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mbamanagementquota · 9 months ago

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ALLIANCE University management quota-Call @ 9354992359- ALLIANCE University Direct admission

The Impact of MBA on Artificial Intelligence Adoption in Businesses

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mbaquota · 9 months ago

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doghartzy · 7 months ago

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“#wrote a college entrance essay about this once” re: rpf research excuse me WHAT can you elaborate please 😭 (i say as someone who has also written some unhinged essays)

okay in my defense i didn't actually talk about rpf explicitly, but i did write about how one of the big draws of hockey for me was all the minute details and research rabbitholes you could get absorbed in. it's funny to look back on now because i think my understanding of hockey has come a long way, and also i'm kind of a completely different person than i was, lol. i'll put a few sections under the cut just for fun :3

But in late November of my ---- year, I turned on the television to watch a hockey game. It was the Flames and the Senators -- not exactly a nail-biter. I knew what to expect. I’d been to a college hockey game once at the University of North Dakota, and I’d been casually interested. But I certainly didn’t count on the Ottawa Senators setting the starting point of a great epoch of my life. The thing about hockey is that, leaving aside everything else about the sport -- statistics, personality, fanaticism, gameplay -- hockey is fun to watch. It’s fast-paced but easy to follow. All you have to do is keep track of the puck. Stoppages aren’t too common, but if they do happen, it’s probably because a penalty has been called, or because of a scrum, which both lead to more interesting circumstances. In short, hockey held my interest, and outpaced my notoriously short attention span. At least, that was how it started.

apparently i was rly trying to keep that harvard admissions officer on their toes lmao

Hockey culture is an unmitigated disaster. Awash with misogyny, masculine posturing, glorification of violence, and a thriving disrespect for the civil rights of minorities, it’s easy to brush hockey off as another antiquated hold-out of gladiatorial sports. Fans live and die for the blood of it. It’s especially easy to do so as a queer woman, someone who is definitely unwelcome in central hockey circles. It took me about ten minutes to understand that hockey Twitter, at least, was not worth a second of my time. But I hadn’t gotten as far as making it through an entire Senators game just to give up now. And finding other avenues of building community was easier than I thought. The Internet, it turns out, is shockingly versatile. Just as white male hockey fans all tend to congregate in the loud, wide-open spaces of fandom, the rest of us found areas out of view of the mainstream gaze. Within Tumblr tags, Discord groups, and even fanfiction archive forums, the women, hockey fans of color, and even us queers began to find each other. It was easier, then, to know where to start. In short order, hockey turned from something I watched as stress relief after a long school day to something I knew about. The people I talked to were knowledgeable, and the research I did on my own -- as was my wont -- helped substantiate. First it was about the teams, and then, when I had satisfied my knowledge there, the players. The politics. The rules, the statistics, the prospects. The slow stop-start of change initiatives like the Hockey Diversity Alliance. It turns out that hockey is an unquellable fount of things to learn, and it quickly became a way to collect things to know.

it's interesting to look back and see which things i felt it was important to highlight, especially given all the things that have happened in recent years with hockey culture. also please disregard all the identity flashing, i WAS trying to get into college, after all.

i go on to talk a bit about the demographic layout of the nhl & the draw of european leagues, plus why i started learning russian (to read kirill's insta posts), but that's the rpf-related section. if i were to rewrite this essay today it would be a completely different look at the world of hockey and its current landscape, but i'm giving myself some grace for having committed the crime of being 18 and not very smart.

#also all the sens bashing is so funny they were & still are one of my fave teams afdjlsjlksjl #also no i did not get into harvard thank god. that wouldve been a nightmare dont go to ivy leagues #ask #anon #rpf talk #sort of !

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plethoraworldatlas · 2 months ago

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On August 27, African faith, farming, and environmental leaders came together to launch an unusual statement. Their open letter was addressed to “the Gates Foundation and other funders of industrial agriculture.” It charged these funders with promoting a type of corporate, industrial agriculture that does not respect African ecosystems or agricultural traditions.

The letter was organized by the Southern African Faith Communities’ Environment Institute (SAFCEI), and has over 150 signatories. Its release was timed to influence the Africa Food Systems Forum in Kigali, which starts today. Partners of this conference include the Rwandan government, AGRA, the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and other philanthropies, agribusiness companies, and aid organizations.

The open letter takes particular aim at two linked organizations. The Gates Foundation is primarily known for its public health investments, but has also made major inroads into agriculture. In Africa much of this work extends through the Nairobi-based AGRA (previously known as the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa). The Gates Foundation is a cofounder and the largest donor to AGRA. Other large donors include the UK and US governments.

Under a basket of policies dubbed the “green revolution,” AGRA, the Gates Foundation, and likeminded institutions have sought to substantially increase the use of synthetic fertilizers, pesticides, and commercial seeds in Africa. This has centered on developing new seeds and a network of sellers. The aim has been to dramatically increase agricultural output, in order to reduce hunger and elevate farmer incomes.

But by AGRA’s own admission, it failed in its goal to double crop yields and incomes for 30 million farmers by 2020. In fact, some critics argue, AGRA has made things worse.

According to an��external assessment by Timothy A. Wise of Tufts University, severe hunger in AGRA countries increased by 30% between AGRA’s founding and 2018. Crop yield increases have been modest, and where they exist, they haven’t always been enough to cover the higher cost of farming with commercial seeds and agricultural inputs. Dependence on fertilizer has increased the debt and financial precarity of the small farmers who make up the majority of farmers in Africa. In some cases the limited yield increases have also been temporary, as soil fertility has diminished due to monoculture farming and fertilizer use. For instance, Ethiopian farmers “will say that the soil is corrupted, meaning it cannot produce food” without synthetic fertilizer, reports Million Belay of the Alliance for Food Sovereignty in Africa (AFSA).

There have been knock-on effects, Belay says. For instance, Zambian farmers who have become indebted, due to synthetic fertilizer purchases, have had less money for food and their children’s education.

In other words, many farmers’ families are poorer and hungrier than before, while the land itself is less productive.

While AGRA hasn’t managed to double farmer income and yields, it has succeeded in shifting government policies for the worse, according to Belay. These include the dilution of regional biosafety regulations and fertilizer regulations, Belay says. In Kenya, farmers can now face prison time for saving or sharing seeds.

A new AFSA briefing note states that AGRA is seeking to place consultants within government offices and “directly crafting policies at the continental, national, and local levels.” This includes a new 10-year policy for agricultural investment in Zambia.

All, in all, it’s a highly commercialized, elite, and often rich-world vision of African agriculture. Tim Schwab writes in The Bill Gates Problem: Reckoning with the Myth of the Good Billionaire, “Rarely, however, do the targets of Gates’s goodwill, the global poor or smallholder farmers, have a seat at the table. In the case of the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa, or AGRA, the allies include a bevy of corporate partners: Syngenta, Bayer (Monsanto), Corteva Agriscience, John Deere, Nestlé, and even Microsoft.” AGRA has been criticized for aiding its agricultural partners to expand in Africa.

#enviromentalism #ecology #industrial agriculture #agribusiness #agriculture #gates foundation #Bill gates #africa

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the-garbanzo-annex-jr · 1 year ago

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Some of the leading academics pushing for mandatory ethnics studies courses are ardent anti-Zionists.

Christine Hong, chair of the Critical Race and Ethnic Studies department at UC Santa Cruz, co-chairs the UC Academic Senate working group developing the admissions proposal. She recently co-founded the Institute for the Critical Study of Zionism (ICSZ), which declares on its website that Zionism is a “colonial racial project” and that Israel is a “settler colonial state.”

“The information provided above makes it crystal clear that the UC faculty driving the ethnic studies admission requirement proposal view opposition to Zionism and activism to harm the Jewish state and its supporters as core components of their ethnic studies discipline,” this week’s letter to the UC board states. “They promote antisemitic stereotypes of Jews and the Jewish state and encouragement to antisemitic activism as ‘part and parcel’ of ethnic studies courses at the University of California and beyond.”

Last month, Hong argued during a podcast interview that ethnic studies should teach “the extraordinary violence of Zionism, the settler colonial violence, [and] the militarism that is inflicted on Palestine and Palestinian people.” She added that “a critique of Zionism is part and parcel of the field of [ethnic studies].”

In the same interview, ICSZ’s co-founder Emmaia Gelman said academics should “tie [Zionism] to this much larger Western supremacy and white supremacy” and “de-link the study of Zionism from Jewish studies.”

Hong is also organizing ICSZ’s first conference next month — part of which will take place at UC Santa Cruz — titled “Battling the ‘IHRA Definition’: Theory and Practice.”

The conference will focus on combating the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s (IHRA) definition of antisemitism, which has been widely accepted by Jewish groups and well over 1,000 global entities, from countries to companies. Beyond classic antisemitic behavior associated with the likes of the medieval period and Nazi Germany, the examples include denial of the Holocaust and newer forms of antisemitism targeting Israel such as demonizing the Jewish state, denying its right to exist, and holding it to standards not expected of any other democratic state.

Critics argue that applying double standards to Israel and opposing Israel’s continuation as the nation-state of the Jewish people may not necessarily be antisemitic, creating tighter standards around when anti-Israel speech and activity is antisemitic.

In this week’s letter, the nearly 100 organizations said the ethnic studies admissions requirement’s ideological roots make it “an outrage” and “both wrong and highly dangerous.”

#ethnic studies #antisemitism #academia

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justinspoliticalcorner · 5 months ago

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Judd Legum at Popular Information:

Black women make up about 8% of the population in the United States. But, according to a report by Project Diane, firms founded by Black women received 0.0006% of total funding from venture capitalists between 2009 and 2017. In recent years, the amount of venture capital funding awarded to firms founded by Black women has remained far less than 1%. Further, a study by Palladium Impact Capital found that "Black women entrepreneurs in the United States suffer the largest gap between their total capital demand and the amount of investment capital they receive when compared to other demographic groups." Nevertheless, some people believe that in the status quo, Black women are receiving too much venture capital. They argue that Black women are benefiting from illegal racial preferences. And they are suing to put an end to it. The focus of the litigation is the Fearless Fund, which runs the Strivers Grant Contest, a program that awards $20,000 to four small businesses that are majority-owned by Black women. A group called The American Alliance for Equal Rights (AAER) sued the Fearless Fund, arguing the grant contest constituted illegal racial discrimination.

AAER bills itself as "a nonprofit membership organization dedicated to challenging distinctions made on the basis of race and ethnicity in federal and state courts." In practice, it files lawsuits on behalf of aggrieved white people who believe they are being harmed by programs designed to benefit racial minorities that face widespread discrimination. Edward Blum, the president of AAER, told the New York Times in 2023 that "systemic racism" does not exist. Blum also rejected the idea that "racism" was part of the country at its founding. AAER's most famous legal victory was a successful lawsuit arguing that "race-conscious student admissions policies used by Harvard University and the University of North Carolina" were unlawful. In the Fearless Fund lawsuit, AAER argued that the Fearless Fund's grant "violates section 1981 of the 1866 Civil Rights Act, which prohibits discrimination on the basis of race when enforcing contracts." That law was originally "intended to protect formerly enslaved people from economic exclusion," but is now being turned on its head by AAER.

This week, a federal appeals court handed a victory to AAER. In a 2-1 decision, a panel found AAER was likely to succeed on the merits and issued an injunction suspending the Fearless Fund's grant program. The decision was written by two judges appointed by former President Trump. Blum celebrated the decision while waiving away concerns about the systemic exclusion of Black women from venture capital funding. "Our nation’s civil rights laws do not permit racial distinctions because some groups are overrepresented in various endeavors, while others are under-represented," Blum said.

The real meaning of civil rights law

Do civil rights laws really prohibit initiatives like the Fearless Fund's grants to businesses owned by Black women? Other courts have rejected challenges to similar programs. In November 2023, America First Legal (AFL) — an organization run by Trump advisor Stephen Miller — sued Progressive Insurance on behalf of a white business owner to stop a program that awarded $25,000 grants to black-owned small businesses. The money could be used toward the purchase of a commercial vehicle. The white business owner represented by AFL claimed he began filling out the application before realizing it was limited to Black-owned businesses.

The 3-judge panel on the 11th Circuit ruling against Fearless Fund is a victory for the right-wing White grievance industry and a loss for Black women.

See Also:

CNN: Federal appeals court blocks Fearless Fund from issuing grants to only Black women

#Fearless Fund #Racial Equity #Edward Blum #American Alliance For Equal Rights #Strivers Grant Contest #Civil Rights Act of 1866 #America First Legal #Stephen Miller #11th Circuit Court #American Alliance For Equal Rights v. Fearless Fund #White Privilege

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anotherhumaninthisworld · 2 years ago

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Who is Catherine Théot? .. can you explain her story please ? And what is her connection with robespierre? Because I don't understand her role during the period of robespierre's downfall.

And Thanks a lot.

Catherine Théot was born on March 5 1716, to a peasant family living in Barenton. In a letter written during the revolution, she said that she had been ”given to God from infancy,” and one of her disciples recalled that Théot had stated that, when she was only four years old, ”God had made known to her that he would make an alliance with her.” After having acquired a local reputation for piety, she was sent to Paris by her parish priest, where she was placed under the spiritual direction of Abbé Joseph Grisel. For many years Théot worked as a domestic servant in the Convent of the Miramionnes. At one point she returned to Normandy and sought admission to a convent near her home, but went back to Paris once God told her to, where she would then live out the rest of her austere religious life — taking communion every morning at five o’clock, spending part of each night carrying out penitences she imposed upon herself, and submitting herself to a harch regimen of penitence.

In 1779, Théot was arrested and imprisoned in the Bastille after having come to believe she was the only one who could understand the Scriptures and preaching about it against local priests. Being interrogated, she described herself as ”the virgin who would receive the little Jesus, who would come down from heaven to earth to bring peace to all the earth and to receive all nations.” After six weeks spent in the Bastille, she was moved to a mental hospital, where she remained until 1782.

Once released, Théot came to live on 20 rue des Rosiers together with the widow Godefroy (Marie Madelaine Amblard), a seamstress who sometimes served as her secretary. A circle began to form around the two that only grew over the following ten years. It was not a secret society in the sense that initiations rites and membership cards were needed, and its sessions consisted only of harmless activities – short sermons by Théot, singing, and readings from the Bible and the missal. In 1793, the wife of one of the people frequenting the circle nevertheless claimed that, within it, Théot was called ”the new Eve, who will redeem the human race,” and that she ”announced the general Happiness and a uniform Religion for all the universe.” The people that came to Théot’s sessions belonged to both the wealthy and poor classes, but most common were artisans, shopkeepers and servants. Women were also more common than men. The circle’s most famous member was the former National Assembly deputy Dom Gerle, who became Théot’s disciple sometime during 1792 and sometimes spoke directly to the group along with the widow Godefroy. Someone else who frequented the circle was none other than Marie-Louise Vaugeois, sister of Robespierre’s host Françoise Duplay, although this didn’t become known until after thermidor.

In 1793, the number of people seen going into Théot’s lodgings proved suspicious for the public prosecutor of the Paris Commune Anaxagoras Chaumette. On January 10,he therefore ordered Théot’s house to be searched, something which was carried out five days later. The file was transmitted to Chaumette on February 10, who, far from closing the case, sought to find out more. Théot and the widow Godefroy were taken in but released soon afterwards, and in June 1793 they moved to the third floor of an apartment on rue de la Contrescrape (today rue Blainville) where they could continue to hold meetings without interference. But less than a year later, May 12 1794, two gendarmes, Jaton and Pidoux, wrote to the Committee of General Security (CGS) to denounce Théot after having asked to be admitted to her circle’s sessions, but, not being known, instead been met with a certain mistrust. The CGS acted quickly, already on the same day it ordered a home visit be made to Théot, participants of her sessions interrogated, and those among them found suspect arrested. Théot was arrested on May 17 along the widow Godefroy, Dom Gerle and twelve others. In the weeks that followed several new arrests were issued against people believed to belong to her ”clique” as well.

A month later, on June 15, Marc-Guillaume Alexis Vadier, the president of the CGS, read a report regarding Théot to the Convention. In it, Théot’s circle was presented as ”a sect” that was in fact a conspiracy including ”royalists, usurers, fools, egoists, fops, counterrevolutionaries of both sexes” and to which mystics, mesmerists, émigrés, Pitt and Frederick William of Prussia belonged. Vadier wrapped up the report by demanding no clemency for ”scroundel priests” (refractory priests), and ordering Catherine Théot, the widow Godefroy, Dom Gerle and two others brought before the Revolutionary Tribunal. Like with Théot’s arrest, the report was again followed by a wave of new arrests of people believed to have been in associated with her.

However, sometime shortly after Vadier’s report, Robespierre ordered Fouquier-Tinville, the public prosecutor, to leave him the papers concerning the Théot affair and to suspend the investigation of the trial. In his Mémoire de Fouquier-Tinville pour sa défense (1795) Fouquier described the scene as following:

Robespierre told me at the Committee of Public Safety, in the name of said committee, that it was necessary to postpone the Catherine Théot affair. After having observed to him in vain that a decree imposed on me the duty to follow it up and not having been able to make myself heard, I withdrew and went to the General Security Committee where I reported on the facts and my embarrassment, indicating three times "he, he, he, in the name of the Committee of Public Safety, opposes it.” “You mean Robespierre?” replied a member, whom I believe to be Amar or Citizen Vadier.

The earliest, and perhaps most common interpretation of this affair is that it was a machination of the Committee of General Security in general and Vadier in particular. (for this interpretation, see Albert Mathiez’s L’affair Catherine Théot et le mysticisme chrétien révolutionnaire). They had as their aim to ridicule both Robespierre himself, who many of the committee members were becoming wary of, as well as his deism and Cult of the Supreme Being, which, it is commonly stated, they disliked due to being atheists. This last claim I’m however having a hard time finding any primary source for, but it can nevertheless be observed that Théot’s arrest was ordered just five days after Robespierre had held a speech announcing that ”the French people believe in the existence of the Supreme Being and the immortailty of the soul” and Vadier read his report against Théot just a week after the Festival of the Supreme Being.

Evidence to support this interpretation is first and foremost Vadier’s report. Although he never mentioned Robespierre’s name, or any connection he might have to Théot’s clique in it, he nevertheless managed to cast ridicule on Robespierre’s religious ideas through an exaggerated language, provoking many laughs from the stands.

Another piece that supports this interpretation is Robespierre’s speech on 8 thermidor, where he says the following:

The first attempt the malevolent people made was to seek to debase the great principles that you had proclaimed and to erase the touching memory of the national holiday (the festival of the Supreme Being). Such was the aim of the character and the solemnity which was given to what was called the Catherine Théot affair. Malevolence has taken advantage of the political conspiracy hidden under the name of a few imbecile devotees, and nothing was presented to public attention but a mystical farce and an inexhaustible subject of indecent or childish sarcasm.

On 9 thermidor, Vadier also claimed that a letter (that may or may not actually have existed) proclaiming Robespierre to be the high priest of the new cult had been found under Théot’s matress in order to denounce him, and finally, according to the memoirs of Philarete Chasles, Vadier confirmed in his old age that ridiculing Robespierre had indeed been his intention all along:

[Vadier] continued his story. He told us for the hundredth time how the fools went back to saying mass; how Robespierre himself — the incorruptible! — (and he made this word vibrate with an inimitable southern irony) was going to turn into cagotism; — how the incorruptible aimed at becoming high priest. ”So it was by a terrible chance that it was learned that la petite maman Théot was gathering her little congregation in a Venetian attic; — and that set me to work!… and that made them jump… and…” ”We know it well,” said the honest little Robert Lindet who was growing bored from this. ”You have told us the story one hundred times!” ”Ah! Ah!” continued the voltarian revolutionary, straightening up despite his gout, ”when I gave them my report… you see… fanaticism, he was shot down… He had a long time to get up… and Robespierre! wiped out! finished!… I damaged him!” And he threw himself into his armchair with an unspeakable joy.

In his account of the affair, Mathiez goes further than what the above pieces tell us, and adds that the CGS had sought Théot out before being informed about her on May 12, no doubt learning about her through the papers gathered when her house had first been searched in early 1793. Mathiez writes that the CGS had been infiltrating the Théot sessions before arresting her, citing the imprisoned Dom Gerle who said that, since a month back, two men that he found suspicious had come to attend Théot’s sessions — men that Mathiez identify as the CGS agents Senar and Heron. Speaking of Gerle, Mathiez also writes that, when his apartment was searched after his arrest, the gendarmes found a note written by Robespierre, certifying Dom Gerle to be a good patriot. But if that is so, they never appeared to have gotten the chance to use it as a weapon against Robespierre.

As for Robespierre’s motivation for acting as he did, Mathiez means he intervened to put a stop to the affair both because it would prove humiliating for him, and because he wished to save people he conceived to just be a harmless group of religious zealots without political importance. Mathiez also argues that Robespierre tried (and failed) to remove Fouquier-Tinville as public prosecutor right after the Théot affair, judging him to be too close with the CGS (Fouquier Tinville et Robespierre (1917)).

In his Points de vue sur l’affaire Catherine Théot (1969), Michel Eude has however concluded that, although it’s clear Vadier & co seized the opportunity to humiliate Robespierre with the affair, it’s also possible they actually saw a real threat in it. This considering the fact similar cases regarding ”fanatical gatherings” had attracted the CGS’s attention already before Théot’s arrest, and would continue to do so after it as well (without there being any indication they saw these plots as being connected to the Théot affair). Since any confabulation, at that time, was considered suspect by definition, Eude argues there is nothing to suggest that the concern of the CGS was feigned in the Théot case. Humiliating Robespierre was just a bonus.

Eude observes that though Vadier’s report invoked laughter in the Convention (as he most likely meant for it to do) it was the cause of just as many applauds, suggesting the affair was taken seriously by the members of the Convention. And Vadier made sure to underline that the gatherings at Théot’s place was ”only a primary school of fanaticism, the real instigators are much higher up.” Something he might not have done if the goal was simply to slander Robespierre.

Eude likewise challanges Mathiez’s idea that Robespierre tried getting rid of Fouquier-Tinville (Robespierre a-t-il voulu faire destituer Fouquier-Tinville ? (1965)) as well as the idea that the reason he imposed a reprieve was because he realized Théot & co were harmless and the affair would prove embarrassing for him. It was instead because he wanted to take it out of the hands of the CGS and let investigation be run by the CPS’s Police Bureau, which was under the thumb of Couthon, Saint-Just and Robespierre personally. Robespierre was already suspicious of many of the CGS members, and felt the investigation conducted by them hadn’t implicated all people actually involved in the conspiracy. This is proven through a letter dated June 26 from Dumas (president of the Revolutionary Tribunal, ally of Robespierre) to Lejeune (president of the police bureau, him too an ally of Robespierre) — ”If citizen Lejeune received from the Committee (of Public Safety) documents relating to the conspiracy under the cloak of fanaticism, especially those which concern declarations and interrogations of arrested peddlers, it is the intention of Robespierre that these documents be given to us during the day.” The next day, Dumas sent Robespierre documents regarding twenty people, half of which concerned the Catherine Théot affair, and the other half the affair of one Pierre-Guillaume Ducy, who had been arrested a month after Théot. Like her, Ducy had come under suspicion for ”fanatical gatherings,” but while the CGS who had arrested him didn’t seem to have believed there was a connection between him and Théot, the letter shows us Robespierre did, and that further research would lead to the head of the joint conspiracy. When Robespierre spoke about the Théot affair the very same day at the Jacobins, he too appeared to treat Vadier’s report seriously, saying that ”a faithful representative made a report whose purpose was to enlighten the people on a new plot. It was about unveiling a deep conspiracy, hidden under a veneer of fanaticism and mysticism,” and only regretting ”the culpable activity taken to diminish the importance of Vadier's report by making it disappear under a cloud of brochures in the style of Father Duchêne, and which are nothing but an indecent parody of this same report.”Finally, on July 1, Lejeune sent Dumas, on behalf of Robespierre, documents relating to Catherine Théot and six of her followers, and, on the 15th, he passed on to him the report of the interrogation that the revolutionary committee of the Social Contract section had subjected a woman "accused of complicity with the Théot woman, known as the Mother of God."

Robespierre, Lejeune and Dumas were all executed before the affair really went anywhere, but it’s possible that, had they remained in charge of it, even more people would have appeared before the Revolutionary Tribunal than Vadier had originally intended (as already stated, Vadier ended his report by ordering the transfer of only five people to the Revolutionary Tribunal). However, thermidor ended up putting a stop to the whole story, and by the spring of 1795, all those arrested as Théot’s disciples had been released from their captivity. The only one who didn’t get out with her life intact was Théot herself, who died in prison on September 1 1794, just a month after Robespierre’s execution.

I don’t know just how essential this affair really is for Robespierre’s downfall, but the fact that Robespierre’s influence was big enough for him to single-handedly (if we’re to believe Fouquier-Tinville’s account) take away an affair from the CGS surely must have concerned the deputies already worried that he was aiming at dictatorship. Robespierre in his turn can’t have improved his opinion on the CGS as a whole from the affair. It can probably also be concluded that, had not the Théot case existed, the resentment of Robespierre’s enemies would have just found other opportunities to manifest itself.

Sources:

Popular Piety in the French Revolution: Catherine Théot (1974) by Clarke Garrett

L’affair Catherine Théot et le mysticisme chrétien révolutionnaire in Contributions à l’histoire religieuse de la Révolution française (1907) by Albert Mathiez

Robespierre et le procès de Catherine Théot (1929) by Albert Mathiez

Fouquier Tinville et Robespierre (1917) by Albert Mathiez

Robespierre a-t-il voulu faire destituer Fouquier-Tinville ?(1965) by Michel Eude

Points de vue sur l’affaire Catherine Théot (1969) by Michel Eude

Rapport de Vadier, au nom des comités de salut public et de sûreté générale, sur la découverte d’une nouvelle conspiration (June 15 1794)

#ask #french revolution #maximilen robespierre #catherine théot #alexis vadier #fouquier tinville #long post

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brostateexam · 2 years ago

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Approving an abortion drug is always going to come with a high level of scrutiny and pushback. Dr. Michael Greene knew this well back in 2000 when he was leading the Food and Drug Administration committee that first approved the abortion drug mifepristone for sale in the U.S.

To Greene, now a professor emeritus of obstetrics and gynecology at Harvard University, that meant his team and the agency as a whole would need to be extremely cautious about ensuring mifepristone’s safety. “Four-plus conservative,” he calls it; an approach that led to an approval process that took more than three times as long as other drugs approved that year. It also resulted in a series of stringent, post-approval regulations that tightly controlled who could prescribe the drug, where patients could take it, what tests doctors needed to perform and even where the drug could be kept. “It had to be stored quite literally under lock and key,” Greene said.

But to abortion opponents who didn’t want to see mifepristone approved at all, those extra regulations seem less like an abundance of caution, and more like an admission that the drug was extremely dangerous. “They needed to use that authority because the FDA at the time recognized the dangers with chemical abortion drugs,” said Erik Baptist, senior counsel for Alliance Defending Freedom, a conservative legal advocacy group that is representing a group of organizations challenging the FDA’s approval of the drug. By “shoehorning in” post-approval regulations, he said, the FDA was “recognizing the dangers [mifepristone] poses to women and girls who take it.”

Baptist’s clients are charging the FDA with ignoring sound scientific practice and its own guidelines to approve a drug that endangers women. They’re asking for mifepristone, which is currently approved for use during the first 10 weeks of pregnancy, to be taken off the market immediately. The lawsuit hinges on technical details — t’s crossed and i’s dotted more than two decades ago. But a closer inspection of the FDA’s approval process and its continued monitoring of mifepristone reveal flaws in the lawsuit’s argument. Legal experts told us that, under a different judge, this case would likely be thrown out as frivolous. But differences in philosophy — specifically about the value and availability of abortion — change that. There’s a good chance Baptist’s clients could get what they want. And if they do, the most commonly used form of abortion would no longer be available in the U.S., transforming the landscape of abortion access in ways that could be even more far-reaching than the Supreme Court’s decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization last summer.

#long reads #*roe v wade

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allschoolscollege · 4 months ago

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religion-is-a-mental-illness · 9 months ago

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https://www.reuters.com/legal/government/law-schools-must-adopt-free-speech-policies-after-aba-passes-rule-2024-02-05/

Law schools must adopt free speech policies, after ABA passes rule

By: Karen Sloan

Published: Feb 5, 2024

Law schools must now adopt free speech policies in order to maintain their accreditation from the American Bar Association, following a key vote by the organization on Monday.

The ABA’s House of Delegates approved a new requirement that law schools develop and publish policies that “encourage and support the free expression of ideas.” Those policies must protect the rights of faculty, staff and students to communicate controversial or unpopular ideas and safeguard robust debate, demonstrations or protests.

They must also forbid disruptive activities that hinder free expression or substantially interfere with law school functions or activities.

The ABA’s law school accreditation rules have long protected the academic freedom of faculty, but this is first time they address free speech for the entire law school community.

The change comes after several high-profile incidents at elite law schools where student disrupted speakers and amid campus tensions over conflict over Israel’s war with Hamas.

Stanford University officials apologized to 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals Judge Stuart Kyle Duncan after students disrupted his remarks to the campus Federalist Society chapter in March. The law school also mandated free speech training for students.

Yale Law School said it bolstered its commitment to free speech after a group of students in March 2022 disrupted a campus discussion with Kristen Waggoner, president of conservative religious rights group Alliance Defending Freedom. That incident prompted two federal judges to later say they would not hire clerks from Yale.

The ABA’s Council of the Section of Legal Education and Admissions to the Bar adopted the new free speech rule in November after receiving a wealth of public comments largely in support of the change. But the new requirement was not final until the House of Delegates, which is the ABA’s policymaking body, approved it.

ABA weighs new free speech rule for law schools

Law school free speech proposal moves forward after ABA vote

#Karen Sloan #American Bar Association #Yale Law School #Stanford University #law school #freedom of speech #free speech #academic freedom #freedom of expression

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dnaamericaapp · 1 year ago

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Federal Court Halts Private Grant Program For Black Female Entrepreneurs

A panel of federal appellate judges on Saturday temporarily blocked an Atlanta-based venture fund from awarding $20,000 grants to Black female entrepreneurs, writing that the program was “racially exclusionary” and “substantially likely” to violate a federal law prohibiting racial discrimination in contracting.

The temporary injunction issued by a panel on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit prevents the private Fearless Fund from closing its application window. The fund was sued this summer by a conservative group alleging that its program discriminated on the basis of race by exclusively handing out grants to Black female business owners.

Saturday’s decision reverses a Tuesday ruling by U.S. District Judge Thomas W. Thrash, who denied a request by the plaintiff, the American Alliance for Equal Rights, to halt the grant awards process.

The alliance, led by conservative activist Edward Blum, filed its lawsuit in August, a month after the U.S. Supreme Court effectively banned race-conscious college admissions through rulings on cases that Blum initiated against Harvard and the University of North Carolina.

“The members of the American Alliance for Equal Rights are gratified that the 11th Circuit has recognized the likelihood that the Fearless Strivers Grant Contest is illegal,” Blum said in a statement Saturday. “We look forward to the final resolution of this lawsuit.”

A separate 11th Circuit panel will now decide whether the Fearless Fund will be blocked from awarding money under its Fearless Strivers Grant Contest while the case is litigated in district court. Saturday’s order merely halts the grant process until that separate panel issues a ruling. It’s unclear when that determination will be made. -(source: the washington post)

DNA America

“It’s what we know, not what you want us to believe.”

#dna #dnaamerica #news #politics

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mbamanagementquota · 11 months ago

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Direct admission in ALLIANCE University-Call @ 9354992359-Management quota in ALLIANCE University

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mbaquota · 11 months ago

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ALLIANCE University management quota-Call @ 9354992359-ALLIANCE University Direct admission

Crisis Leadership: Lessons from MBA Programs in Times of Uncertainty