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mbamanagementquota · 1 year ago

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ALLIANCE University management quota-Call @ 9354992359- ALLIANCE University Direct admission

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mbaquota · 1 year ago

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ooooo-mcyt · 1 month ago

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To expand on how Lizzie is sacrificial lamb coded to me:

To me it's about how violence against Lizzie is often impersonal, removed from her, for the benefit of someone else, or for some symbolic gain. The sacrificial lamb, killed for meat or ritually to purify.

For starters, all four of Lizzie's deaths in Last Life.

Her first death immediately reads as very ritualistic. Lured into the dark by Joel to satisfy the curse infecting him. Joel fails to collect the reward from it, but when his axe can't finish the job, the universe itself deals that final blow via the zombie, clean and wrapped up with the death of the sacrifice, even if no benefit is gained from it.

Her next two deaths can be seen as a continuation of the previous, even if it happens later on in the series. Joel once again targets her to satiate the curse, and this time he does manage to finish the job with his axe. It only takes one shot, and is done silently, a quick slaughter she has no time to react to or fight. Next she's killed by Jimmy, the only difference being that he uses a pit of lava to burn her instead of using an axe.

And then Lizzie's final death in Last Life, which may be the most obvious example within the season. Lizzie is killed by Bdubs as part of a test. It has nothing to do with her (not that any of her deaths really did), her death was performed entirely for Bdubs' absolution. To purify him of the distrust the greens had in him. Lizzie had no room to fight, no way to see it coming- there was nothing she could do, because it had nothing to do with her. She was just the sacrifice to fulfill the deal Bdubs made.

It's not just her death's either. Look at the burning of the fairy fort. Of course, she wasn't the only target of this act, nor was she innocent. But the point still stands. BigB killed Cleo, not Lizzie, and yet it was Lizzie's forest that burned to ash under the cleansing flames of retribution (this is especially applicable if you consider how cleo and lizzie's alliance was built partially on fear in the first place, how lizzie felt like prey under cleo's gaze, how cleo threatened lizzie with cleansing fire within their first conversations on the server)

You see as well in Secret Life, how impersonal her deaths were.

Nudged down a slide and shot at the bottom, killed in one hit. Struck out of nowhere with little reason while invisible. And finally thrown off a ledge while trying to complete someone else's task.

Her final death is particularly noteworthy for how it interacts with the Canary Curse. The moment Lizzie died for the final time, it was the completion of a ritual, it was the freedom of the canary. Instead of being mourned, Lizzie's death was celebrated by Jimmy and those who wanted him freed. Lizzie's death was not about her at all, but rather an act of freedom for another person, which Lizzie was symbolically sacrificed to facilitate.

After death, Lizzie was used for the benefit of others as well. Her home was raided, her items used for the survival of others, and later on her body (*or at least, something representing her body) was dug up to be traded for an advantage by the man who would go on to win the season.

Then finally you have Wild Life.

First, Lizzie is killed by Skizz. By his own admission, it had nothing to do with Lizzie. She wasn't the point, it just as well could have been a literal sacrificial animal. Skizz simply needed a life, so Lizzie was killed quickly and impersonally. It was the same with Lizzie's next death to a creeper, also placed by Skizz. A few episodes later, she's killed by Jimmy for time, and, while this was something she agreed to (for once), it was still a clear example of Lizzie acting as a sacrifice. Later in that same episode she falls into a trap placed by BigB, not personally laid by her, but once again, impersonally, for anyone.

And then for her final death in Wild Life, Lizzie was collateral damage. A necessary casualty in Grian's grudge against Jimmy. Grian doesn't even address Lizzie directly, speaking only to Jimmy before killing them both, as if Lizzie wasn't even present, as if her death didn't mean a thing. It's fascinating as well that, for this death, not only did it have nothing to do with Lizzie, and not only did she have no chance to fight it or see it coming (as with all her final deaths), but Lizzie was also, literally, voiceless (because of trivia bot robot voice) in this scene.

So yeah. You could say I'm pretty Normal about Lizzie.

#trafficblr #traffic smp #wild life smp #ldshadowlady #it's a traffic jam

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goodqueenaly · 2 months ago

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To elaborate my ask on Robert D Artois: while a horrible human being, he, at least for me, really worked as a rogue, someone I m still invested in despite all his evil acts. So I thought he might have been an early inspiration for Daemon Targaryen. A character that became someone I sadly couldn t care for in the least, seeing what became of the original idea of a man made up "as much of darkness as of light"..

I think it’s very possible that GRRM was thinking of Robert of Artois as a partial inspiration for Daemon. By the author’s own admission, his fondness for Daemon is a reflection of his “notorious” love of gray characters, and indeed GRRM cheerfully refers to Daemon as “a notorious bad boy, a rogue in every sense of the word”. This description could, I think at least to some extent, be applied to Robert as well. Not only is Maurice Druon even more explicit in his love of Robert of Artois - quite literally saying, at the end of The Lily and the Lion, that having been “compelled by history to kill off his favorite character”, he, Maurice Druon, was “moved to a sorrow comparable to that of King Edward of England”, so much so that Druon had “no desire to continue” - but Druon also was not shy about portraying Robert roguish or less savory qualities (though more in a moment on that portrayal). Throughout the novels, Robert murders people, rapes women, forges documents, and conspires to overthrow both the King of England and the King of France - definitely not an angel, in other words.

Of course, one very important distinction, I think, between Robert and Daemon is in the ultimate ambition and motivations of each character. GRRM stated that he enjoyed the character of Daemon in part because Daemon was “unpredictable”, as “you never know what side he’s going to come down on”. While that is somewhat true for Robert as well - he does, again, ardently support the accession of Philip of Valois to be King of France, only to later fall out with Philip and promote young King Edward III of England as the rightful King of France - Druon is very clear that Robert had one goal above all else - to regain the county of Artois, which had been given to his aunt Mahaut instead of himself. The claim to Artois was at the heart of all Robert’s actions, from denouncing Countess Mahaut’s daughters in the Tour de Nesle Affair to seizing the county by force during Louis X’s reign to fabricating documents showing his right to the county in the reign of Philip VI. If it is not quite clear what Daemon wanted specifically at every given moment, the same cannot be said of Robert of Artois; whatever actions and whatever faction would lead him to Artois is where Robert would take or would support.

Too, it’s important to acknowledge the difference between the works in which these characters are presented. We as readers only experience Daemon in pseudo-historical works, The World of Ice and Fire and Fire and Blood. Because these books are (in-universe) written from the perspective of maesters living more than a century after Daemon’s death, we as readers are kept at arm’s length from Daemon’s thoughts and feelings, and consequently that sort of personal connection more easily made with characters in the main novels. By contrast, Maurice Druon himself is effectively the narrator of (the first six novels of) The Accursed Kings, and so more able to indulge his love of Robert directly (especially, and it has to be noted, given Maurice Druon’s generally misogynistic writing in these novels). We as readers of The Accursed Kings are almost explicitly directed to sympathize with Robert, and even sometimes to see his bad actions as justified or excusable. Druon himself explains in the “Historical Notes” of The Iron King that “the decision in [Mahaut’s] favour [i.e. regarding Artois] was largely influenced by these alliances which brought to the crown notably the County of Burgundy”, while Pope John XXII later thinks in The She-Wolf of France that “Robert of Artois, the rowdy giant, the sower of discord, the assassin even … the black sheep, was nevertheless more worthy perhaps, when all was said and done, than his cruel aunt, and that he possibly had some right on his side in his fight against her”. Even when Robert has his henchman strangle Marguerite of Burgundy (in what I think will be a parallel to Cersei), Maurice Druon praises Robert for telling Marguerite that he had desired her, as in the author’s words “[n]o man is completely bad”, and “the Count of Artois at that moment said one of the only kind things that had ever issued from his lips”.

#asoiaf meta #the accursed kings #daemon targaryen #Robert of Artois

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mariacallous · 1 month ago

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When Matt Williams founded a research center for the Anti-Defamation League in 2022, he vowed to “ruthlessly and systematically test” what the organization does. Antisemitism was on the rise, and he wanted the Center for Antisemitism Research to scientifically study what could work to stop it.

The creation of the center, he believed, represented an admission that one of the world’s most prominent voices against antisemitism had been operating with little evidence.

“I would go a step further and say the ADL wants to be a serious nonprofit, measured on our social return on investment, but by a lot of measures, we’ve not been doing well,” Williams said in an interview, citing spiking antisemitism, rising extremism and the erosion of democratic norms around the world.

The ADL established the new center amid mounting pressure from funders and trustees, he added. “The level of tolerance for having no solutions is low right now,” Williams said. “Our Board of Trustees is very serious about ruthlessly holding us accountable to whether or not we’re solving the problems that we set out to solve.”

Here’s how the person recently elected as ADL’s board chair put it: “Flagging and monitoring and measuring antisemitism is important, but by itself will not reverse trends towards extremism, bias and radicalism in American or global society,” Nicole Mutchnik said in an email to the Jewish Telegraphic Agency.

Now, with a staff of nine and about 70 affiliated researchers at universities around the country, the research program overseen by Williams is starting to flex its scholarly might. It recently unveiled, for example, the first scientific study in decades that focuses on anti-Jewish discrimination in hiring.

Previous studies by the center showed that antisemitic attitudes are more strongly correlated with conspiratorial beliefs than any other factor. So, now, it has partnered with a team of university researchers to examine whether correcting misinformation can make a difference.

“We’ve found that we have a better shot at reducing antisemitism by teaching people how to deal with misinformation and disinformation than we have with much of the anti-bias work that we’ve done previously,” Williams said. “Thinking of antisemitism as a digital literacy problem as opposed to a civil rights problem is a big change for ADL.”

Alarm about antisemitism in recent years has driven a doubling of donations to the ADL, topping $100 million in 2022, the most recent year for which complete data is available. It has also sparked the creation of dozens of new organizations and initiatives, including some that are directly critical of the ADL’s approach or are trying to fill perceived gaps.

Many, including Bari Weiss, author of “How to Fight Antisemitism,” prescribe embracing Judaism and Jewish pride. Others are looking to tech for solutions. At least one group focuses on naming and shaming alleged antisemites online. Author Dara Horn says the answer lies in deemphasizing the Holocaust and educating the public about living Jews and their culture. Jewish communal organizations have also poured millions of dollars into physical security measures at schools, synagogues and other Jewish institutions.

The Biden administration in 2023 published a plan featuring hundreds of detailed recommendations, many of which are modeled on ADL’s platform. The plan proposes, for example, streamlined hate crime reporting at all levels of law enforcement and more accommodation for Jewish religious observance in the workplace.

On the right, the Heritage Foundation’s Project Esther proposes a government crackdown on anti-Israel groups once Donald Trump returns to the White House. Meanwhile, left-wing groups like Diaspora Alliance and Jews for Racial and Economic Justice say that effectively responding to antisemitism requires building solidarity with Palestinians and other groups they view as oppressed.

Even as viewpoints and tactics vary, there’s a consensus in the Jewish community that fighting antisemitism must mean more than sounding the alarm about the issue. As a result, the search for evidence-based solutions, grounded in social science research, is starting to gain traction.

“We need to be moving more research resources into what’s working and what’s not working,” Holly Huffnagle, the U.S. director for combating antisemitism at the American Jewish Committee, said in an interview. “Many of us in the Jewish world are talking about this.”

Huffnagle said the AJC, considered a peer to the ADL in terms of size and legacy, doesn’t currently sponsor academic, peer-reviewed research, but that such a program could transform the work of her organization.

“If we find that our interventions aren’t working we need to be comfortable and competent to move away from what we were doing in the past,” she said. “Do we have information about what’s actually changing hearts and minds?”

To help answer that question, a pair of political scientists specializing in a field they call “deep canvassing” are using a grant from the ADL to research what kinds of narratives about Jews, when presented to people, can be effective at reducing prejudice. The researchers, David Broockman from the University of California, Berkeley and Josh Kalla from Yale University, have previously demonstrated the effectiveness of the technique in the context of bias against transgender people.

For their new study, the researchers made two-minute video clips featuring eight types of narratives about Jews and showed them over the internet to an audience of about 23,000 survey respondents.

Watching all eight narrative types led to a drop in prejudice, but some had a much stronger effect than others. For example, bipartisanship — a video showing both Donald Trump and Joe Biden condemning antisemitism — proved more impactful than a video depicting a fictional Jewish character suffering, but far less impactful than a video that presented the suffering as the result of discrimination.

Another sign of the awakening underway is the spate of new university programs focused on the study of antisemitism. Gratz College, a Jewish institution for higher education in Philadelphia, now offers a master’s degree in the topic. New York University, the University of Michigan, and the University of Toronto have all made recent investments in the field of “antisemitism studies.”

Ayal Feinberg, a political scientist and the creator of the antisemitism master’s degree at Gratz, believes that many more such programs should have been in place long ago. What made the need suddenly apparent to many more people, he said, was the wave of anti-Israel protests and the spike in antisemitism in the United States after Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel.

“Post 10/7, many people in this space were caught with their pants down, and they’re rushing to invest in meaningful interventions that reduce antisemitism,” Feinberg said in an interview. “But those interventions don’t really exist because there hasn’t been a field that has been systematically devoted to developing them.”

As Feinberg, whose quantitative research is sponsored by the ADL’s new center, builds out the field through a dedicated discipline, there’s also a crop of professors from established academic areas such as economics, political science, and sociology who are newly interested in studying antisemitism.

The number of scholars has sharply increased and so has their caliber, according to Williams. He gave the example of Dean Karlan, a prominent economics professor at Northwestern University and former chief economist of the United States Agency for International Development.

“That’s the quality of research we’re getting as a partner nowadays, which frankly, is not what it would have been five or 10 years ago,” Williams said.

The ADL’s sponsorship of individual academics comes amid a contentious time for the group’s relationship with institutions of higher education. As college campuses have become the epicenter of the activist movement seeking to end U.S. military aid to Israel and cast Israeli actions in Gaza as a genocide, the ADL has assertively involved itself in hot-button debates about where to draw the line on free speech. The group says it wants to protect Jewish students from harassment and threatening behavior from pro-Palestinian protests. As part of that mission, it’s been adversarial with universities, accusing administrators of failing to stand up to antisemitism and putting out a contentious “report card” grading schools on their response to it.

But through Williams and his team, the organization has also been trying to better understand what exactly is happening on campuses and why the situation there seems worse than in other contexts. An ADL-sponsored study by a University of California, Irvine professor concluded that increased antisemitism on campus is found where there are fewer allies on campus — and not necessarily where there are more antisemites or where there’s a campus chapter of Students for Justice in Palestine.

“There’s more tacit allowance for antisemitism in public because there are fewer bystanders who are willing or disposed to intervene,” Williams said. “The perceived social cost of it is much lower than elsewhere and that’s more predictive for us than the presence of an SJP on campus.”

Any perceived gaps between ADL’s messaging and its research findings can leave Williams’ program — and scholars it partners with — vulnerable to questioning and criticism. That’s partly the reason that many observers are viewing what he’s doing as daring and risky, even if they are supportive.

“There is a risk of blurring the line between advocacy and scholarship in a moment in which institutional credibility is low and society is very polarized and everything politicized,” said James Loeffler, a historian and the director of the Jewish studies program at Johns Hopkins University. “And then the research won’t be accepted — it will be seen as advancing a political point of view.”

Williams’ own career as a scholar might have gone in a different direction if he weren’t convinced of the pressing danger of recent antisemitism.

He completed his doctoral training as a behavioral social scientist at Stanford University in 2012, and after working on various research projects he ended up at the Orthodox Union. As the largest kosher certification agency in the world, the Orthodox Union generates millions of dollars in revenue, most of which is allocated to charitable causes. Williams crafted a data-driven research program to help the organization spend those funds more impactfully.

He had also long maintained an interest in the study of prejudice, which Williams traces in part to his uncommon family background: His paternal grandfather, a member of the Choctaw Nation of Oklahoma, married a Sephardic Jewish woman from Morocco.

In 2019 Williams, who grew up in an observant Jewish family in Atlanta and had always been aware of how his background set him apart, encountered data showing that Americans were becoming less tolerant of difference. Two recent events underscored this finding: neo-Nazis marching in Charlottesville, Virginia, followed by the deadly attack the following year on Jewish worshippers in Pittsburgh.

After each of those events, the ADL sprung into action, tapping its roster of experts to explain the outbursts of violent antisemitism to the public. But in private conversations Williams was having with the group, one of the world’s most prominent organizations fighting hate and extremism was coming to a realization that would have been awkward to publicly acknowledge: It didn’t understand antisemitism or how to combat it nearly well enough. A new paradigm was needed.

“We were under-resourced when it came to actually thinking about antisemitism,” Williams said. “The ADL had sort of become more of a civil rights organization, and we started, especially after Charlottesville, realizing we need more resources on antisemitism. And the person who hired me was sort of like, ‘It’s bizarre that we don’t have this.’”

That person was Adam Neufeld, ADL’s chief operating officer, who “saw the need to develop new theories of change and test them empirically,” Williams said.

When the Center for Antisemitism Research was launched about two-and-half years ago, the name alone was enough to pique the attention of historians who study antisemitism and American Jewish history. In the initial decades after World War II, American Jewish groups, including the ADL, invested heavily in academic research into the sources of antisemitism.

“There was a sense back then that social science would be able to improve people’s lives — that humanity could be perfected by applying scientific research models to social problems,” said Pamela Nadell, a historian at American University and the author of the forthcoming book, “Antisemitism, an American Tradition.”

With the help of grants from Jewish groups, social psychologists, sociologists, and other scholars investigated how antisemitism was connected to totalitarianism, religion and other forms of racial and ethnic stereotyping. It was an organized attempt to understand the psyche of antisemites.

To that end, the ADL commissioned public opinion research hoping to understand the nature of bias — whether it was correlated, for example, to age or education.

Historians don’t really know why or when exactly the investment in such research ended, in part because the ADL has not yet made its archives especially accessible to scholars, at least compared to groups like the American Jewish Committee, the American Jewish Congress, and B’nai B’rith International, which have either handed off materials to a library or created their own open repository, in some cases even digitizing large parts of their collections.

According to Williams, the ADL’s research program petered out by the 1980s because the threat of antisemitism was seen as declining. “Most people generally had positive attitudes about Jews, incident rates were – by most accounts – much lower, the clamoring for real, tangible solutions was less,” he said.

At the time in the United States, the older the average person, the more likely they were to have antisemitic attitudes. There was no stronger demographic correlation than that of age and antisemitism, and a 1992 ADL study noted “the steady influx of younger, more tolerant Americans into the adult population” as the main factor driving declining antisemitism since 1964. It almost seemed like the country was aging out of the problem.

By 2014, in Williams’ telling, the kind of intense antisemitism that was thought to belong to the past was rearing its head once again and, eventually, accelerating so much that the ADL needed to revisit its old strategy around social science research.

“I would say that the major distinction is that we’re working on interventions more than describing the phenomenon,” Williams said, comparing his generation to the researchers of the post-World War II boom. “But, also, you can’t really do one without the other. We do stand on their shoulders.”

In responding to a press inquiry from JTA, the head of the ADL rejected the idea that the ADL founded the Center for Antisemitism Research out of a new or reawakened commitment.

“At ADL, we always have sought to ground our work in evidence and to shape our approaches based on research,” the group’s CEO, Jonathan Greenblatt, said in a written response to a series of questions. “We have been tracking antisemitism for decades, measuring attitudes and tracking incidents, and the insights gleaned from this work has helped to inform and shape policies and programs.”

But Greenblatt also acknowledged that recent events are forcing deep changes in the ADL.

“Nothing will ever be the same after 10/7,” he said. “And so, at ADL, it forced us to step back, look in the mirror and ask hard questions about how we reached this point — and what we are going to do differently in response.”

He continued, “In all honesty, I think every Jewish organization should be undertaking this kind of process in light of 10/7. For ADL, that meant taking a beat and examining our policies, evaluating our programs, endeavoring to measure the efficacy of our activities, and making hard decisions based on what we learn. The Center for Antisemitism Research has helped us to do this.”

The ADL’s introspection over the past few years has come amid growing criticism that mainstream approaches to fighting antisemitism aren’t working. And attacks on the ADL have come from both the right and the left.

The right has tended to blame the ADL for being too soft on the pro-Palestinian movement or for getting distracted from its core mission of defending Jews by progressive ideas about race and identity.

The ADL has also been affected by a distrust washing over society of legacy institutions, especially ones perceived by the right as having a left-wing bias. Founded in 2018, an organization called StopAntisemitism has positioned itself as a grassroots alternative to the establishment. Diving head first into the chaotic fray of social media, the group quickly amassed followers whom it sicced on a flurry of targets it accused of anti-Jewish and anti-Israel behavior.

In some regards, the mainstream has shifted to the right when it comes to fighting antisemitism. When Kenneth Marcus and the Brandeis Center for Human Rights Under Law began using aggressive legal tactics to fight antisemitism on college campuses years ago, many Jewish communal leaders rejected his efforts. Nowadays, they are far less likely to tell Marcus that his tactics are counterproductive or that he’s conflating criticism of Israel with antisemitism — instead, they are starting to partner with him on lawsuits.

Meanwhile, on the left, the ADL is often accused of caring about antisemitism mostly insofar as it can be used as a weapon for its pro-Israel advocacy. Rooted in the concept of intersectionality, the left argues that all forms of oppression are intertwined and therefore must be resisted in tandem. One result of that thinking is a critical focus on a certain type of rhetoric from the ADL — for example, when Greenblatt morally equated anti-Zionist groups with white supremacists or when he seemed to liken the Palestinian keffiyeh to the Nazi swastika, though he later clarified that he doesn’t think the keffiyeh is a hate symbol.

A group that exemplifies this critique is the Diaspora Alliance, which says that Jewish fears are being exploited for pro-Israel purposes at the expense of democratic norms protecting civil society and free speech. Emma Saltzberg, the group’s U.S. strategic campaigns director and a critic of the ADL, accuses Greenblatt of engaging in rhetoric that often undermines what she sees as the valuable expertise of the organization’s technical staff. She anticipates the same dynamic with the ADL’s new research agenda.

“I think it’s possible for good things to come out of research funded by actors with questionable political agendas,” Saltzberg said in an interview. “At the same time, Jonathan Greenblatt, ADL’s spokesperson and leader, has demonstrated consistent disregard for the organization’s own in-house experts, so academics who associate themselves with the organization do risk damage to their reputation as serious researchers.”

Williams defended Greenblatt, rejecting the notion that his public statements served to undermine the organization’s technical work. Williams said he works with a range of researchers who don’t agree with the ADL on everything and that he doesn’t lose sleep over people whose opposition to the group is intractable. He also said, however, that given how challenging Greenblatt’s job is, there’s always room for the ADL to improve.

“There’s absolutely work that we could do to acknowledge — just to give you one example — the reality that there are a lot of people who take up anti-Israel positions out of a real humanitarian commitment and dedication,” Williams said. “Acknowledge it, and at the same time present the evidence that many people are being hurt in ways that single them out as Jews because of presumed support, let alone overt support, for Israel.”

Williams’ work at ADL has only just begun, but he’s already reached one profound conclusion in the fight against antisemitism.

“The big takeaway,” he said, “is that we can actually reduce it.”

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plethoraworldatlas · 5 months ago

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On August 27, African faith, farming, and environmental leaders came together to launch an unusual statement. Their open letter was addressed to “the Gates Foundation and other funders of industrial agriculture.” It charged these funders with promoting a type of corporate, industrial agriculture that does not respect African ecosystems or agricultural traditions.

The letter was organized by the Southern African Faith Communities’ Environment Institute (SAFCEI), and has over 150 signatories. Its release was timed to influence the Africa Food Systems Forum in Kigali, which starts today. Partners of this conference include the Rwandan government, AGRA, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and other philanthropies, agribusiness companies, and aid organizations.

The open letter takes particular aim at two linked organizations. The Gates Foundation is primarily known for its public health investments, but has also made major inroads into agriculture. In Africa much of this work extends through the Nairobi-based AGRA (previously known as the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa). The Gates Foundation is a cofounder and the largest donor to AGRA. Other large donors include the UK and US governments.

Under a basket of policies dubbed the “green revolution,” AGRA, the Gates Foundation, and likeminded institutions have sought to substantially increase the use of synthetic fertilizers, pesticides, and commercial seeds in Africa. This has centered on developing new seeds and a network of sellers. The aim has been to dramatically increase agricultural output, in order to reduce hunger and elevate farmer incomes.

But by AGRA’s own admission, it failed in its goal to double crop yields and incomes for 30 million farmers by 2020. In fact, some critics argue, AGRA has made things worse.

According to an external assessment by Timothy A. Wise of Tufts University, severe hunger in AGRA countries increased by 30% between AGRA’s founding and 2018. Crop yield increases have been modest, and where they exist, they haven’t always been enough to cover the higher cost of farming with commercial seeds and agricultural inputs. Dependence on fertilizer has increased the debt and financial precarity of the small farmers who make up the majority of farmers in Africa. In some cases the limited yield increases have also been temporary, as soil fertility has diminished due to monoculture farming and fertilizer use. For instance, Ethiopian farmers “will say that the soil is corrupted, meaning it cannot produce food” without synthetic fertilizer, reports Million Belay of the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA).

There have been knock-on effects, Belay says. For instance, Zambian farmers who have become indebted, due to synthetic fertilizer purchases, have had less money for food and their children’s education.

In other words, many farmers’ families are poorer and hungrier than before, while the land itself is less productive.

While AGRA hasn’t managed to double farmer income and yields, it has succeeded in shifting government policies for the worse, according to Belay. These include the dilution of regional biosafety regulations and fertilizer regulations, Belay says. In Kenya, farmers can now face prison time for saving or sharing seeds.

A new AFSA briefing note states that AGRA is seeking to place consultants within government offices and “directly crafting policies at the continental, national, and local levels.” This includes a new 10-year policy for agricultural investment in Zambia.

All, in all, it’s a highly commercialized, elite, and often rich-world vision of African agriculture. Tim Schwab writes in The Bill Gates Problem: Reckoning with the Myth of the Good Billionaire, “Rarely, however, do the targets of Gates’s goodwill, the global poor or smallholder farmers, have a seat at the table. In the case of the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa, or AGRA, the allies include a bevy of corporate partners: Syngenta, Bayer (Monsanto), Corteva Agriscience, John Deere, Nestlé, and even Microsoft.” AGRA has been criticized for aiding its agricultural partners to expand in Africa.

#enviromentalism #ecology #industrial agriculture #agribusiness #agriculture #gates foundation #Bill gates #africa

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the-garbanzo-annex-jr · 1 year ago

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Some of the leading academics pushing for mandatory ethnics studies courses are ardent anti-Zionists.

Christine Hong, chair of the Critical Race and Ethnic Studies department at UC Santa Cruz, co-chairs the UC Academic Senate working group developing the admissions proposal. She recently co-founded the Institute for the Critical Study of Zionism (ICSZ), which declares on its website that Zionism is a “colonial racial project” and that Israel is a “settler colonial state.”

“The information provided above makes it crystal clear that the UC faculty driving the ethnic studies admission requirement proposal view opposition to Zionism and activism to harm the Jewish state and its supporters as core components of their ethnic studies discipline,” this week’s letter to the UC board states. “They promote antisemitic stereotypes of Jews and the Jewish state and encouragement to antisemitic activism as ‘part and parcel’ of ethnic studies courses at the University of California and beyond.”

Last month, Hong argued during a podcast interview that ethnic studies should teach “the extraordinary violence of Zionism, the settler colonial violence, [and] the militarism that is inflicted on Palestine and Palestinian people.” She added that “a critique of Zionism is part and parcel of the field of [ethnic studies].”

In the same interview, ICSZ’s co-founder Emmaia Gelman said academics should “tie [Zionism] to this much larger Western supremacy and white supremacy” and “de-link the study of Zionism from Jewish studies.”

Hong is also organizing ICSZ’s first conference next month — part of which will take place at UC Santa Cruz — titled “Battling the ‘IHRA Definition’: Theory and Practice.”

The conference will focus on combating the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s (IHRA) definition of antisemitism, which has been widely accepted by Jewish groups and well over 1,000 global entities, from countries to companies. Beyond classic antisemitic behavior associated with the likes of the medieval period and Nazi Germany, the examples include denial of the Holocaust and newer forms of antisemitism targeting Israel such as demonizing the Jewish state, denying its right to exist, and holding it to standards not expected of any other democratic state.

Critics argue that applying double standards to Israel and opposing Israel’s continuation as the nation-state of the Jewish people may not necessarily be antisemitic, creating tighter standards around when anti-Israel speech and activity is antisemitic.

In this week’s letter, the nearly 100 organizations said the ethnic studies admissions requirement’s ideological roots make it “an outrage” and “both wrong and highly dangerous.”

#ethnic studies #antisemitism #academia

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justinspoliticalcorner · 8 months ago

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Judd Legum at Popular Information:

Black women make up about 8% of the population in the United States. But, according to a report by Project Diane, firms founded by Black women received 0.0006% of total funding from venture capitalists between 2009 and 2017. In recent years, the amount of venture capital funding awarded to firms founded by Black women has remained far less than 1%. Further, a study by Palladium Impact Capital found that "Black women entrepreneurs in the United States suffer the largest gap between their total capital demand and the amount of investment capital they receive when compared to other demographic groups." Nevertheless, some people believe that in the status quo, Black women are receiving too much venture capital. They argue that Black women are benefiting from illegal racial preferences. And they are suing to put an end to it. The focus of the litigation is the Fearless Fund, which runs the Strivers Grant Contest, a program that awards $20,000 to four small businesses that are majority-owned by Black women. A group called The American Alliance for Equal Rights (AAER) sued the Fearless Fund, arguing the grant contest constituted illegal racial discrimination.

AAER bills itself as "a nonprofit membership organization dedicated to challenging distinctions made on the basis of race and ethnicity in federal and state courts." In practice, it files lawsuits on behalf of aggrieved white people who believe they are being harmed by programs designed to benefit racial minorities that face widespread discrimination. Edward Blum, the president of AAER, told the New York Times in 2023 that "systemic racism" does not exist. Blum also rejected the idea that "racism" was part of the country at its founding. AAER's most famous legal victory was a successful lawsuit arguing that "race-conscious student admissions policies used by Harvard University and the University of North Carolina" were unlawful. In the Fearless Fund lawsuit, AAER argued that the Fearless Fund's grant "violates section 1981 of the 1866 Civil Rights Act, which prohibits discrimination on the basis of race when enforcing contracts." That law was originally "intended to protect formerly enslaved people from economic exclusion," but is now being turned on its head by AAER.

This week, a federal appeals court handed a victory to AAER. In a 2-1 decision, a panel found AAER was likely to succeed on the merits and issued an injunction suspending the Fearless Fund's grant program. The decision was written by two judges appointed by former President Trump. Blum celebrated the decision while waiving away concerns about the systemic exclusion of Black women from venture capital funding. "Our nation’s civil rights laws do not permit racial distinctions because some groups are overrepresented in various endeavors, while others are under-represented," Blum said.

The real meaning of civil rights law

Do civil rights laws really prohibit initiatives like the Fearless Fund's grants to businesses owned by Black women? Other courts have rejected challenges to similar programs. In November 2023, America First Legal (AFL) — an organization run by Trump advisor Stephen Miller — sued Progressive Insurance on behalf of a white business owner to stop a program that awarded $25,000 grants to black-owned small businesses. The money could be used toward the purchase of a commercial vehicle. The white business owner represented by AFL claimed he began filling out the application before realizing it was limited to Black-owned businesses.

The 3-judge panel on the 11th Circuit ruling against Fearless Fund is a victory for the right-wing White grievance industry and a loss for Black women.

See Also:

CNN: Federal appeals court blocks Fearless Fund from issuing grants to only Black women

#Fearless Fund #Racial Equity #Edward Blum #American Alliance For Equal Rights #Strivers Grant Contest #Civil Rights Act of 1866 #America First Legal #Stephen Miller #11th Circuit Court #American Alliance For Equal Rights v. Fearless Fund #White Privilege

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allschoolscollege · 7 months ago

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Alliance University Bangalore

Alliance University application form open for 2024 admission. Know the alliance college Bangalore fee and apply now for BBA, MBA, LLB, BA BBA LLB, B,Des, Engg and liberals arts etc. Read More:

#Alliance University #Alliance University Bangalore #Alliance University Admission #Alliance University courses and fees

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anotherhumaninthisworld · 2 years ago

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Who is Catherine Théot? .. can you explain her story please ? And what is her connection with robespierre? Because I don't understand her role during the period of robespierre's downfall.

And Thanks a lot.

Catherine Théot was born on March 5 1716, to a peasant family living in Barenton. In a letter written during the revolution, she said that she had been ”given to God from infancy,” and one of her disciples recalled that Théot had stated that, when she was only four years old, ”God had made known to her that he would make an alliance with her.” After having acquired a local reputation for piety, she was sent to Paris by her parish priest, where she was placed under the spiritual direction of Abbé Joseph Grisel. For many years Théot worked as a domestic servant in the Convent of the Miramionnes. At one point she returned to Normandy and sought admission to a convent near her home, but went back to Paris once God told her to, where she would then live out the rest of her austere religious life — taking communion every morning at five o’clock, spending part of each night carrying out penitences she imposed upon herself, and submitting herself to a harch regimen of penitence.

In 1779, Théot was arrested and imprisoned in the Bastille after having come to believe she was the only one who could understand the Scriptures and preaching about it against local priests. Being interrogated, she described herself as ”the virgin who would receive the little Jesus, who would come down from heaven to earth to bring peace to all the earth and to receive all nations.” After six weeks spent in the Bastille, she was moved to a mental hospital, where she remained until 1782.

Once released, Théot came to live on 20 rue des Rosiers together with the widow Godefroy (Marie Madelaine Amblard), a seamstress who sometimes served as her secretary. A circle began to form around the two that only grew over the following ten years. It was not a secret society in the sense that initiations rites and membership cards were needed, and its sessions consisted only of harmless activities – short sermons by Théot, singing, and readings from the Bible and the missal. In 1793, the wife of one of the people frequenting the circle nevertheless claimed that, within it, Théot was called ”the new Eve, who will redeem the human race,” and that she ”announced the general Happiness and a uniform Religion for all the universe.” The people that came to Théot’s sessions belonged to both the wealthy and poor classes, but most common were artisans, shopkeepers and servants. Women were also more common than men. The circle’s most famous member was the former National Assembly deputy Dom Gerle, who became Théot’s disciple sometime during 1792 and sometimes spoke directly to the group along with the widow Godefroy. Someone else who frequented the circle was none other than Marie-Louise Vaugeois, sister of Robespierre’s host Françoise Duplay, although this didn’t become known until after thermidor.

In 1793, the number of people seen going into Théot’s lodgings proved suspicious for the public prosecutor of the Paris Commune Anaxagoras Chaumette. On January 10,he therefore ordered Théot’s house to be searched, something which was carried out five days later. The file was transmitted to Chaumette on February 10, who, far from closing the case, sought to find out more. Théot and the widow Godefroy were taken in but released soon afterwards, and in June 1793 they moved to the third floor of an apartment on rue de la Contrescrape (today rue Blainville) where they could continue to hold meetings without interference. But less than a year later, May 12 1794, two gendarmes, Jaton and Pidoux, wrote to the Committee of General Security (CGS) to denounce Théot after having asked to be admitted to her circle’s sessions, but, not being known, instead been met with a certain mistrust. The CGS acted quickly, already on the same day it ordered a home visit be made to Théot, participants of her sessions interrogated, and those among them found suspect arrested. Théot was arrested on May 17 along the widow Godefroy, Dom Gerle and twelve others. In the weeks that followed several new arrests were issued against people believed to belong to her ”clique” as well.

A month later, on June 15, Marc-Guillaume Alexis Vadier, the president of the CGS, read a report regarding Théot to the Convention. In it, Théot’s circle was presented as ”a sect” that was in fact a conspiracy including ”royalists, usurers, fools, egoists, fops, counterrevolutionaries of both sexes” and to which mystics, mesmerists, émigrés, Pitt and Frederick William of Prussia belonged. Vadier wrapped up the report by demanding no clemency for ”scroundel priests” (refractory priests), and ordering Catherine Théot, the widow Godefroy, Dom Gerle and two others brought before the Revolutionary Tribunal. Like with Théot’s arrest, the report was again followed by a wave of new arrests of people believed to have been in associated with her.

However, sometime shortly after Vadier’s report, Robespierre ordered Fouquier-Tinville, the public prosecutor, to leave him the papers concerning the Théot affair and to suspend the investigation of the trial. In his Mémoire de Fouquier-Tinville pour sa défense (1795) Fouquier described the scene as following:

Robespierre told me at the Committee of Public Safety, in the name of said committee, that it was necessary to postpone the Catherine Théot affair. After having observed to him in vain that a decree imposed on me the duty to follow it up and not having been able to make myself heard, I withdrew and went to the General Security Committee where I reported on the facts and my embarrassment, indicating three times "he, he, he, in the name of the Committee of Public Safety, opposes it.” “You mean Robespierre?” replied a member, whom I believe to be Amar or Citizen Vadier.

The earliest, and perhaps most common interpretation of this affair is that it was a machination of the Committee of General Security in general and Vadier in particular. (for this interpretation, see Albert Mathiez’s L’affair Catherine Théot et le mysticisme chrétien révolutionnaire). They had as their aim to ridicule both Robespierre himself, who many of the committee members were becoming wary of, as well as his deism and Cult of the Supreme Being, which, it is commonly stated, they disliked due to being atheists. This last claim I’m however having a hard time finding any primary source for, but it can nevertheless be observed that Théot’s arrest was ordered just five days after Robespierre had held a speech announcing that ”the French people believe in the existence of the Supreme Being and the immortailty of the soul” and Vadier read his report against Théot just a week after the Festival of the Supreme Being.

Evidence to support this interpretation is first and foremost Vadier’s report. Although he never mentioned Robespierre’s name, or any connection he might have to Théot’s clique in it, he nevertheless managed to cast ridicule on Robespierre’s religious ideas through an exaggerated language, provoking many laughs from the stands.

Another piece that supports this interpretation is Robespierre’s speech on 8 thermidor, where he says the following:

The first attempt the malevolent people made was to seek to debase the great principles that you had proclaimed and to erase the touching memory of the national holiday (the festival of the Supreme Being). Such was the aim of the character and the solemnity which was given to what was called the Catherine Théot affair. Malevolence has taken advantage of the political conspiracy hidden under the name of a few imbecile devotees, and nothing was presented to public attention but a mystical farce and an inexhaustible subject of indecent or childish sarcasm.

On 9 thermidor, Vadier also claimed that a letter (that may or may not actually have existed) proclaiming Robespierre to be the high priest of the new cult had been found under Théot’s matress in order to denounce him, and finally, according to the memoirs of Philarete Chasles, Vadier confirmed in his old age that ridiculing Robespierre had indeed been his intention all along:

[Vadier] continued his story. He told us for the hundredth time how the fools went back to saying mass; how Robespierre himself — the incorruptible! — (and he made this word vibrate with an inimitable southern irony) was going to turn into cagotism; — how the incorruptible aimed at becoming high priest. ”So it was by a terrible chance that it was learned that la petite maman Théot was gathering her little congregation in a Venetian attic; — and that set me to work!… and that made them jump… and…” ”We know it well,” said the honest little Robert Lindet who was growing bored from this. ”You have told us the story one hundred times!” ”Ah! Ah!” continued the voltarian revolutionary, straightening up despite his gout, ”when I gave them my report… you see… fanaticism, he was shot down… He had a long time to get up… and Robespierre! wiped out! finished!… I damaged him!” And he threw himself into his armchair with an unspeakable joy.

In his account of the affair, Mathiez goes further than what the above pieces tell us, and adds that the CGS had sought Théot out before being informed about her on May 12, no doubt learning about her through the papers gathered when her house had first been searched in early 1793. Mathiez writes that the CGS had been infiltrating the Théot sessions before arresting her, citing the imprisoned Dom Gerle who said that, since a month back, two men that he found suspicious had come to attend Théot’s sessions — men that Mathiez identify as the CGS agents Senar and Heron. Speaking of Gerle, Mathiez also writes that, when his apartment was searched after his arrest, the gendarmes found a note written by Robespierre, certifying Dom Gerle to be a good patriot. But if that is so, they never appeared to have gotten the chance to use it as a weapon against Robespierre.

As for Robespierre’s motivation for acting as he did, Mathiez means he intervened to put a stop to the affair both because it would prove humiliating for him, and because he wished to save people he conceived to just be a harmless group of religious zealots without political importance. Mathiez also argues that Robespierre tried (and failed) to remove Fouquier-Tinville as public prosecutor right after the Théot affair, judging him to be too close with the CGS (Fouquier Tinville et Robespierre (1917)).

In his Points de vue sur l’affaire Catherine Théot (1969), Michel Eude has however concluded that, although it’s clear Vadier & co seized the opportunity to humiliate Robespierre with the affair, it’s also possible they actually saw a real threat in it. This considering the fact similar cases regarding ”fanatical gatherings” had attracted the CGS’s attention already before Théot’s arrest, and would continue to do so after it as well (without there being any indication they saw these plots as being connected to the Théot affair). Since any confabulation, at that time, was considered suspect by definition, Eude argues there is nothing to suggest that the concern of the CGS was feigned in the Théot case. Humiliating Robespierre was just a bonus.

Eude observes that though Vadier’s report invoked laughter in the Convention (as he most likely meant for it to do) it was the cause of just as many applauds, suggesting the affair was taken seriously by the members of the Convention. And Vadier made sure to underline that the gatherings at Théot’s place was ”only a primary school of fanaticism, the real instigators are much higher up.” Something he might not have done if the goal was simply to slander Robespierre.

Eude likewise challanges Mathiez’s idea that Robespierre tried getting rid of Fouquier-Tinville (Robespierre a-t-il voulu faire destituer Fouquier-Tinville ? (1965)) as well as the idea that the reason he imposed a reprieve was because he realized Théot & co were harmless and the affair would prove embarrassing for him. It was instead because he wanted to take it out of the hands of the CGS and let investigation be run by the CPS’s Police Bureau, which was under the thumb of Couthon, Saint-Just and Robespierre personally. Robespierre was already suspicious of many of the CGS members, and felt the investigation conducted by them hadn’t implicated all people actually involved in the conspiracy. This is proven through a letter dated June 26 from Dumas (president of the Revolutionary Tribunal, ally of Robespierre) to Lejeune (president of the police bureau, him too an ally of Robespierre) — ”If citizen Lejeune received from the Committee (of Public Safety) documents relating to the conspiracy under the cloak of fanaticism, especially those which concern declarations and interrogations of arrested peddlers, it is the intention of Robespierre that these documents be given to us during the day.” The next day, Dumas sent Robespierre documents regarding twenty people, half of which concerned the Catherine Théot affair, and the other half the affair of one Pierre-Guillaume Ducy, who had been arrested a month after Théot. Like her, Ducy had come under suspicion for ”fanatical gatherings,” but while the CGS who had arrested him didn’t seem to have believed there was a connection between him and Théot, the letter shows us Robespierre did, and that further research would lead to the head of the joint conspiracy. When Robespierre spoke about the Théot affair the very same day at the Jacobins, he too appeared to treat Vadier’s report seriously, saying that ”a faithful representative made a report whose purpose was to enlighten the people on a new plot. It was about unveiling a deep conspiracy, hidden under a veneer of fanaticism and mysticism,” and only regretting ”the culpable activity taken to diminish the importance of Vadier's report by making it disappear under a cloud of brochures in the style of Father Duchêne, and which are nothing but an indecent parody of this same report.”Finally, on July 1, Lejeune sent Dumas, on behalf of Robespierre, documents relating to Catherine Théot and six of her followers, and, on the 15th, he passed on to him the report of the interrogation that the revolutionary committee of the Social Contract section had subjected a woman "accused of complicity with the Théot woman, known as the Mother of God."

Robespierre, Lejeune and Dumas were all executed before the affair really went anywhere, but it’s possible that, had they remained in charge of it, even more people would have appeared before the Revolutionary Tribunal than Vadier had originally intended (as already stated, Vadier ended his report by ordering the transfer of only five people to the Revolutionary Tribunal). However, thermidor ended up putting a stop to the whole story, and by the spring of 1795, all those arrested as Théot’s disciples had been released from their captivity. The only one who didn’t get out with her life intact was Théot herself, who died in prison on September 1 1794, just a month after Robespierre’s execution.

I don’t know just how essential this affair really is for Robespierre’s downfall, but the fact that Robespierre’s influence was big enough for him to single-handedly (if we’re to believe Fouquier-Tinville’s account) take away an affair from the CGS surely must have concerned the deputies already worried that he was aiming at dictatorship. Robespierre in his turn can’t have improved his opinion on the CGS as a whole from the affair. It can probably also be concluded that, had not the Théot case existed, the resentment of Robespierre’s enemies would have just found other opportunities to manifest itself.

Sources:

Popular Piety in the French Revolution: Catherine Théot (1974) by Clarke Garrett

L’affair Catherine Théot et le mysticisme chrétien révolutionnaire in Contributions à l’histoire religieuse de la Révolution française (1907) by Albert Mathiez

Robespierre et le procès de Catherine Théot (1929) by Albert Mathiez

Fouquier Tinville et Robespierre (1917) by Albert Mathiez

Robespierre a-t-il voulu faire destituer Fouquier-Tinville ?(1965) by Michel Eude

Points de vue sur l’affaire Catherine Théot (1969) by Michel Eude

Rapport de Vadier, au nom des comités de salut public et de sûreté générale, sur la découverte d’une nouvelle conspiration (June 15 1794)

#ask #french revolution #maximilen robespierre #catherine théot #alexis vadier #fouquier tinville #long post

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religion-is-a-mental-illness · 1 year ago

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https://www.reuters.com/legal/government/law-schools-must-adopt-free-speech-policies-after-aba-passes-rule-2024-02-05/

Law schools must adopt free speech policies, after ABA passes rule

By: Karen Sloan

Published: Feb 5, 2024

Law schools must now adopt free speech policies in order to maintain their accreditation from the American Bar Association, following a key vote by the organization on Monday.

The ABA’s House of Delegates approved a new requirement that law schools develop and publish policies that “encourage and support the free expression of ideas.” Those policies must protect the rights of faculty, staff and students to communicate controversial or unpopular ideas and safeguard robust debate, demonstrations or protests.

They must also forbid disruptive activities that hinder free expression or substantially interfere with law school functions or activities.

The ABA’s law school accreditation rules have long protected the academic freedom of faculty, but this is first time they address free speech for the entire law school community.

The change comes after several high-profile incidents at elite law schools where student disrupted speakers and amid campus tensions over conflict over Israel’s war with Hamas.

Stanford University officials apologized to 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals Judge Stuart Kyle Duncan after students disrupted his remarks to the campus Federalist Society chapter in March. The law school also mandated free speech training for students.

Yale Law School said it bolstered its commitment to free speech after a group of students in March 2022 disrupted a campus discussion with Kristen Waggoner, president of conservative religious rights group Alliance Defending Freedom. That incident prompted two federal judges to later say they would not hire clerks from Yale.

The ABA’s Council of the Section of Legal Education and Admissions to the Bar adopted the new free speech rule in November after receiving a wealth of public comments largely in support of the change. But the new requirement was not final until the House of Delegates, which is the ABA’s policymaking body, approved it.

ABA weighs new free speech rule for law schools

Law school free speech proposal moves forward after ABA vote

#Karen Sloan #American Bar Association #Yale Law School #Stanford University #law school #freedom of speech #free speech #academic freedom #freedom of expression

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mbamanagementquota · 1 year ago

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One of the cornerstones of effective crisis leadership is communication and decision-making. ALLIANCE University, through direct admission and the management quota, places a significant emphasis on these aspects, preparing future leaders to communicate effectively and make informed decisions in times of crisis.

ALLIANCE University: Shaping Leaders with Crisis Management Prowess

Whether through direct admission or the management quota in ALLIANCE University, students are equipped with the knowledge necessary for effective communication and decision-making in crisis situations. ALLIANCE University's focus on these critical elements ensures that graduates are well-prepared for the challenges and opportunities in leading during times of uncertainty.

Conclusion: ALLIANCE University and the Future of Crisis Leadership

In conclusion, the impact of an MBA program on crisis leadership, especially through institutions like ALLIANCE University, extends far beyond traditional leadership education. Whether through direct admission in ALLIANCE University or the management quota in ALLIANCE University, aspiring leaders find themselves equipped with the knowledge, skills, and mindset crucial for success in leading organizations through uncertainty. ALLIANCE University emerges not only as an academic institution but as a catalyst for shaping crisis leaders who not only possess the theoretical foundation but also the practical acuity needed to navigate and lead effectively in times of crisis.

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mbaquota · 1 year ago

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ALLIANCE University management quota-Call @ 9354992359-ALLIANCE University Direct admission

Crisis Leadership: Lessons from MBA Programs in Times of Uncertainty