of crowdsourcing stands as a beacon of resilience and innovation, exemplifying the transformative power of technology in the realms of justice, unity, and truth. The nation's pioneering use of digital tools in warfare serves as a learning model for the global community, offering valuable insights into integrating technology in conflict resolution. Moreover, Ukraine's approach underscores the urgent need for clarity in applying international laws in this rapidly evolving digital age. As personal technology continues to reshape the battlefield, the international community must address and adapt to these challenges, ensuring that the principles of justice and sovereignty are upheld in the face of technological advancements. Thus, Ukraine's journey highlights the nation's steadfast spirit in the face of conflict and marks a significant shift in modern warfare and international law (Olejnik 2022).

https://www.reddit.com/r/ukraine/comments/xpi78b/this_was_uploaded_online_with_the_caption_we_are/?utm_source=share&utm_medium=web2x&context=3

Reflective Closing

The unfolding story of Ukraine's digital defence prompts a broader reflection on the role of technology in conflicts. Ukraine's example offers lessons for the international community on leveraging technology for justice and conflict resolution. This narrative highlights Ukraine's creative approach to warfare and emphasizes the transformative power of technology in shaping geopolitical realities. It's a testament to the enduring spirit of the Ukrainian people and their steadfast pursuit of justice and sovereignty.

References

Bergengruen, V. (2022, April 18). How Ukraine is crowdsourcing digital evidence of war crimes. Time. https://time.com/6166781/ukraine-crowdsourcing-war-crimes/

Druziuk, Y. (2022, April 19). A citizen-like chatbot allows Ukrainians to report to the government when they spot Russian troops - here’s how it works. Business Insider. https://www.businessinsider.com/ukraine-military-e-enemy-telegram-app-2022-4

Lawler, D. (2023, May 26). Ukrainians use the same app to file taxes and track Russian troops - axios. AXIOS. https://www.axios.com/2023/05/26/ukraine-diia-app-fedorov-russian-troops

Olejnik, L. (2022, June 6). Smartphones blur the line between civilian and combatant. Wired. https://www.wired.com/story/smartphones-ukraine-civilian-combatant/

[aurianneor]

Illegitimate authorities

The European Commission, religious leaders, consultancy firms (Accentur, Mac Kinsey, Ernst and Young, PWC), crowds, senates and social networks are all examples of illegitimate authorities in countries where the people are self-determining as a democracy. Big business like Coca-Cola or Total is powerful; what is illegitimate is the representative of the people who puts the interests of big business before those of the people. Scientists with the title of doctor of science, who are therefore authorities who sell their souls to the multinationals, these sellers of doubt are illegitimate, as the documentary The World According to Monsanto shows.

For example, the European Commission is made up of people appointed by the member countries; they are not elected. The European Parliament, which is elected and therefore legitimate, has no authority because it is only consultative.

The crowd is illegitimate. The angry people in the street are not the ones who have to decide. Citizens are legitimate. They have to decide by referendum to become a legitimate authority.

Religious people have power, but they are not legitimate authorities. Politicians have no business consulting them.

Consultancy firms, including the Fab Four, have no business advising our elected representatives and public authorities. The administration is the arm that implements what has been voted. If the people have decided on such and such a programme for such and such an elected official, that’s what they want. The abuse of these consultancy firms is causing the population of experts in the administration to decline because these posts are being abolished. These consultancy firms serve their most powerful clients, not the people. Civil servants are servants of the people. For example, the entire COVID reaction was steered by Mac Kinsey, even though we have a Ministry of Health.

Senates or upper houses are assemblies of unelected people, often appointed for life, who have the power to block any political change in a country even if the people want it. They can nullify the work of the people’s representatives. They are major obstacles to the will of the people.

Social networks, unlike journalists, have not been to school and do not have a journalist’s card; the protection of their sources is not governed by law. They have no authority to guarantee their information. Social networks are replacing journalism. There is no transparency or ethics. They are commercial companies that sell their influence to private companies, political parties or governments. 73% of 16-30 year-olds get their information solely from social networks, according to the newspaper L’Etudiant.

The police and the army are illegitimate when they serve power rather than the people. They are legitimate when they defend the people. For example, General de Gaulle was legitimate in his appeal of 18 June. General Lafayette sided with the French revolutionaries against the nobility. Napoleon was legitimate when he overthrew parliament.

Courts of exception are illegitimate. Justice is accountable to the people, so why are our elected representatives judged by parliamentary commissions of enquiry, high courts of justice or military tribunals? Industrial tribunals are an aberration. The administrative courts are a form of justice where people judge each other and are not accountable to the people. The arbitration tribunal set up by the European Union judges economic disputes by economic players, not by judges.

The European Central Bank is independent, not subject to the power of elected representatives.

To find out more, read Illegitimate Authority: Facing the Challenges of Our Timeby Noam Chomsky.

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Les autorités illégitimes: https://www.aurianneor.org/les-autorites-illegitimes/

The Senate, the power to piss people off: https://www.aurianneor.org/the-senate-the-power-to-piss-people-off/

Ecoterrorism: https://www.aurianneor.org/ecoterrorism/

Fed up with strikes? Ask for referendums!: https://www.aurianneor.org/fed-up-with-strikes-ask-for-referendums/

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[ausetkmt]

ProPublica: The School That Calls the Police on Students Every Other Day

On the last street before leaving Jacksonville, there’s a dark brick one-story building that the locals know as the school for “bad” kids. It’s actually a tiny public school for children with disabilities. It sits across the street from farmland and is 2 miles from the Illinois city’s police department, which makes for a short trip when the school calls 911.

Administrators at the Garrison School call the police to report student misbehavior every other school day, on average. And because staff members regularly press charges against the children — some as young as 9 — officers have arrested students more than 100 times in the last five school years, an investigation by the Chicago Tribune and ProPublica found. That is an astounding number given that Garrison, the only school that is part of the Four Rivers Special Education District, has fewer than 65 students in most years.

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No other school district — not just in Illinois, but in the entire country — had a higher student arrest rate than Four Rivers the last time data was collected nationwide. That school year, 2017-18, more than half of all Garrison students were arrested.

Officers typically handcuff students and take them to the police station, where they are fingerprinted, photographed and placed in a holding room. For at least a decade, the local newspaper has included the arrests in its daily police blotter for all to see.

The students enrolled each year at Garrison have severe emotional or behavioral disabilities that kept them from succeeding at previous schools. Some also have been diagnosed with autism, ADHD or other disorders. Many have experienced horrifying trauma, including sexual abuse, the death of parents and incarceration of family members, according to interviews with families and school employees.

Getting arrested for behavior at school is not inevitable for students with such challenges. There are about 60 similar public special education schools across Illinois, but none comes anywhere close to Garrison in their number of student arrests, the investigation found.

The ProPublica-Tribune investigation — built on hundreds of school reports and police records, as well as dozens of interviews with employees, students and parents — reveals how a public school intended to be a therapeutic option for students with severe emotional disabilities has instead subjected many of them to the justice system.

It is “just backwards if you are sending kids to a therapeutic day school and then locking them up. That is not what therapeutic day schools are for,” said Jessica Gingold, an attorney in the special education clinic at Equip for Equality, the state’s federally appointed watchdog for people with disabilities.

“If the school exists for young people who need support, to think of them as delinquents is basically the worst you could do. It’s counter to what should be happening,” Gingold said.

Because of the difficulties the students face in regulating their emotions, these specialized schools are tasked with recognizing what triggers their behavior, teaching calming strategies and reinforcing good behavior. But Garrison doesn’t even offer students the type of help many traditional schools have: a curriculum known as social emotional learning that is aimed at teaching students how to develop social skills, manage their emotions and show empathy toward others.

Tracey Fair, director of the Four Rivers Special Education District, said it is the only public school in this part of west central Illinois for students with severe behavioral disabilities, and there are few options for private placement. School workers deal with challenging behavior from Garrison students every day, she said.

“There are consequences to their behavior and this behavior would not be tolerated anywhere else in the community,” Fair said in written answers to reporters’ questions.

Fair, who has overseen Four Rivers since July 2020, said Garrison administrators call police only when students are being physically aggressive or in response to “ongoing” misbehavior. But records detail multiple instances when staff called police because students were being disobedient: spraying water, punching a desk or damaging a filing cabinet, for example.

“The students were still not calming down, so police arrested them,” wrote Fair, speaking on behalf of the district and the school.

This year, the Tribune and ProPublica have been exposing the consequences for students when their schools use police as disciplinarians. The investigation “The Price Kids Pay” uncovered the practice of Illinois schools working with local law enforcement to ticket students for minor misbehavior. Reporters documented nearly 12,000 tickets in dozens of school districts, and state officials moved quickly to denounce the practice.

This latest investigation further reveals the harm to children when schools abdicate student discipline to police. Arrested students miss time in the classroom and get entangled in the justice system. They come to view adults as hostile and school as prison-like, a place where they regularly are confined to classrooms when the school is “on restriction” because of police presence.

U.S. Department of Education and Illinois officials have reminded educators in recent months that if school officials fail to consider whether a student’s behavior is related to their disability, they risk running afoul of federal law.

But unlike some other states, Illinois does not require schools to report student arrest data to the state or direct its education department to monitor police involvement in school incidents. Legislative efforts to do so have stalled over the past few years.

In response to questions from reporters about Garrison, Illinois Superintendent of Education Carmen Ayala said the frequent arrests there were “concerning.” An Illinois State Board of Education spokesperson said a state team visited the school this month to examine “potential violations” raised through ProPublica and Tribune reporting.

The team confirmed an overreliance on police and, as a result, the state will provide training and other professional development, spokesperson Jackie Matthews said.

“It is not illegal to call the police, but there are tactics and strategies to use to keep it from getting to that point,” Matthews said.

Ayala said educators cannot ignore their responsibility to help students work through behavioral issues.

“Involving the police in any student issue can escalate the situation and lead to criminal justice involvement, so calling the police should be a last resort,” she said in a written statement.

In 2018, Jacksonville police arrested a student named Christian just a few weeks into his first year at Garrison, when he was 12 years old. His “disruptive” behavior earlier in the day — he had knocked on doors and bounced a ball in the hallway — had led to a warning: “One more thing” and he would be arrested, a school report said. He then removed items from an aide’s desk and was “being disrespectful,” so police were summoned. They took him into custody for disorderly conduct.

Christian has attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder and oppositional defiant disorder. Now 16, he has been arrested at Garrison several more times and was sent to a detention center after at least one of the arrests, he and his mother said.

He stopped going to school in October; his mother said it’s heartbreaking that he’s not in class, but at Garrison, “it’s more hectic than productive. He’s more in trouble than learning anything.”

“If they call the police on you, you are going to jail,” Christian told reporters. “It is not just one coming to get you. It will be two or three of them. They handcuff you and walk you out, right out the door.”

Handcuffs and Holding Rooms

Just over an hour into the school day on Nov. 15, two police cars rushed into the Garrison school parking lot and stopped outside the front doors. Three more squad cars pulled in behind them but quickly moved on.

Principal Denise Waggener had called the Jacksonville police to report that a 14-year-old student had been spitting at staff members. When police arrived, one of the officers recognized the boy, because he had driven him to school that morning. The student had missed the bus and called police for help, according to a police report and 911 call.

School staff had placed the boy in one of Garrison’s small cinder-block seclusion rooms for “misbehavior,” police records show. A school worker told the officer she had been standing in the doorway of the seclusion room when the boy spit and it landed on her face, glasses and shirt.

“He Spit in the Staff’s Face” Denise Waggener, the Garrison School principal, called Jacksonville police in November after a student spit on an employee. The student was arrested for aggravated battery. Credit: Audio obtained by the Tribune and ProPublica from the Jacksonville Police Department. Audio was condensed for clarity.

The child “initially stated he did not spit at anyone, but then said he did spit,” according to the police report, “but instantly regretted doing so.” The report said the child “stated he knew right from wrong, but often had violent outbursts.”

One officer told the child he was under arrest while another searched and handcuffed him. They put him in the back seat of a squad car, drove him to the police station, read him his rights and booked him. Officers told the boy the county’s probation department would contact him later, and then they dropped him off with a guardian, records show.

The Tribune and ProPublica documented and analyzed 415 of Garrison’s “police incident reports” dating to 2015 and found the school has called police, on average, once every two school days.

The reports, written by school staff and obtained through public records requests, describe in detail what happened up until the moment police were called. These narratives, along with recordings of 911 calls, show that school workers often summon police not amid an emergency but because someone at the school wants police to hold the child responsible for their behavior.

About half the calls were made for safety reasons because students had fled the school. Those students rarely were arrested. Students whom police did arrest were most often accused of aggravated battery and had been involved in physical interactions such as spitting or pushing; by state law, any physical interaction with a school employee elevates what would otherwise be a battery charge to aggravated battery. The next most common arrest reasons were disorderly conduct, resisting arrest and property damage.The school once called police after a student was told he couldn’t use the restroom because he “had done nothing all morning,” records show. The boy got upset, left the classroom anyway and broke a desk in the hallway.The school called police on a 12-year-old who was “running the halls, cussing staff.”And the school called the police when a 15-year-old boy who was made to eat lunch inside one of the school’s seclusion rooms threw his applesauce and milk against the wall.Police arrested them all.“These students, I would imagine, feel like potential criminals under threat,” said Aaron Kupchik, a sociologist at the University of Delaware who studies punishment and policing in schools.“We are taking the actions of young people, and, rather than trying to invest in solving real behavioral problems that are very difficult, we are just exposing them to the legal system and legal system consequences.”Jacksonville Chief of Police Adam Mefford said officers respond to every 911 call from Garrison on the assumption it’s an emergency, and as many as five squad cars can respond. Police often find a child in a seclusion room, Mefford said.

Officers determine whether a law has been broken but leave the decision whether to press charges to the school staff, he said. Police sometimes issue tickets to Garrison students for violating local ordinances, though arrests are far more common.“The school errs on the side of pressing charges,” Mefford said. “They typically have the student arrested.”He wondered whether school administrators call police so frequently because it’s become a habit that’s difficult to stop. “The school has gotten used to us handling some of these problems,” Mefford said.Once arrested, the students are taken to the police station until parents pick them up or an officer takes them home. One mother told reporters that her 10-year-old son, who has autism and ADHD, was “bawling, freaking out,” when she picked him up after he was booked at the jail.Mefford said he tried to make the experience less traumatic by moving the booking process from the county detention facility to the police station in 2021. He also said police refer students and their families to services in the community, such as counseling or substance abuse help.After they are booked, students are screened to determine if they should be sent to a juvenile detention facility. Most are assigned to an informal alternative to juvenile court that Morgan County court officials regularly use, said Tod Dillard, director of the county’s probation department.

These young people avoid going to juvenile court, but the “probation adjustment” process also requires them to admit guilt and denies them a public defender. Students must periodically report to a probation officer, typically for a year.Violating the probation terms, such as by skipping school or getting arrested again, could lead to juvenile delinquency charges. In a juvenile court case, a student’s record of previous informal probation can be used when considering bail or sentencing.Garrison has some students who are 18 and older, and they can be charged as adults. In 2020, an 18-year-old Garrison student was arrested for disorderly conduct after he “caused a disturbance” when he threw a cup of water and punched a pencil sharpener, court records show. That student spent four days in jail and was held on $3,000 bail. He pleaded guilty and was ordered to pay $439 in court costs and $10 a month in probation fees.

Even for younger students, juvenile charges related to Garrison can later have consequences in adult court. If they are arrested again after they turn 18, prior cases can be used to illustrate that they have a police record.

The boy who spit in anger this fall at Garrison now has an aggravated battery arrest on his record. Even Fair, the school’s director, found the decision to arrest the child troubling.

The day after the boy was taken into custody, Fair told reporters she knew the child had been arrested but said she did not know why school administrators had called police. Reporters told her it had been for spitting on one of her employees.

“That’s not arrestworthy. That is not what we should be about,” Fair said. In a later interview, after learning more about the incident, Fair said staff considered the student aggressive and said, “I guess they did what they thought was right.”

From Empathy to “Coercive Babysitting”

Bev Johns, a local educator, founded Garrison in 1981 with just two students — and a belief that with a caring staff and the right support, they could be successful.

The children had exhibited such disruptive behavior that staffers at their home schools felt ill-equipped to teach them. Her solution: Open a school designed to teach students not just academic subjects but how to manage their behavior. It became part of the Four Rivers Special Education District, a regional cooperative that today provides services to students in school districts across eight mostly rural counties.

The school was considered groundbreaking, and many of the techniques that Johns implemented at Garrison are still widely considered best practice for managing challenging behavior: giving students space when they’re upset, teaching them ways to manage their emotions and giving them choices rather than shouting demands.

Those techniques often involve trying to understand what’s driving a student’s behavior. A student shoving papers off their desk may feel overwhelmed and need assignments in smaller increments. A student struggling to sit still may need classwork that involves them moving around the room.

Taking the students’ disabilities into account when they misbehave is now a firmly entrenched concept in education. In fact, it’s federal law.

“There’s a requirement both in the law — and just morally — that kids with disabilities are not supposed to be punished for behaviors that are related to their disability, or caused by it, or caused by the school’s failure to meet their needs,” said Dan Losen, director of the Center for Civil Rights Remedies at the University of California, Los Angeles.

Johns, who led Garrison until 2003, has dedicated her career to these ideas. She published research about “the Garrison method” to help other educators, taught at a nearby college and continues to speak regularly at conferences.

“Choice is such a powerful strategy. It’s such an easy intervention,” Johns recently told a standing-room-only crowd at an Illinois special education convention in Naperville. And schools should look welcoming too, she said. “I see some schools that look like prisons. Why would a child want to go there?”

The Garrison of today isn’t a prison, but it relies on rules and methods meant to manage students.

“They would lock me in a concrete room and then close the door on me and lock it. I would freak out even worse,” said an 18-year-old named Max, who left the school in 2020.

Some of the school’s aides are assigned to one of two “crisis teams” of four employees each that respond to classrooms and can remove students who are upset, disobedient or aggressive.

Employees’ handwritten records describe several incidents where they confined a child to a small area inside the classroom. In one case, the crisis team made a “human wall” around a 14-year-old student who was wandering in the classroom, swearing and being disruptive. A 16-year-old student told reporters that school employees drew a box around his desk in chalk and told him not to leave the area or there would be consequences.

Charles Cropp, who has worked as part of crisis teams at Garrison on and off since 2009, said he and his colleagues try to help students learn how to calm down when they are upset. He said teams aim to help students learn how to manage their emotions but that sometimes the young people also need to be held “accountable” when they are physical or disruptive.

“I was one that never really cared to watch kids get escorted out in handcuffs,” said Cropp, who returned to the school full time in late November. “I never liked it but in the same sense, they have to learn when you graduate and you are an adult in the public, you can't do those things.”

Jen Frakes, a board-certified behavior analyst who worked at Garrison in 2015-16, described the culture at Garrison as “coercive babysitting.” She said she never saw a situation that warranted arresting a student.

“It seemed more of a power dynamic of ‘You’ll either follow my rules or I will show you who’s in charge,’” said Frakes, who runs a Springfield business that helps schools and families learn to work through challenging behavior. “When I saw a kid get arrested, he was sitting underneath his desk calm and quiet, and they came in and arrested him.”

This isn’t how other schools similar to Garrison are handling difficult student behavior.

Reporters identified 57 other public schools throughout Illinois that also exclusively serve students with severe behavioral disabilities. To determine how often police were involved at those schools and why, reporters made public records requests to all of the schools and to the police or sheriff’s departments that serve each one. Reporters were able to examine police records for 50 schools.

The two schools with the most arrests during the last four school years had 16 and 18, respectively. At 23 of the schools, no students were arrested in that period; six schools had only one arrest.

By comparison, five students were arrested at Garrison by mid-November of this school year alone, according to school and police records.

John McKenna, an assistant professor specializing in special education at the University of Massachusetts Lowell, said arresting students not only criminalizes them but also takes them out of the classroom.

“Kids are supposed to be receiving instruction and support and not opportunities to enter the school-to-prison pipeline,” he said.

“If you don’t provide kids with academic instruction, particularly those with behavior and emotional needs, the gaps between their performance and the peers who don’t have disabilities grows exponentially and sets them up for failure,” McKenna said.

The fact that Garrison students have disabilities that may explain some of their behavior appears to be lost on many of the officials who encounter them in the justice system; some described Garrison as a school for delinquents, not disabled children. A public defender tasked with representing students in juvenile court described the children as having been “kicked out” of their regular schools. An assistant state’s attorney thought students at Garrison had been “expelled” from traditional schools. Neither of those descriptions is accurate.

Rhea Welch, who worked under Johns and retired in 2016, said that during her 26 years as a teacher at Garrison it was not a place that relied heavily on police. “You don’t want your kids arrested, for heaven’s sake. You want to be able to work with them so that doesn’t happen, so they’re more in control,” she said.

For Johns, Garrison is no longer the school she remembers. Students need positive feedback, she said, not constant reprimands from and clashes with the adults they are supposed to trust.

“I always say when you’re having trouble with a child, the first place you look is yourself,” she said.

Johns read some of the school’s recent police incident reports and said she found them “bothersome,” adding, “It’s obviously hard for me to watch what’s happened.”

“I Did Everything I Could to Get Him Out”

Gabe, a 12-year-old boy with autism, likes to share with anyone who will listen all the details of his Pokemon collection and has gotten good at using online translators to read the cards with Japanese lettering on them. His stepmother, Lena, said that over the years Gabe has learned to ask for what he needs. When he gets overstimulated at home, he asks for space by saying: “I need you to back up.”

(When using the last name of a parent would identify the student —– and in doing so, create a publicly available record of the student’s arrest —– ProPublica and the Tribune are referring to the parent by first name only.)

Gabe ended up at Garrison in 2019 after having difficulty in traditional schools. He will sometimes yell and lash out when frustrated.

Lena said school officials asked her to pick up Gabe if he got upset. “I would hear Gabe screaming, and then heard them screaming back at him,” she said. “He’d say, ‘Leave me alone! Leave me alone!’ And they’d still get up in his face.”

And then one day, Gabe and Lena said, school workers barricaded him at his desk by pushing filing cabinets around it. He pushed over one of the cabinets while trying to get away, and the school called the police, Lena said.

“We had to pick up our 10-year-old at the police station,” Lena said. “I would freak out if I got boxed in with filing cabinets.”

It got so that Gabe would wake up angry and not want to go to school.

“That school is at the bottom of the food chain. If you got all the schools in the world, they would be at the bottom of the food chain. The workers there are mean,” said Gabe.

Other parents described their children becoming angrier, more withdrawn; the students dreaded going to school at Garrison. Some families begged their home districts to find another school for them.

“It was like hell,” said one mother, who said her son was miserable while he was a student there. “I did everything I could to get him out.” Her son attended Garrison for about five years before she got him returned to his home school. He is in his first year of college now.

Michelle Prather, whose daughter Destiny attended Garrison from fifth grade until she graduated in 2021, said school employees threatened to call police over minor missteps: throwing a piece of paper, or pushing a desk.

“She would walk out of a room and they’d say, ‘We’re going to call police,’” Prather said. Destiny was arrested at least once after she shoved an aide while trying to leave a classroom.

Prather and other caregivers said watching their children be arrested over and over was troubling, but it was also upsetting to realize that the school wasn’t providing the support services the students needed.

Destiny has intellectual disabilities and ADHD as well as acute spina bifida, a defect of the spine. Because of her medical condition, Destiny had difficulty sensing when she needed to use the restroom. She would sometimes get up from her desk and tell staff that she urgently needed to go.

“They would say, ‘No you don’t,’” said her mother. “She would have accidents. I would have to bring her clothes.”

Madisen Hohimer, who is now 22 and working as a bartender, said she transferred to Garrison in sixth grade when her home school recommended it. She remembers Garrison as a place that failed to help her. Hohimer said she frequently ran away from the school and employees took her shoes to try to keep her from fleeing.

“I was never involved with the police before Garrison. I started mostly acting out when I got sent over there because I felt like I had nobody,” she said. One time, she said, she swung and kicked at staff after they cornered her in a seclusion room. She wound up being arrested for aggravated battery.

Just weeks before Hohimer was set to graduate, she left for good. “I wish they would have found a way to help me,” she said.

After Gabe’s filing cabinet incident, his parents kept him home until he could be placed at a private therapeutic school three counties away. He’s been going there since last year.

“It’s an hour and a half ride and he’d rather do that than go to Garrison,” said Lena, a nursing student. He’s thriving there, she said, and noted that the school has never called police about Gabe’s behavior.

But one of Lena’s other children, Nathan, remained at Garrison.

Then one morning in late September, she got a text from her son:

“I’M AT THE POLICE STATION THERE GOING TO GET MY FINGERPRINTS AND TAKE A PICTURE OF ME AND BRING ME BACK TO THE HOUSE.”

“A Staff Member Will Probably Press Charges” A 14-year-old student pushed an aide and then left the school. A school employee called police to request help finding the student and having a school worker press charges. Credit: Audio obtained by the Tribune and ProPublica from the Jacksonville Police Department. Audio was condensed for clarity.

Nathan, who was 14 at the time, had been arrested after he hit a classmate and then shoved an aide who was trying to physically keep him in the classroom, according to a school report. He then left the school. In a 911 call, a school administrator asked police to find Nathan and also to come to the school “because a staff member will probably press charges.”

Nathan’s family decided not to send him back to Garrison. He’s taking classes online instead.

“That was my worst mistake, putting either of my kids in Garrison,” Lena said. “If I could take it back, I would.”

No One Watching

Warning signs that Garrison was punishing students with policing have been there for years, waiting for someone to take notice.

Since as far back as 2011, the federal government has published data online about police involvement and arrests at schools. That year, the data showed, Garrison called police on 54% of its students and 14% were arrested. Three subsequent publications of similar data show the arrest rate climbing each time — until, in 2017-18, more than half of Garrison’s students were arrested.

Though the federal data could have raised red flags, Illinois does not collect data on police involvement in schools and does not require that the state education board monitor it. The state does monitor other punitive practices in schools, such as their numbers of suspensions and expulsions, and requires schools to make improvements when the data shows excessive use.

Illinois legislation that would have required ISBE to collect data annually on school-related arrests and other discipline stalled last year.

The state board, however, has issued guidance about involving police in school discipline. Earlier this year, ISBE and the state attorney general’s office told school districts across the state to use social workers, mental health professionals and counselors — not police — to create a “positive and safe school climate.”

Before last week, no one from ISBE had been to Garrison for at least the last seven school years. There had been no complaints that would have triggered a monitoring visit, said Matthews, the state board spokesperson.

Garrison has its own school board, and it — not the state board — is responsible for monitoring the school, including police activity, ISBE officials said. The school board is made up of representatives from some of the 18 school districts that rely on Four Rivers for special education staffing and placements at Garrison.

The board president, Linda Eades, said after a November board meeting that she couldn’t answer questions about the police involvement at Garrison and described the board as hands-off. “We don’t get down in the trenches,” she said.

Fair, the district’s director, said she is trying to understand the scope of police involvement at Garrison and is “digging into” school reports. “I’m trying so hard. It’s a lot of stuff to change,” she said in an interview. “There are a lot of things that need to improve.”

Earlier this year, Garrison was awarded a $635,000 “Community Partnership Grant” through ISBE for training to help students with their behavioral and mental health needs and help schools reduce their reliance on punitive discipline. ​

Some of the grant money has been used to pay for training in Ukeru, a method of addressing physical aggression that doesn’t involve physically restraining a child.

The Ukeru method focuses on training workers in how to prevent challenging behavior from becoming a crisis and uses soft blue pads to block kicks and punches if necessary. Garrison workers were trained in the method in October; blue pads are now propped up in the hallways in the building.

Read More State Investigation Reveals Racial Disparities in Student Discipline and Police Involvement

Starting two weeks ago, Fair said, the school began using its two social workers and a social work intern in a new way. One of the social workers is now available to go into a classroom when a student needs help, providing a way to intervene before behavior escalates into a crisis. Fair said she also plans to incorporate social emotional learning into the curriculum.

School administrators mentioned the Ukeru training and some of Garrison’s latest efforts at the November board meeting, which lasted about 20 minutes. Fair said the school had begun to monitor police involvement and arrests and said she is trying to “boost up some of the supports for the kids.”

Her priority now, she assured them, is to “really help make it a therapeutic place for the kids.”

That’s what it was always supposed to be.

[sooperkanoon]

India's Premier Online Legal Search: A Gateway to Indian Tribunal Court Judgements

The legal landscape in India is vast and complex, encompassing various courts, tribunals, and legal precedents. For legal professionals, researchers, and the general public, accessing reliable and comprehensive legal information is essential. With the advent of digital technology, online legal search platforms have revolutionized the way legal research is conducted in India. India's premier online legal search platforms, like SooperKanoon, have become indispensable tools for quickly accessing a wide range of legal documents, including Indian tribunal court judgements.

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In today’s fast-paced legal environment, the demand for quick and accurate information has never been greater. Whether it's for case preparation, academic research, or resolving legal queries, online legal search platforms offer a comprehensive database of case laws, statutes, and legal opinions.

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Indian Supreme Court Judgements

Supreme Court Judgments In India

[rosefest]

The Decree of 24 October 1944

On 24 October 1944, a decree was issued that allowed members of the newly formed “Writers’ Union” to be appointed to high-ranking positions in the central and local administration, even if they did not have university degrees. This decree marked a significant shift in how qualifications were viewed under the new communist regime in Bulgaria. It favored political loyalty over professional competence, reflecting the broader transformation happening in the country at that time.

The People’s Tribunal

On 24 September 1944, the Politburo of the Bulgarian Communist Party approved an ordinance that established the “People’s Tribunal.” This ordinance was officially adopted on 30 September 1944. The stated purpose of this tribunal was to hold accountable those responsible for aligning Bulgaria with the Axis powers during World War II. However, in practice, the tribunal became a tool for the communist regime to eliminate its political enemies and consolidate power.

Targeting the Nation’s Elite

The People’s Tribunal targeted a broad range of individuals, including political leaders, military officers, intellectuals, scientists, writers, and journalists. These were people who had been influential in pre-war Bulgaria and who could potentially oppose the new Soviet-backed regime. The goal was clear: to exterminate the nation’s elite and prevent any organized resistance against the imposition of the Soviet model in Bulgaria Istanbul Tour Guide.

Violations of Justice

The establishment of the People’s Tribunal was a direct violation of the Bulgarian Constitution and the basic principles of justice. The tribunal operated outside the normal legal system, and those appointed as “people’s prosecutors” were often party activists with little or no legal training. They conducted preliminary inquiries, legal proceedings, and issued indictments, all with the presumption that the accused were guilty.

Pre-determined Guilt and Immediate Executions

The People’s Tribunal was notorious for its lack of fairness. The accused were deemed guilty from the start, and there was no possibility of appealing the sentences handed down by the tribunal. Death sentences were carried out immediately after being pronounced, with no opportunity for the condemned to seek a reprieve. In addition to executions, the property of the convicted was confiscated, and their families were stigmatized as “enemies of the people,” subjecting them to lifelong persecution.

Mass Executions

One of the most infamous acts of the People’s Tribunal occurred on the night of 1-2 February 1945. During this single night, the tribunal ordered the execution of three regents, 33 government ministers, 67 members of parliament, and 47 high-ranking military officers. They were all executed by firing squad, marking one of the darkest episodes in Bulgaria’s history.

The People’s Tribunal was not about justice but rather about political repression. It served as a mechanism for the communist regime to eliminate its opponents and reshape Bulgarian society according to Soviet ideals. The tribunal’s actions had long-lasting effects on the country, destroying much of its pre-war leadership and creating a climate of fear and repression that would last for decades. The legacy of these events is a painful reminder of the dangers of unchecked political power and the importance of upholding the rule of law.

[religiontour]

The Decree of 24 October 1944

On 24 October 1944, a decree was issued that allowed members of the newly formed “Writers’ Union” to be appointed to high-ranking positions in the central and local administration, even if they did not have university degrees. This decree marked a significant shift in how qualifications were viewed under the new communist regime in Bulgaria. It favored political loyalty over professional competence, reflecting the broader transformation happening in the country at that time.

The People’s Tribunal

On 24 September 1944, the Politburo of the Bulgarian Communist Party approved an ordinance that established the “People’s Tribunal.” This ordinance was officially adopted on 30 September 1944. The stated purpose of this tribunal was to hold accountable those responsible for aligning Bulgaria with the Axis powers during World War II. However, in practice, the tribunal became a tool for the communist regime to eliminate its political enemies and consolidate power.

Targeting the Nation’s Elite

The People’s Tribunal targeted a broad range of individuals, including political leaders, military officers, intellectuals, scientists, writers, and journalists. These were people who had been influential in pre-war Bulgaria and who could potentially oppose the new Soviet-backed regime. The goal was clear: to exterminate the nation’s elite and prevent any organized resistance against the imposition of the Soviet model in Bulgaria Istanbul Tour Guide.

Violations of Justice

The establishment of the People’s Tribunal was a direct violation of the Bulgarian Constitution and the basic principles of justice. The tribunal operated outside the normal legal system, and those appointed as “people’s prosecutors” were often party activists with little or no legal training. They conducted preliminary inquiries, legal proceedings, and issued indictments, all with the presumption that the accused were guilty.

Pre-determined Guilt and Immediate Executions

The People’s Tribunal was notorious for its lack of fairness. The accused were deemed guilty from the start, and there was no possibility of appealing the sentences handed down by the tribunal. Death sentences were carried out immediately after being pronounced, with no opportunity for the condemned to seek a reprieve. In addition to executions, the property of the convicted was confiscated, and their families were stigmatized as “enemies of the people,” subjecting them to lifelong persecution.

Mass Executions

One of the most infamous acts of the People’s Tribunal occurred on the night of 1-2 February 1945. During this single night, the tribunal ordered the execution of three regents, 33 government ministers, 67 members of parliament, and 47 high-ranking military officers. They were all executed by firing squad, marking one of the darkest episodes in Bulgaria’s history.

The People’s Tribunal was not about justice but rather about political repression. It served as a mechanism for the communist regime to eliminate its opponents and reshape Bulgarian society according to Soviet ideals. The tribunal’s actions had long-lasting effects on the country, destroying much of its pre-war leadership and creating a climate of fear and repression that would last for decades. The legacy of these events is a painful reminder of the dangers of unchecked political power and the importance of upholding the rule of law.

[travelmgznbg]

The Decree of 24 October 1944

On 24 October 1944, a decree was issued that allowed members of the newly formed “Writers’ Union” to be appointed to high-ranking positions in the central and local administration, even if they did not have university degrees. This decree marked a significant shift in how qualifications were viewed under the new communist regime in Bulgaria. It favored political loyalty over professional competence, reflecting the broader transformation happening in the country at that time.

The People’s Tribunal

On 24 September 1944, the Politburo of the Bulgarian Communist Party approved an ordinance that established the “People’s Tribunal.” This ordinance was officially adopted on 30 September 1944. The stated purpose of this tribunal was to hold accountable those responsible for aligning Bulgaria with the Axis powers during World War II. However, in practice, the tribunal became a tool for the communist regime to eliminate its political enemies and consolidate power.

Targeting the Nation’s Elite

The People’s Tribunal targeted a broad range of individuals, including political leaders, military officers, intellectuals, scientists, writers, and journalists. These were people who had been influential in pre-war Bulgaria and who could potentially oppose the new Soviet-backed regime. The goal was clear: to exterminate the nation’s elite and prevent any organized resistance against the imposition of the Soviet model in Bulgaria Istanbul Tour Guide.

Violations of Justice

The establishment of the People’s Tribunal was a direct violation of the Bulgarian Constitution and the basic principles of justice. The tribunal operated outside the normal legal system, and those appointed as “people’s prosecutors” were often party activists with little or no legal training. They conducted preliminary inquiries, legal proceedings, and issued indictments, all with the presumption that the accused were guilty.

Pre-determined Guilt and Immediate Executions

The People’s Tribunal was notorious for its lack of fairness. The accused were deemed guilty from the start, and there was no possibility of appealing the sentences handed down by the tribunal. Death sentences were carried out immediately after being pronounced, with no opportunity for the condemned to seek a reprieve. In addition to executions, the property of the convicted was confiscated, and their families were stigmatized as “enemies of the people,” subjecting them to lifelong persecution.

Mass Executions

One of the most infamous acts of the People’s Tribunal occurred on the night of 1-2 February 1945. During this single night, the tribunal ordered the execution of three regents, 33 government ministers, 67 members of parliament, and 47 high-ranking military officers. They were all executed by firing squad, marking one of the darkest episodes in Bulgaria’s history.

The People’s Tribunal was not about justice but rather about political repression. It served as a mechanism for the communist regime to eliminate its opponents and reshape Bulgarian society according to Soviet ideals. The tribunal’s actions had long-lasting effects on the country, destroying much of its pre-war leadership and creating a climate of fear and repression that would last for decades. The legacy of these events is a painful reminder of the dangers of unchecked political power and the importance of upholding the rule of law.

[bookingonlineflights]

The Decree of 24 October 1944

On 24 October 1944, a decree was issued that allowed members of the newly formed “Writers’ Union” to be appointed to high-ranking positions in the central and local administration, even if they did not have university degrees. This decree marked a significant shift in how qualifications were viewed under the new communist regime in Bulgaria. It favored political loyalty over professional competence, reflecting the broader transformation happening in the country at that time.

The People’s Tribunal

On 24 September 1944, the Politburo of the Bulgarian Communist Party approved an ordinance that established the “People’s Tribunal.” This ordinance was officially adopted on 30 September 1944. The stated purpose of this tribunal was to hold accountable those responsible for aligning Bulgaria with the Axis powers during World War II. However, in practice, the tribunal became a tool for the communist regime to eliminate its political enemies and consolidate power.

Targeting the Nation’s Elite

The People’s Tribunal targeted a broad range of individuals, including political leaders, military officers, intellectuals, scientists, writers, and journalists. These were people who had been influential in pre-war Bulgaria and who could potentially oppose the new Soviet-backed regime. The goal was clear: to exterminate the nation’s elite and prevent any organized resistance against the imposition of the Soviet model in Bulgaria Istanbul Tour Guide.

Violations of Justice

The establishment of the People’s Tribunal was a direct violation of the Bulgarian Constitution and the basic principles of justice. The tribunal operated outside the normal legal system, and those appointed as “people’s prosecutors” were often party activists with little or no legal training. They conducted preliminary inquiries, legal proceedings, and issued indictments, all with the presumption that the accused were guilty.

Pre-determined Guilt and Immediate Executions

The People’s Tribunal was notorious for its lack of fairness. The accused were deemed guilty from the start, and there was no possibility of appealing the sentences handed down by the tribunal. Death sentences were carried out immediately after being pronounced, with no opportunity for the condemned to seek a reprieve. In addition to executions, the property of the convicted was confiscated, and their families were stigmatized as “enemies of the people,” subjecting them to lifelong persecution.

Mass Executions

One of the most infamous acts of the People’s Tribunal occurred on the night of 1-2 February 1945. During this single night, the tribunal ordered the execution of three regents, 33 government ministers, 67 members of parliament, and 47 high-ranking military officers. They were all executed by firing squad, marking one of the darkest episodes in Bulgaria’s history.

The People’s Tribunal was not about justice but rather about political repression. It served as a mechanism for the communist regime to eliminate its opponents and reshape Bulgarian society according to Soviet ideals. The tribunal’s actions had long-lasting effects on the country, destroying much of its pre-war leadership and creating a climate of fear and repression that would last for decades. The legacy of these events is a painful reminder of the dangers of unchecked political power and the importance of upholding the rule of law.

[foodtravelbg]

The Decree of 24 October 1944

On 24 October 1944, a decree was issued that allowed members of the newly formed “Writers’ Union” to be appointed to high-ranking positions in the central and local administration, even if they did not have university degrees. This decree marked a significant shift in how qualifications were viewed under the new communist regime in Bulgaria. It favored political loyalty over professional competence, reflecting the broader transformation happening in the country at that time.

The People’s Tribunal

On 24 September 1944, the Politburo of the Bulgarian Communist Party approved an ordinance that established the “People’s Tribunal.” This ordinance was officially adopted on 30 September 1944. The stated purpose of this tribunal was to hold accountable those responsible for aligning Bulgaria with the Axis powers during World War II. However, in practice, the tribunal became a tool for the communist regime to eliminate its political enemies and consolidate power.

Targeting the Nation’s Elite

The People’s Tribunal targeted a broad range of individuals, including political leaders, military officers, intellectuals, scientists, writers, and journalists. These were people who had been influential in pre-war Bulgaria and who could potentially oppose the new Soviet-backed regime. The goal was clear: to exterminate the nation’s elite and prevent any organized resistance against the imposition of the Soviet model in Bulgaria Istanbul Tour Guide.

Violations of Justice

The establishment of the People’s Tribunal was a direct violation of the Bulgarian Constitution and the basic principles of justice. The tribunal operated outside the normal legal system, and those appointed as “people’s prosecutors” were often party activists with little or no legal training. They conducted preliminary inquiries, legal proceedings, and issued indictments, all with the presumption that the accused were guilty.

Pre-determined Guilt and Immediate Executions

The People’s Tribunal was notorious for its lack of fairness. The accused were deemed guilty from the start, and there was no possibility of appealing the sentences handed down by the tribunal. Death sentences were carried out immediately after being pronounced, with no opportunity for the condemned to seek a reprieve. In addition to executions, the property of the convicted was confiscated, and their families were stigmatized as “enemies of the people,” subjecting them to lifelong persecution.

Mass Executions

One of the most infamous acts of the People’s Tribunal occurred on the night of 1-2 February 1945. During this single night, the tribunal ordered the execution of three regents, 33 government ministers, 67 members of parliament, and 47 high-ranking military officers. They were all executed by firing squad, marking one of the darkest episodes in Bulgaria’s history.

The People’s Tribunal was not about justice but rather about political repression. It served as a mechanism for the communist regime to eliminate its opponents and reshape Bulgarian society according to Soviet ideals. The tribunal’s actions had long-lasting effects on the country, destroying much of its pre-war leadership and creating a climate of fear and repression that would last for decades. The legacy of these events is a painful reminder of the dangers of unchecked political power and the importance of upholding the rule of law.

[holidaysbalkan]

The Decree of 24 October 1944

On 24 October 1944, a decree was issued that allowed members of the newly formed “Writers’ Union” to be appointed to high-ranking positions in the central and local administration, even if they did not have university degrees. This decree marked a significant shift in how qualifications were viewed under the new communist regime in Bulgaria. It favored political loyalty over professional competence, reflecting the broader transformation happening in the country at that time.

The People’s Tribunal

On 24 September 1944, the Politburo of the Bulgarian Communist Party approved an ordinance that established the “People’s Tribunal.” This ordinance was officially adopted on 30 September 1944. The stated purpose of this tribunal was to hold accountable those responsible for aligning Bulgaria with the Axis powers during World War II. However, in practice, the tribunal became a tool for the communist regime to eliminate its political enemies and consolidate power.

Targeting the Nation’s Elite

The People’s Tribunal targeted a broad range of individuals, including political leaders, military officers, intellectuals, scientists, writers, and journalists. These were people who had been influential in pre-war Bulgaria and who could potentially oppose the new Soviet-backed regime. The goal was clear: to exterminate the nation’s elite and prevent any organized resistance against the imposition of the Soviet model in Bulgaria Istanbul Tour Guide.

Violations of Justice

The establishment of the People’s Tribunal was a direct violation of the Bulgarian Constitution and the basic principles of justice. The tribunal operated outside the normal legal system, and those appointed as “people’s prosecutors” were often party activists with little or no legal training. They conducted preliminary inquiries, legal proceedings, and issued indictments, all with the presumption that the accused were guilty.

Pre-determined Guilt and Immediate Executions

The People’s Tribunal was notorious for its lack of fairness. The accused were deemed guilty from the start, and there was no possibility of appealing the sentences handed down by the tribunal. Death sentences were carried out immediately after being pronounced, with no opportunity for the condemned to seek a reprieve. In addition to executions, the property of the convicted was confiscated, and their families were stigmatized as “enemies of the people,” subjecting them to lifelong persecution.

Mass Executions

One of the most infamous acts of the People’s Tribunal occurred on the night of 1-2 February 1945. During this single night, the tribunal ordered the execution of three regents, 33 government ministers, 67 members of parliament, and 47 high-ranking military officers. They were all executed by firing squad, marking one of the darkest episodes in Bulgaria’s history.

The People’s Tribunal was not about justice but rather about political repression. It served as a mechanism for the communist regime to eliminate its opponents and reshape Bulgarian society according to Soviet ideals. The tribunal’s actions had long-lasting effects on the country, destroying much of its pre-war leadership and creating a climate of fear and repression that would last for decades. The legacy of these events is a painful reminder of the dangers of unchecked political power and the importance of upholding the rule of law.