#Affirmative action for reducing inequality

[polliantics]

Ronald Reagan's presidency (1981-1989) - Was he a good or bad president?

Legacy:

Reagan remains a hero among conservatives for his economic policies and anti-communism but is criticized by progressives for increasing inequality and social program cuts. His presidency reshaped American politics, and debates about his impact continue today.

Why He Was a Bad President:

Massive Deficit & Debt – His tax cuts and increased military spending led to huge budget deficits, nearly tripling the national debt.

Trickle-Down Economics Issues – While the economy grew, income inequality widened, and critics argue his policies disproportionately benefited the wealthy.

Cuts to Social Programs – His budget reductions in social welfare programs hurt lower-income Americans, particularly in healthcare and education.

Iran-Contra Scandal – His administration secretly sold weapons to Iran and illegally funded Nicaraguan rebels (Contras), leading to a major political scandal.

AIDS Crisis Response – Reagan was criticized for his slow response to the AIDS epidemic, which disproportionately affected the LGBTQ+ community.

War on Drugs & Mass Incarceration

Reagan escalated the War on Drugs, signing the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986, which imposed harsh mandatory minimum sentences for drug offenses.

The law disproportionately targeted Black and Latino communities, especially with the 100:1 sentencing disparity between crack and powder cocaine. This contributed to mass incarceration and long-term social harm.

Union-Busting & Labor Rights

Reagan fired over 11,000 striking air traffic controllers (PATCO) in 1981 and banned them from federal employment. This was a major blow to organized labor and emboldened anti-union policies nationwide.

His administration favored corporations over workers, weakening unions and contributing to stagnant wages.

Ignoring the AIDS Epidemic

The Reagan administration largely ignored the HIV/AIDS crisis for years. Press secretary Larry Speakes even joked about it in early briefings.

Reagan didn’t publicly acknowledge AIDS until 1985—after thousands had died—and didn't take meaningful action until the late 1980s.

Hostility to Civil Rights & Welfare Cuts

He opposed affirmative action and tried to weaken the Voting Rights Act.

His administration slashed funding for social programs like food stamps, mental health services, and public housing, worsening poverty for marginalized communities.

Reagan also tried to gut the Civil Rights Commission and slow down school desegregation efforts.

Support for Authoritarian Regimes & Death Squads

Reagan backed brutal right-wing dictators in Latin America, including:

El Salvador – Supported the military despite its ties to death squads that massacred civilians.

Guatemala – Backed dictator Efraín Ríos Montt, who carried out genocide against Indigenous Mayans.

Nicaragua – Funded the Contras, a rebel group known for human rights abuses, leading to the Iran-Contra scandal.

South Africa – Opposed sanctions against apartheid and vetoed a bill that would have pressured the racist regime.

Deregulation & Weakening Consumer Protections

His deregulation of banking and savings & loans institutions contributed to the Savings and Loan Crisis, which led to a massive government bailout.

Environmental policies were weakened, reducing protections for clean air, clean water, and endangered species.

Workplace safety regulations were rolled back, making conditions worse for workers.

Anti-LGBTQ+ Policies

Beyond his failure on AIDS, Reagan was generally hostile to LGBTQ+ rights.

He opposed gay rights measures and backed laws that banned LGBTQ+ people from adopting children.

His Supreme Court appointees helped uphold Bowers v. Hardwick (1986), which kept anti-sodomy laws in place until they were overturned in 2003.

Myth of the “Welfare Queen” & Racial Dog Whistles

Reagan popularized the racist stereotype of the “welfare queen” to justify cutting social programs, even though the narrative was based on exaggerations and misinformation.

His rhetoric on “states’ rights” and opposition to civil rights protections played into the Southern Strategy, appealing to white voters who opposed racial progress.

Why He Was a Good President:

Economic Growth (Reaganomics) – His tax cuts, deregulation, and free-market policies contributed to strong economic growth in the 1980s, reducing inflation and unemployment after the stagflation of the 1970s.

Cold War Victory – His aggressive stance against the Soviet Union, including military buildup and the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), is credited with pressuring the USSR toward collapse.

Patriotism & Optimism – Reagan restored a sense of national pride and confidence after the Vietnam War and Watergate. His speeches and demeanor made many Americans feel hopeful about the country’s future.

Tax Reform – The 1986 Tax Reform Act simplified the tax code, eliminated loopholes, and reduced tax rates, particularly on corporations and individuals.

Social Security Reform – He worked with Democrats to extend the solvency of Social Security through bipartisan compromise.

[the-garbanzo-annex-jr]

by

TAMMI ROSSMAN-BENJAMIN

While civil rights law continues to play an important role in how DEI programs operate, they have since evolved and expanded, especially in the last decade. With the establishment and rapid growth of the Black Lives Matter movement and the popularization of critical race theory, there has been an explosion of interest among colleges and universities in establishing or expanding DEI programs not just to reduce social inequality, but to fight the systemic injustice that leads to it. Although the same identity groups remain the focus of DEI efforts, those efforts now view them through the lens not of social inequality but of systemic oppression.

How do Jewish students fit into this picture? Until 2004 they were not afforded Title VI protections from discrimination, because they were regarded solely as members of a religious group — not a protected category under Title VI. As a result, campus affirmative-action or equal-opportunity programs had no reason to include Jewish students in their efforts. But even after 2004, when Jewish students were deemed eligible for Title VI protection as members of a national origin group, neither they nor antisemitism was integrated into most DEI initiatives, despite an increasingly hostile campus environment.

The blindness of DEI programs to Jewish students and antisemitism is likely the result of two factors.

First, although Jews were once a historically marginalized and underrepresented group in American higher education, that is certainly no longer the case. Consequently, despite having endured thousands of years of oppression, including one of history’s largest genocides, and even now suffering more hate crimes in America than any historically marginalized and underrepresented group except African Americans, Jews are not viewed as oppressed at all within a DEI framework. On the contrary, they are generally seen as white, privileged oppressors who do not merit the attention of DEI programs.

Second, even if Jewish students manage to secure a seat at the DEI table, a thornier problem awaits. Although a growing number of DEI officials are willing to respond to and educate the campus community about acts of classical antisemitism, such as swastikas painted on a Jewish fraternity house or neo-Nazi fliers distributed on campus, many of those same officials are unwilling to acknowledge and address anti-Zionist-motivated harassment. Yet this is by far the predominant form of antisemitism facing Jewish students today.

The disparate treatment of these two types of antisemitism is very much related to the ideological leanings of most DEI programs. Because instances of classical antisemitism are often perpetrated by individuals associated with white-supremacist groups, who are also perpetrators of racist attacks on many historically marginalized groups, calling out and educating about this type of antisemitism actually kills two birds with one stone.

On the other hand, many instances of anti-Zionist harassment on campus are perpetrated by members of identity groups served by DEI programs. In addition, many DEI staff themselves harbor virulently anti-Israel sentiments, as demonstrated in a 2021 report examining the social-media postings of DEI staff at major universities. Drawing heavily on ideologies undergirding most DEI programs, these postings portrayed Israel as a racist, settler-colonial state, linked the plight of Palestinians to the struggles of oppressed minorities in America, and implied that it was the duty of antiracist activists to support the liberation of Palestine “from the river to the sea,” a rallying cry for the elimination of the Jewish state.

Against this backdrop, it’s not hard to see why so many DEI programs are loath to acknowledge the antisemitic nature of anti-Zionist behavior that so often leads to the harassment of Jewish students. But that hasn’t stopped Jewish advocates from trying.

[allthebrazilianpolitics]

Brazil’s Enduring Racial Gap

New economic analysis reveals that despite some progress, Brazil must do more to address racial inequality.

Despite substantive efforts in recent years, racial gaps in Brazil remain significant. Last year, we published a book documenting the evolution of racial inequality in the country, touching on income, education, health, violence and political representation. Overall, things do not look great. Although there has been some progress in addressing racial disparities over the past few decades, it has reached only a small proportion of Black Brazilians. New public policies are needed to promote a more equal nation. 

Brazil was long regarded as a “racial democracy”, and it took generations of scholars and decades of organized Black movements to debunk this myth. There has also been growth in racial consciousness in Brazil even in the past five years, with more people now identifying as Black. Today, most Brazilians recognize that racism prevents many from achieving their full potential, but to what extent has this recognition translated into improved well-being for Black Brazilians?

Long-term trends in racial inequality in earnings show a decline over the past forty years, but the gap has increased recently. In the 1980s and 1990s, Black workers received 44-48% less than White workers. In the late 1990s, the racial earnings gap started to narrow and was reduced to 32% by 2011. But since then, the wage gap has remained between 32 and 35%.

This reduction in earnings inequality was small and restricted to a short period around the 2000s. It was likely the result of other factors that contributed to an overall decrease in inequality—such as higher minimum wages and a reduction in wage differences between workers with high and low levels of education—rather than advances in racial equality itself.

Wage differences have remained pervasive, even when comparing workers with similar jobs and levels of education and experience. Considering these factors, Black workers received around 13% less than White workers in the 1980s. This gap has remained stable through 2020.

From this point of view, no progress was made at all. Despite overcoming a dictatorship, controlling hyperinflation, implementing conditional cash transfers, and introducing race-based affirmative action in universities, Brazil was unable to reduce discrimination in the labor market over the last forty years.

Still, there is a somewhat positive message. Most—but not all—racial differences are due to factors other than discrimination in the labor market. They include different types of employment, variations between different regions of Brazil, and, most importantly, different levels of educational attainment between Black and White Brazilians. This suggests a promising avenue for reducing labor inequality: promoting equality in education.

Continue reading.

[criticmodeon]

A Marxist Reading of Chief daddy: Wealth, Labor, and Elite Privilege

Chief daddy paints a vivid picture of Nigeria’s nouveau riche elite, and Marxist theory helps us dig into how the film represents class, labor, and inheritance.  By focusing on the dynamics within Chief Bolarinwa Johnson’s eccentric household and the scramble for his fortune, the film spotlights class tension, but it also flattens labor and risk, sometimes glorifying privilege. Through a Marxist lens, we can ask does the narrative challenge class structures and commodification, or does it simply display wealth as entertainment while ignoring underlying inequality Ultimately, chief daddy does a bit of both it playfully critiques elite excess but stops short of systemic critique, often affirming the privileged world it depicts.

The film opens with opulent displays luxury cars, sprawling mansions, designer clothes all of which signal wealth as spectacle.  Chief Johnson’s estate turns inherited privilege into a brand even his yacht is named after his family, and his parties are social commodities. These material artifacts become symbols of belonging they broadcast success and status, satisfying an audience that equates consumption with worth. Yet, this portrayal also commodifies human relationships wealth is the measure of personal value, eclipsing emotional connection and reducing heirs into financial assets.

While the elite’s play and inheritance take center stage, labor especially working class labor is almost invisible in the text. There are fleeting scenes of domestic workers, cooks, and drivers bustling in the background, but the film sidelines their stories and instrumentalizes them as support for the elite narrative. Without exploring their struggles or aspirations, chief daddy erases labor, reducing working class characters to stage setters for the wealthy elite.

At its core, chief daddy is about inheritance, which Marxists view as a mechanism to perpetuate class privilege. The film stages the reading of the will as a dramatic tribunal suddenly, actors descend on the estate, driven by greed more than grief. Through this inheritance struggle, we see capitalism’s logic in action: wealth is property, and property defines power. The heirs’ entitlement and bitter rivalries dramatize how inheritance upholds class boundaries, with no token subplot depicting mobility through merit or work.

Beyond wealth, the film commodifies relationships, signaling that every alliance, marriage of convenience, and friendly gesture carries transactional undertones. Chief Daddy even jokes about “insurance marriages” and elements of his legacy being tied to emotional investment or lack of it. Marxist critique would argue this commodification extends capitalism’s reach into social life nothing is exempt from exchange value, not affection, not blood. The love affairs and friendship betrayals read more like business deals than genuine connection.

The film rails against elite arrogance in dialogue lines referencing isolation and emotional emptiness but it never fully destabilizes privilege. Characters like Chef Lola and Didy Auntie deliver sharp gossip and savvy one liners that mock wealth, but the laughter is superficial it's ritzy dark comedy, not a revolutionary critique. In the end, privilege remains largely unchallenged the will is settled, wealth is passed, and some heirs walk away richer. The resolution suggests continuity, not transformation.

One might expect a Marxist reading to find traces of class mobility, but chief daddy offers only fleeting hope for characters who begin as staff. Chief’s butler, for instance, receives a legacy and considers a business but the film doesn’t explore the practicalities or barriers he might face. Left unanswered is whether this newfound capital translates to upward mobility or just token elevation highlighting that money alone doesn’t dissolve class structures.

Economic inequality is acknowledged thrust into relief against extreme wealth but it lacks structural depth in the storyline. The crowd shot of street hawkers outside the mansion is suggestive, but fleeting. We glimpse their world for a moment before returning to the cushioned halls of Chief Daddy.  Marxist theory demands examination of systemic exploitation who profits from wage gaps, who labor under invisible conditions chief daddy flirts with these questions but ultimately folds back into its elite comfort zone.

Marxist theory names elite ideology as a force that reproduces class relations through culture but chief daddy fails to interrogate this ideology. Characters view wealth as ultimate validation, and even the self-aware ones like Olafemi, the writer nephew pull punches rather than challenge the system. Rather than foregrounding false consciousness, the film normalizes capitalist assumptions the rich are people too, inheritance is natural, class boundaries are fixed. This normalizing function validates elite hegemony instead of problematizing it.

Still, glimpses of rebellion emerge the blackmail plot, the stolen video that threatens exposure, Auntie Double’s threats of revealing secrets. These plotlines crack the veneer of elite unity, hinting at rebellion within the elite class itself.  But those cracks fail to extend to structural critique. There's no sympathy for working class grievances, no conversation about land ownership or labor rights just in fighting and drama within the elite orbit.

Even Chief Johnson’s death becomes commodified a media event, a brand opportunity.  The funeral is filmed, socially branded, and woven into the inheritance narrative. Characters measure celebrity as if it's a property stream. Marxists would flag this as the ultimate commodification even grief becomes capital, an emotional asset. Mourning is packaged, dramatized, and publicly consumed, reinforcing class distinctions even in death.

Visually, the film revels in aesthetic luxury with bright décor, lavish parties, and designer mania.  These aesthetic choices aren’t neutral they function ideologically, making wealth appear tasteful, aspirational. This aligns with Marx’s idea that culture hides exploitation behind beauty decadence masks the labor and power imbalance beneath the surface.

The film’s tone vacillates between satire and admiration. Dialogue pokes fun at wealthy arrogance and emotional emptiness, but camera angles and music linger lovingly on the mansion and expensive outfits, staking claim to glamour. Marxist criticism would note this contradiction satire loses its edge when the aesthetic form indulges in the very world it's poking fun at. Chief daddy can't entirely shake the allure of elite life even as it lampoons it.

If we were to map a more radical version of chief daddy, the focus would shift to working-class characters gaining collective voice the cooks demanding fair wages, the chauffeur unionizing, the gardener buying land.  But none of that happens instead, labor remains atomized and silent. This omission signals a missed opportunity: Marxist storytelling asks for solidarity, class consciousness, and social transformation but the film refracts wealth back at itself.

Chief daddy is fun, colorful, and socially aware but from a Marxist lens, it lacks teeth. It exposes the vacuity of elite life yet keeps the spectacle alive, invites critique of privilege but stops short of structural challenge. It reflects the contradictions of neoliberal culture: playfully resisting power, all while reinforcing it through glamour and style.

Through Marxist critique, chief daddy becomes a complex text playful, visually lavish, and socially cheeky, but ultimately self sustaining in its elite frame. The film puts class structures on display inheritance battles, commodified relationships, the invisibility of labor but it rarely confronts them head-on.  In the end, chief daddy flirts with critique but stays comfortably within capitalist narrative norms, offering entertainment rather than revolution.

[englishindubellay]

ecg 1

CORRIGé DEVOIR SUR TABLE MAI 2025

RAC Affirmative action turned out to be a huge achievement for American egalitarianism. However it has been criticised by many and some events led the US Supreme Court to overturn it. The two articles both tackle the issue of affirmative action and the reasons that led to its overturning.

First and foremost, one the main reasons that encouraged the overturning of affirmative action is that it was accused of creating more discrimination against communities and especially the Asian community (doc 1). Asian and white students thought affirmative action was unfair and that it was reducing their chances of being admitted in elite colleges and that it was raising the chances of less deserving students. That discrimination was particularly important at Harvard which was sued for that reason. The legal case opposing Harvard to Asian students marked a watershed and directly led to the Supreme Court’s ruling of overturning affirmative action (doc 2).

Furthermore, affirmative action seemed to be unnecessary. In document 1, we can read that the banning of affirmative action did not cause any significant changes in the share of Black students being admitted. In addition, affirmative action focuses on the race factor but there are other factors of inequality such as legacy and wealth (doc. 2) and according to Richard Sander, a law professor, an admission based on these factors makes the share of Black students grow (doc. 1), which questions the need for affirmative action.

To conclude, affirmative action was blamed for being unfair and unnecessary, thus creating more discrimination, and these reasons led to its overturning following the « students for Fair Admissions vs Harvard » case.

Thème ELVi

En défense, les université mises en cause affirment que la race « dit quelque chose de ce que l’on est ».

C’est une proposition raciste, répond la majorité de la Cour, qui refuse de distinguer ces deux propositions : nous sommes effectivement constitués par nos expériences, mais tout dépend de ce que nous en faisons.

C’est ainsi que les deux juges noirs s’opposent frontalement.

La juge Ketanji Brown Jackson rappelle que « des gouffres séparent racialement les citoyens de ce pays, pour la santé, la richesse ou le bien-être».

Abolir la discrimination positive n’est donc pas « racialement neutre ».

Les « héritiers » bénéficient pourtant de passe-droits : le recrutement favorise les candidats que leurs parents ont précédés dans l’élite universitaire.

Ce privilège familiale n’est jamais remis en cause.

A Harvard, 67,8 % de ces héritiers sont blancs.

Ils constituent 5 % des candidatures, mais 30 % des admis.

In their defense, the universities in question claim that race “says something about who we are.”

The majority of the Court responds that this is a racist proposition, refusing to distinguish between two statements: we are indeed shaped by our experiences, but what matters is what we make of them.

This is where the two Black justices sharply diverge.

Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson reminds us that “deep racial disparities exist among the citizens of this country — in health, wealth, and well-being.”

Therefore, abolishing affirmative action is not “racially neutral.”

Yet, “legacy” applicants still benefit from special privileges: admissions favor candidates whose parents previously attended elite universities.

This form of family privilege is never questioned.

At Harvard, 67.8% of these legacy students are white.

They make up 5% of applicants, but account for 30% of those admitted.

Essay ELVi

In your opinion, is equality of opportunity in the US achievable in the foreseeable future ?

Is Equality of Opportunity in the U.S. Achievable in the Foreseeable Future?

Equality of opportunity—the idea that every individual should have a fair chance to succeed regardless of their background—is a foundational ideal in the United States. While the nation has made significant strides over the past century, including the civil rights movement, women’s suffrage, and expanding access to education, the reality is that equality of opportunity remains elusive. In the foreseeable future, achieving true equality of opportunity is possible in certain areas, but unlikely as a whole without major systemic changes.

One major barrier is the persistent inequality in education. Public schools are often funded by local property taxes, which means wealthier neighborhoods typically have better-funded schools. Students from low-income communities frequently face overcrowded classrooms, outdated materials, and fewer extracurricular opportunities. These disparities hinder equal access to quality education, a fundamental building block of opportunity.

Additionally, racial and economic inequalities continue to shape outcomes. Structural racism, generational poverty, and implicit bias in hiring and law enforcement all contribute to unequal starting points. For example, Black and Latino families often face higher rates of poverty and lower access to healthcare, quality housing, and career advancement. While laws prohibit discrimination, enforcement is inconsistent, and underlying social attitudes remain a challenge.

That said, there are reasons for cautious optimism. Expanding broadband access, increasing awareness about systemic bias, and growing movements for criminal justice and education reform signal a desire for change. Policies like universal pre-K, student loan forgiveness, and affordable healthcare could significantly reduce opportunity gaps if widely implemented.

In conclusion, while some progress is likely in specific domains, achieving full equality of opportunity in the U.S. in the near future is improbable without substantial reform. The goal is not unreachable, but it will require committed leadership, bipartisan cooperation, and societal willingness to confront uncomfortable truths about inequality. Only through sustained and collective effort can the U.S. move closer to the ideal of genuine equal opportunity for all.

Version ECRICOME

San Francisco’s New Disruption

Time Magazine (adpated),

Nouveau coup dur pour San Francisco

Outside a Tony Osteria in the Mission District, the oldest part of San Francisco, a 29-year-old muralist with the word hopeless tattooed across his knuckles holds a sign that reads « miserable, hungry, homeless and completely without any shred of hope. »

Devant un restaurant italien dans le quartier de la Mission, le plus vieux quartier de San Francisco, un muraliste de 29 ans dont les phalanges sont tatouées du mot « désespoir » brandit une pancarte sur laquelle on peut lire « malheureux, affamé, SDF, sans une once d’espoir. »

Ronin Tomoshima has been living on the streets for six months and standing on this spot for two hours, panhandling outside a restaurant.

Voici six mois que Ronin Tomoshima vit dans la rue et deux heures qu’il se trouve à cet endroit à faire la manche devant un restaurant.

"A bunch of rich people moved into my neighborhood," he says. "I'm not going to let them run me out because they have more money than me."

« Un tas de riches sont venus s’installer dans mon quartier, » explique-t-il, « et je ne compte pas les laisser me chasser d’ici sous prétexte qu’ils ont plus de thunes que moi. »

Class tensions have settled over life in San Francisco like a dreary fog.

Des tensions entre classes sociales se sont immiscées dans la vie de San Francisco comme un brouillard funeste.

Teachers, cooks and musicians are packing their bags as high-rises with two-bedroom apartments renting for $6,000 per month open their doors.

Enseignants, cuisiniers et musiciens font leurs valises à mesure que de hauts immeubles d’appartements de trois pièces qui se louent 6000 dollars par mois sont inaugurés.

Residents who have only a high school education are filing out of the city, while college graduates with more earning power are flooding in. African Americans now make up 6% of the population, half of the percentage in 1980.

Les habitants qui n’ont que le Bac en poche quittent la ville tandis que les diplômés de l’université aux salaires plus élevés arrivent en masse. Les Afro-Américains représentent aujourd’hui 6 % de la population, moitié moins qu’en 1980.

A combination of exploding wealth and limited space has led to an affordability crisis.

Un mélange de richesse à tout crin et d’espace restreint a conduit à une crise du logement abordable.

City leaders, meanwhile, are trying to make peace among the deep-rooted residents who made the neighborhoods what they are and the tech companies that are making the economy hum.

Les dirigeants de la ville, pendant ce temps là, essaient de rabibocher ceux qui habitent là depuis longtemps et qui ont fait des lieux ce qu’ils sont et les entreprises de la tech qui font marcher l’économie.


Tony Osteria: traduire par « restaurant italien »

thème ECRICOME

J’ai vu Manech pour la dernière fois vers le milieu de novembre 16.

The last time I saw Manech was towards mid November 1916.

Je n’étais plus dans son secteur, mais les tristes nouvelles vont plus vite que les bonnes, je n’ai pas été surpris de la voir amené, le bras en écharpe, je savais qu’il s’était fait tirer un coup de fusil par le guetteur d’en face.

I was no longer in his area but sad news travels more quickly than good ones and I was not surprised to see him being brought back with his arm in a sling and I knew he had been shot par the sniper in the house opposite.

On l’a enfermé dans une grange qui restait debout.

He was locked up in a barn that was still standing.

Vers deux heures de l’après-midi, j’ai dit à mon sergent : » C’est un de mon pays, je l’ai connu avec un sac d’écolier sur le dos quand je travaillais déjà. Laissez-moi y aller. »

At around 2 pm, I told my sergeant : « He’s a guy from my home region, I knew him when he was still a pupil with a school-bag on his back and I already had a job. Let me go and see him. »

Alors, le sergent a dit d’accord et j’ai remplacé un des trois gardiens.

So the sergeant agreed and I took over one of the three guards.

C’était une grange comme on les voit dans le Nord, toute en bonnes briques bien

pleines.

It was a barn similar to those we can see in the North of France made of solid, sound bricks.

Manech avait l’air tout petit là-dedans.

Manech looked so small in there.

Bien-sûr, j’ai réconforté Manech de mon mieux.

Of course, I cheered Manech up as best I could.

Je lui ai dit qu’on allait le transporter à l’ambulance, qu’il serait bien soigné.

I told him he was going to be taken to the field hospital and would be well taken care of.

En plus cela faisait des mois que les cours martiales n’existaient plus, il risquait pas terrible.

What’s more, court-martials had come to an end months before, he did not incur much.

Il aurait un avocat, on tiendrait compte de son âge.

He would have a lawyer, his age would be taken into consideration.

A la fin, il souriait, il m’a dit : « Vrai, Pommier, j’imaginais pas que tu parlais si bien, c’est toi qui me ferais un bon avocat ! »

At the end, he was smiling and he told me : « Honestly, Pommier, didn’t know you spoke so well, for sure you’d make a good lawyer for me ! »

Sébastien Japrisot, Un long dimanche de fiançailles, 1991.

ESSAY : Are we obsessed with security ?

Are We Obsessed with Security?

In today’s world, security has become a dominant concern across all aspects of life—physical, digital, emotional, and national. From constant surveillance cameras in cities to fingerprint and face recognition on personal devices, it is evident that societies are deeply invested in minimizing risk and maximizing control. But has this concern evolved into an obsession?

The argument that we are obsessed with security is supported by how much individuals and governments are willing to sacrifice for it. Civil liberties, such as privacy and freedom of expression, are increasingly compromised in the name of safety. For instance, mass data collection programs, justified as tools for fighting terrorism or cybercrime, often blur the line between protection and intrusion. People now accept being tracked online, monitored by smart devices, and recorded in public spaces as a normal part of life.

Moreover, marketing and consumer behavior reflect this trend. A massive industry thrives on selling security—from antivirus software and home alarm systems to lifestyle choices like gated communities and child-monitoring apps. Even entertainment reflects our preoccupation: dystopian films and novels often explore themes of surveillance, control, and the illusion of safety.

However, this obsession may not be entirely irrational. The world is complex, and threats—whether real or perceived—are constantly evolving. Technological advancements create both new risks and new solutions. In this context, heightened awareness and precaution can be seen as a natural response.

Yet, when fear dictates decision-making, the pursuit of security can become counterproductive. An obsession with eliminating every risk may ironically lead to a loss of the very freedoms we seek to protect.

In conclusion, while the desire for security is natural and often necessary, modern society appears to have crossed into obsession. Finding the right balance between safety and liberty is essential to ensure that our protective measures do not become our greatest threat.

Does Multiculturalism Make U.S. Society More Tolerant?

Multiculturalism, the coexistence of diverse cultures within a shared society, plays a significant role in shaping the character of the United States. As a nation built largely by immigrants, the U.S. has long been home to people of different ethnicities, religions, and cultural traditions. This diversity has the potential to foster tolerance by encouraging mutual understanding, broadening perspectives, and reducing ignorance and prejudice.

Exposure to different cultures can lead to greater empathy and acceptance. In multicultural settings, individuals are more likely to interact with people from different backgrounds, which can humanize groups that might otherwise be misunderstood. For example, shared workplaces, schools, and neighborhoods can become platforms for cultural exchange, breaking down stereotypes and fostering respect.

Moreover, multiculturalism contributes to a richer public discourse. By incorporating a variety of perspectives into national conversations, the U.S. can better address issues of inequality and injustice. Cultural diversity also enhances creativity and innovation, as people draw on a wide range of experiences and worldviews.

However, multiculturalism does not automatically lead to tolerance. In some cases, it can provoke resistance or fear, especially if people feel that their own identity is being threatened. When diversity is not accompanied by intentional efforts toward inclusion, misunderstandings and divisions can deepen. Therefore, the key to multiculturalism promoting tolerance lies in how it is managed—through education, inclusive policies, and community engagement.

In conclusion, while multiculturalism has the potential to make U.S. society more tolerant, this outcome depends on active efforts to encourage understanding and integration. When diversity is celebrated and supported, it can create a more empathetic, open, and cohesive society. Thus, multiculturalism, when embraced thoughtfully, does not just enrich the nation—it also strengthens its social fabric.

[hrunlimited]

Steps to Implementing Affirmative Action Within an Organization

Affirmative action is an organizational policy designed to ensure equal opportunities in the workplace by addressing systemic and historical inequalities faced by specific groups. By implementing affirmative action, organizations aim to create a diverse and equitable workforce by identifying and eliminating barriers that may have previously hindered employment and promotion opportunities. When properly executed, affirmative action fosters inclusivity, strengthens workplace structures, and contributes to business success.

For an organization to implement affirmative action, it must first develop a clear and concise affirmative action plan. The plan must be well-defined, and it must outline the organization’s commitment to ensuring diversity and inclusivity. The policy should clearly define the organization’s objectives for the initiative. Also, it must be unequivocal on the specific underrepresented groups that the organization intends to support.

After a policy has been drawn, the organization should conduct a workforce analysis to assess the current work composition within the organization. This analysis usually involves collecting and assessing demographic data to determine the disparities and biases that were present in past hiring, promotion, and retention exercises. Also, the organization should compare its workforce data with industry and regulatory benchmarks and regional demographics. These cavities will help the organization identify departments or roles where there is under presentation.

After conducting a workforce analysis, the organization should set measurable affirmative action goals. These goals and targets should align with legal and ethical standards such that it does not become too lopsided, attracting claims of reverse discrimination. The affirmative action goal should include increasing recruitment, promotion, and retention opportunities for underrepresented groups within the organization. Because these goals are measurable, organizations should establish timelines for every major milestone.

Subsequently, affirmative action should be woven into the recruitment process to ensure equal access to opportunities. Organizations can start by expanding their outreach to diverse talent pools through partnerships with minority-focused organizations, universities, and job boards. Implementing structured, unbiased interview processes and training hiring managers on equitable recruitment practices can help reduce bias and create a fairer hiring system. Additionally, offering internships and mentorship programs can provide underrepresented candidates with the support and experience needed to succeed. By refining their hiring practices, companies can build a more inclusive recruitment pipeline and foster long-term diversity in the workplace.

Finally, for affirmative action initiatives to be effective and sustainable, organizations must ensure they comply with local, national, and industry-specific regulations. Consulting with legal experts can help align these programs with employment laws, reducing the risk of legal challenges. Additionally, developing clear anti-discrimination policies is essential not only to maintain fairness but also to prevent potential regulatory backlash.

A well-structured approach ensures that affirmative action is implemented in a way that upholds both legal and ethical standards. Beyond compliance, organizations should focus on fostering understanding and support among employees. Encouraging open dialogue about affirmative action allows employees to voice concerns and gain a better perspective on how these initiatives contribute to a fair and inclusive workplace. By prioritizing legal integrity and transparent communication, companies can build a culture where diversity and opportunity go hand in hand.

[drewdoscher0]

Equity at Work: Strengthening Teams Through Fair Compensation

In a landscape where collaboration, innovation, and trust define business success, one foundational element often determines whether a team thrives or falters—fair compensation. Fair pay is more than a financial matter; it’s a strategic imperative that supports employee well-being, enhances performance, and cultivates a culture of accountability and unity.

For industries across the board, creating equitable compensation systems has become a moral standard and a business-critical priority. Fairly rewarded employees are likelier to remain loyal, motivated, and productive. As organizations strive to build resilient and high-performing teams, fair pay becomes essential to their long-term operational strategy.

Why Compensation Equity Fuels Team Synergy

Fair compensation is directly tied to employees' perception of value, purpose, and respect in the workplace. A team of individuals who trust that their organization rewards contributions impartially is likelier to communicate openly, support one another, and deliver consistent results.

Compensation equity promotes psychological safety, a vital condition for team collaboration. When employees believe they are being compensated fairly compared to their peers, it reduces internal competition and fosters a cooperative spirit. On the other hand, noticeable disparities in pay can sow resentment, erode morale, and even trigger attrition.

More importantly, fair pay is deeply intertwined with employee identity. For many professionals, compensation affirms their efforts, expertise, and unique contributions. It is not just about the number on a paycheck but the message it conveys.

Bridging the Gap: How to Achieve Fair Pay in Practice

The path to equitable pay starts with transparency and data-driven assessment. Employers must regularly conduct internal pay audits to identify discrepancies based on gender, race, role, tenure, and performance. These audits help highlight patterns that may unintentionally disadvantage certain groups and allow for corrective actions.

Creating structured pay bands and performance-linked criteria is key. These systems ensure consistency in compensation decisions and make the process less susceptible to bias. When employees clearly understand what is required to reach a higher salary tier, it instills a sense of fairness and ambition.

In addition, organizations should provide avenues for dialogue. Encouraging open discussions around compensation expectations can clear up misconceptions, address dissatisfaction early, and reinforce the company’s commitment to integrity.

The Link Between Fair Pay and Talent Retention

Recruiting talented professionals is only one part of workforce development. Retaining them requires a deeper level of engagement—one grounded in respect, opportunity, and recognition. Fair pay supports all three. When employees feel they are compensated appropriately, they are more likely to commit their energy and ideas to the organization over the long term.

Wage transparency also impacts employer branding. Companies known for equitable pay often have stronger reputations in the job market and attract top-tier talent. Conversely, workplaces perceived to underpay or allow wage inequality may struggle to compete, especially in industries where skills are in high demand.

Moreover, competitive and fair pay can mitigate the silent costs of disengagement. An underpaid employee may not resign immediately, but they may withhold effort, creativity, or participation in team initiatives. Over time, this quiet disengagement can erode team performance and overall productivity.

Fair Pay as a Catalyst for Inclusive Team Culture

Fair compensation policies are crucial in advancing diversity, equity, and inclusion goals. They help eliminate barriers often hindering marginalized groups from receiving equal rewards for their labor. By embedding equity into compensation structures, organizations reinforce their commitment to justice and equality in all aspects of their culture.

Teams built on equitable principles also become more cohesive. Employees from different backgrounds and experiences are more likely to feel they belong in a workplace that values and rewards them without prejudice. This inclusivity enriches team dynamics and drives innovation, as diverse ideas are welcomed and heard.

In addition, fair pay practices reduce the emotional and cognitive burdens associated with financial stress or perceived discrimination. When employees feel they are treated fairly, they can focus more fully on their roles, collaborate more openly, and approach challenges with confidence.

Sustaining Fairness in a Changing Work Environment

The future of work is dynamic, shaped by remote teams, freelance talent, and evolving employee expectations. In this context, maintaining fair pay becomes more complex and vital.

Organizations must adapt their compensation strategies to ensure consistency across locations and roles. Remote workers should be evaluated based on output and impact, not geography alone. Similarly, freelance and contract workers should receive fair rates that reflect their expertise and contributions.

Technology can aid this process. Advanced HR platforms now offer analytics that help leaders make data-informed compensation decisions. These tools reduce the risk of bias and enable timely adjustments that align with market conditions and internal benchmarks.

But technology alone isn’t enough. Leadership must cultivate a culture that continuously reflects on fairness and equity. That means regular manager training, policy reviews, and open forums for employee feedback. Fair pay should be considered a living commitment, not a one-time policy.

Leading with Fairness: A Blueprint for Team Excellence

At its core, fair compensation is about dignity, respect, and shared responsibility. It transforms workplaces into environments where people collaborate without obligation but from a genuine sense of purpose and value.

When team members know they are rewarded fairly, their connection to the organization deepens. They take pride in their contributions, support their peers, and aim higher in their professional development. Leaders who understand this link between pay and performance will always prioritize fairness as part of their growth strategy.

Equitable compensation isn’t just reasonable for employees—it’s a smart business move. It elevates morale, enhances retention, and attracts better talent. More importantly, it lays the foundation for teams that are efficient, engaged, loyal, and united.

As industries continue to evolve, organizations that lead with fairness will succeed—by building empowered, ethical, and inspired teams to perform at their best.

[eddonthenet]

International Transgender Day of Visibility: Celebrating Trans Lives and Advocating for Equality

International Transgender Day of Visibility: Celebrating Trans Lives and Advocating for Equality Honoring Transgender Visibility and Resilience Every year on March 31st, the world celebrates International Transgender Day of Visibility (TDOV)—a day dedicated to recognizing the achievements, resilience, and contributions of transgender individuals. Founded in 2009 by transgender activist Rachel Crandall-Crocker, TDOV was created to counter the lack of positive recognition of trans lives. Unlike Transgender Day of Remembrance, which mourns the lives lost to transphobia, TDOV celebrates the living and honors their strength. The day aims to raise awareness about the discrimination transgender people face while promoting acceptance, inclusion, and equal rights. It is also a call to action for allies to step up and support trans individuals in their fight for justice and visibility. The Importance of Transgender Visibility Visibility is a powerful tool for fostering understanding and dismantling stereotypes. For many years, transgender people were largely erased or misrepresented in media, politics, and society. Their stories were often ignored or reduced to harmful tropes. However, in recent years, the increased visibility of transgender individuals in film, television, politics, and activism has helped reshape public perception. Figures like Laverne Cox, Elliot Page, and MJ Rodriguez have brought trans stories into the mainstream, offering authentic representation. Yet, beyond celebrities, TDOV is about celebrating the visibility of everyday transgender people—the students, workers, artists, parents, and friends who live authentically despite facing discrimination and marginalization. By sharing their stories, trans individuals help break down stigma and humanize the experiences of gender-diverse people. Visibility fosters empathy, challenges misconceptions, and paves the way for broader societal acceptance. Challenges Faced by the Transgender Community While visibility is essential, it is not without risk. Transgender individuals continue to face discrimination, violence, and systemic inequalities. In many countries, they are denied access to basic healthcare, employment opportunities, and legal protections. According to international human rights organizations, transgender people experience disproportionately high rates of poverty, homelessness, and violence. Visibility also makes trans individuals more susceptible to harassment, as being seen can sometimes invite hostility. That is why TDOV is not only a celebration but also a reminder of the ongoing fight for transgender rights and equality. How to Show Support and Solidarity TDOV is not just a day for trans people—it is also an opportunity for allies to stand in solidarity. Here are ways to show meaningful support:\n\n- Educate Yourself: Learn about transgender issues, identities, and experiences. Seek out authentic trans voices through books, articles, and documentaries. Use Inclusive Language: Respect people’s pronouns and chosen names. Language matters—it validates identity and affirms dignity. Challenge Discrimination: Speak out against transphobia when you witness it. Use your platform to amplify trans voices. Support Trans Rights Organizations: Donate or volunteer with groups that advocate for transgender rights and provide support services.   Conclusion: Embracing Visibility with Action International Transgender Day of Visibility is more than just a celebration—it is a call to action. While visibility fosters awareness, true progress requires advocacy, support, and systemic change. Let TDOV inspire us to create a world where transgender people can live freely and authentically—not just on March 31st, but every day. By standing with the transgender community, we move closer to a society that values diversity, dignity, and equality for all. https://ift.tt/qHS1N9b March 31, 2025 at 10:32AM

[bobchakar]

Evolution in Education After Law Outlaws Segregated Schools

In January 2016, the Topeka Public School’s Board of Education appointed Tiffany Anderson, PhD, as its superintendent, becoming the first African American woman to lead the district. In a May 2024 interview with CBS Evening News, Dr. Anderson stated that she aims to build on the legacy of the landmark Supreme Court case Brown v. Kansas Board of Education (1954), which ended segregation across the American educational system.

Seventy years later, impacts from this ruling set precedence for other court decisions, created instances of resegregated schools, and established pathways for post-affirmative action graduates.

In 2024, nationwide celebrations commemorated the ruling that determined that separate but equal did not serve as a just way to educate the nation’s children. Organizations and individuals marked the event by hosting panel discussions and art exhibits to honor the legislation that sought to reduce educational disparities.

Brown v. Kansas Board of Education became a critical Supreme Court case in the American narrative because it removed the social barriers that kept minorities, namely African Americans, from accessing resources connected to the political and economic spaces that influenced life in the US.

At the time, other states also had cases waiting for Supreme Court ruling best the Brown, including Delaware, South Carolina, Virginia, Kansas, and the District of Columbia. When the Court combined the cases into the Brown v. Board of Education, roughly 200 plaintiffs sued the board of education in these states for the right to integrate. In Topeka, 13 parents sued the state board of education for 20 children.

Before Brown v Board of Education, the US educational system established segregated education to educate black and white students in 1896 with the Supreme Court ruling Plessy v Ferguson. The ruling stated that the law permitted segregated schools if the resources and institutions provided equally for both sets of students. Before Brown v. Board of Education, other municipalities unsuccessfully sought to end segregation in the public school system.

In Brown v Board of Education, the Topeka public school system had adequately ensured it adhered to the separate but equal mandate. However, the lawyers for the plaintiffs argued that this segregated system caused detriment to children. In 1954, the Supreme Court agreed that, even with separate but equal measures, black children became deprived of educational opportunities.

The ruling had immediate and long-term impacts on education and ending practices that marginalized this community. A year later, in 1955, Rosa Parks, Martin Luther King, and other civil rights activists led the way that removed Jim Crow laws, and that led to the Civil Rights Act (1965), Voting Rights Act (1965), and the Fair Housing Act (1968). The Brown v. Board of Education ruling also set precedence for removing segregation from private schools. Runyon v. McCrary (1976) stated denying a student admission based on race violated federal civil rights laws.

Some public school systems countrywide still experience the impacts of segregation within their districts, sometimes unintentionally. For instance, corporation-wide redistricting and segregation-influenced racial disparities have impacted educational inequities in elementary schools in Topeka. Figures reveal the marked difference in student performance between whites and minorities (Black).

According to a January 2024 article, only 12.2 percent of Black students had proficiency in math and English compared with 44 percent of White students. In the case of the new city of St. George, residents fought and petitioned the Louisiana Supreme Court to incorporate as a city, creating a predominantly white (70 percent) majority. Residents petitioned the court because they felt Baton Rouge schools had not adequately educated its students. By choice or legal mandate, schools nationwide have started resegregating.

It also touches on affirmative action practices. When instituted as a part of the Civil Rights Act legislation, affirmative sought to level the playing field by providing women and minorities access to educational and employment opportunities. However, after multiple cases over the years have challenged this part of the Civil Rights Act, the Supreme Court struck it down in 2023 regarding race-based decisions in universities nationwide.

Some places report that the decision has little impact on minorities' access to higher education, with schools such as Indiana University seeing increases in Asian, Hispanic, and Black students in its Fall 2024 class.

This ruling and challenges to teaching critical race theory are present obstacles to openly discussing race and racial inequities in the educational landscape. Ultimately, Brown v. Education provided not only access to minorities of all races but also built a foundation where race, racial inequality, and their impacts have a platform, one protected under civil rights legislation.

[dailyanarchistposts]

VII. Mutual Credit

After this review of the inequalities and striking injustice of the money monopoly, and that free banking in social evolution logically follows from the lines of least resistance under wider freedom, we will proceed to inquire in what manner the organization of personal credit would serve a social function and further the realization of the industrial type. For only as liberty fails to meet the requirements of progress will this or that authoritarian regulating scheme of credit and exchange receive justification. Can free competition be introduced into domestic exchanges and the conditions of production? or must the application of free trade be confined to the manufactured product and distribution? In other words, can the medium of exchange be republicanized without injury to any, or destroying all relations of value? The Anarchist unhesitatingly answers in the affirmative, and in opposition to land nationalizers asserts that in the restrictions placed around exchange lies [sic] obstacles to industrial progress more far-reaching and of deeper importance than even monopoly of land.

To individual credit the objection will arise that it would be limited in scope, from the very nature of the notes, to local needs, or would be more worthless at a distance than the old state-bank notes. But any argument on social relations under absence of compulsory regulation carries with it the recognition of associative action where needed. Spencer is unquestionably right in concluding that “as in the militant type the demand for corporate action is intrinsic, such dead for corporate action as continues in the industrial type is mainly extrinsic – is called for by those aggressive traits of human nature which chronic warfare has fostered, and may gradually diminish as, under enduring peaceful life, these decrease.”{35} But while it remains true that the industrial type will develop the highest individuality and in a large measure substitute individual initiative and responsibility for corporate combinations, still a large field will be left in which co-operation without sacrifice of individuality will be in strict harmony with industrial ideals. What men have done under trammels they will be none the less able to do in the absence of interference. When the interest of all are [sic] led to co-operate where individual initiative is deemed insufficient (a condition more liable to decrease than to increase), rather than made to combine, demand will produce supply. We have evidence of this on every hand in vast national organizations, voluntarily uniting to carry out or achieve some common purpose. Among the many which could be named the farmers alone furnish us with an illustration wherein economic ends are sought in reducing the role of the middle man to a minimum. Why can they not extend the principle to the organization of mutual credit among themselves and thus eliminate both interest and profits and realize progress without poverty? {36} Insurance not being a governmental function, association naturally arises for that purpose, and as the taxation is direct and voluntarily met, and free competition tends to bring it down to the mean of cost, the end is reached easier and cheaper than giving it into the hands of the State where these limitations on expense would not exist. Will the farmers grasp the idea and realize it? Their organizations may afford both indemnity and security for life, for wealth earned, for various enterprises involving risk and great expense, but a common medium of exchange is tabooed! It is not impossible to conceive of the development of the industrial type to that degree where a man may be a member of as many “States” simultaneously as the several functions they discharge attract him.

But liberty, the equality of opportunities involved in emancipation, need not be solely dependent on such associations as now exist to work out a natural and effective method. Existing social mechanism need not fail altogether simply because deprived of certain privileges now conferred. The first question to arise in the mind of the banker on finding money monopoly removed would naturally be: “How can I best adapt myself to the changed conditons?” However onerous may be the burdens entailed by the banking system, still it is indisputable that the banker does exercise a social function. The necessity of a bank to extend credit and that of its privileges are widely distinct propositions. Nor would it be to mutual interests upon the removal of the privileges he had heretofore enjoyed that his ability to still discharge indispensable social functions should be ignored. Nor would this need follow. Liberty cannot imply restriction nor election, but self-election by ability and fitness to perform. Thus, under equal opportunities the field would be open to him.

There would be as urgent need for method as under authority, and the same test, fitness, would far more readily determine a man’s success than now for such functions. Administration is never invented de novo and the methods now in vogue adapted to the changed conditions would answer all the purposes of the social environment. The incorporation, however, of such functions in the program of one of our great associative bodies, like the Patrons of Industry, is feasible, and, and their numbers being sufficiently large to cover the various industries, exchange could be readily effected and their mutual acceptance of bills of exchange, the central executive board acting as a clearing house, both eliminate interest and profits and give an impetus to production by heightening consumptive capacity.

Economic readers will remember where Amasa Walker {37} describes the method by which foreign exchanges are effected without the disbursement of money save to pay balance; and that this logically resulted from the absence of international authoritative interference. Extension of distribution ever tends as commerce becomes more developed to simplification of methods and to individual responsibility, as far as governmental non-interference permits. Let us see how the same mutual arrangements might be effected in domestic transactions. Col. William B. Greene,{38} in his little work on “Mutual Banking” has given such a method, based upon Proudhon’s more elaborate “Organization of Credit” in explanation of the “People’s Bank of Exchange.” To Proudhon must be ascribed the merit of first generalizing the bill of exchange to relieve commerce from the monopoly legislation had fastened upon it. In Col. Greene’s sketch we have the following plan for a mutual bank:

“1. Any person, by pledging actual property to the bank, may become a member of the Mutual Banking Company.

“2. Any member may borrow the paper money of the bank, on his own note running to maturity (without indorsement), to an amount not to exceed one-half of the value of the property by himself pledged.

“3. Each member binds himself, on admission, to receive in all payments, from whomsoever it may be, and at par, the paper of the mutual bank.

“4. The rate of interest at which said money shall be loaned shall be determined by, and shall, if possible just meet and cover the bare expenses of the institution. As for interest in the common acceptation of the word. its rate shall be at the Mutual Bank precisely 0.

“5. No money shall be loaned to any persons who are not members of the company; that is, no money shall be loaned, except on a pledge of actual property.

“6. Any member on paying his debts to the bank, may have his property released from all obligations to the bank, or to the holders of the bank's money, as such.

“7. As for the bank, it shall never redeem any of its notes in specie; nor shall it ever receive specie in payments, or the bills of specie paying banks except at a discount of one-half of one per cent.

“Ships and houses that are insured, machinery, in short, anything that may be sold under the hammer, may be made a basis for the issue of mutual money. Mutual banking opens the way to no monopoly, for it simply elevates every species of property to the rank which has hitherto been exclusively occupied by gold and silver.”

This is a plan for voluntary co-operation of individuals in a community, who, by a pledge of the result of past labor, receive therefor bills in the form of divisible receipts to augment the result of present labor, which among all members serve as a medium of exchange. By the continuance of the clearing house, by social needs rendered a functional necessity, these bills would be interchanged and redeemable only in merchandise and services. Currency, or domestic bills of exchange, in being redeemable in the product of labor would establish labor as the standard and measure of value, and as redemption would be cancellation the desire could not give rise to a panic.

But the “practical man,” caring nothing for equitable principles, may here charge that this may be a very fine millennial dream, but impracticable here and now. Let us see. Leaving for the moment abstract principles let us attempt a concrete application.

The last resort of the Illinois Bureau of Labor Statistics gives tables of mortgage indebtedness calculated to awaken serious thought. The question of most practical importance to all mortgages is how their indebtedness can best be liquidated, and at the same time their capital for productive purposes increased. By dint of parsimony many a farmer has been enabled to extricate himself from the slough of debt, but even then his ability to capitalize wealth for new ventures remained “the substance of things hoped for.” {39} Parsimony never increases wealth. Ability to possess land, the source of all production, no matter under what kind of tenure it is held, will only increase the wealth of the producer as ability to use is joined with possession.

Man’s productive power is practically unlimited, but great and serious checks exist upon his consumptive capacity. To increase this is to highten [sic] demand, raise the standard of comfort, and with this ability to capitalize wealth, and hence, an indefinite increase of productive power. Productive power is only limited by demand, and whatever limits this necessarily contracts production and fetters the producers. Mortgage indebtedness is such a fetter or clog upon the farmer, inasmuch as it not only diverts a large portion of wealth in distribution, but also acts directly in limiting production to consumptive capacity based on enforced parsimony. These are incontrovertible economic facts irrespective of all financial systems, and the query arises, is there not in mutual banking an escape from these conditions without resorting to the questionable process of trusting a politician in power to keep the promises he made to attain it?

First, let us see what the conditions are as shown in the Bureau report. Taking only the mortgages on lands, of one acre or more, and eliminating those on lots and chattels, we find that there are recorded 99,777 mortgages, amounting to $147,320,054, and covering 8,082,794 acres. This is subdivided in loans and deferred payments; the former showing absolute need for money, the latter possession of money to invest and a legitimate expectation of more. For loans the indebtedness covers 7,050,799 acres, while those for deferred payments are only 1,031,995 acres. Compared to the whole acreage the percentage of acres mortgaged is 23.38; the average present incumbrance per acre on lands actually mortgaged $18.23. Compared with the census aggregate of value of farm lands in 1880, this is equivalent to 14.1 per cent. The tables also show that from 1870 to 1880 the increase in mortgages was over 21 per cent, while from 1880 to 1887 it was over 23 per cent.

If we consider chattel mortgages, the incumbrance of life stock, farm implements, growing and garnered crops, embrace nearly 45 per cent of the entire amount.

These tables show both increasing indebtedness, and a wider diffusion to population. The disease arising from legislative action, and all attempts at political remedy having proven unavailing, it by no means follows that other agencies cannot furnish the remedy. In fact, there is a deep and wide spread conviction that the evil being an economic one, remedy does not lie in political treatment. Happily, the signs of the times indicate that remedial virtue has passed from government, and is to be found in association; not in political compulsion, but in voluntary co-operation. The possibility of organization among agricultural producers is no longer questionable. Various organizations all over the land show that the farmers are learning the power of organization, and the possibility of attaining results heretofore scouted by those economists who regard the relation of demand and supply, within the restrictions of privileged legislation, as one of “unalterable law.”

The need of exchange in our complicated social organism demands method and administrative direction, but the assumption of authoritative regulation, in which is involved the denial of competition, is as unwarranted in exchange as it would be if claimed for insurance. How then can farmers’ organizations not merely pool their credit, which we already see done, but also organize their credit so as to capitalize wealth at minimum cost, thereby giving a spring to productive industry, which would both free them from the incubus of indebtedness, and increase demand for supply? Whether the organization be called Patrons, Alliance, Wheel, or Grange, it lies in the power of each and all to mutually organize credit. One of these organizations now number [sic] over 100,000 members in a single State, Michigan, and are reported to be increasing over 1,200 per month.

The Executive Committee of the State organization can direct the organization of credit on the mutual plan I have outlined by issuing divisible receipts for ample security pledged. Under their direct administration, acting through each subordinate local, the members can agree to mutually receive and interchange these mutual tokens of credit, or bills of exchange. For instance, any member having labor product saved in the nature of buildings, machinery, or non-perishable products, by offering these as security for advanced capital would receive in return divisible receipts for the sum desired, in which cost would regulate price or expense. These bills of exchange being amply secured, and being received at par by all fellow members, would among themselves afford a medium of exchange from which interest (and its sequence, profits) would be eliminated. With such bills of exchange “republicanized,” they would interchange from hand to hand.

In thus capitalizing his wealth earned the farmer could give a greater impetus to production, and when he desired to effect redemption by exchange of products, redemption would be cancellation. To deny this is to deny the productive power of capital. Every divisible receipt being amply secured by wealth pledged, and redemption being cancellation proceeding from capital advanced by such organization of mutual credit the only inflation that could ensue would be that of wealth; and the only one probably desiring redemption would be the one who contracted the loan, when the capital advanced had produced sufficient surplus wealth to enable him to seek its liquidation.

This plan, it will be seen, preserves the full individual liberty of the member seeking credit upon what may be determined to be sufficient security, and is but an extension of the industrial idea of equal freedom, and voluntary co-operation, to the functional necessity for rendering exchange free and equitable, and thus giving production an indefinite impulse never yet obtainable. One such organization, having thus shown the social advantage of such friendly interchange of fully secured credit, in abolishing both interest and profits, cost would necessarily become the mean of price. Other organizations would quickly follow the example. The State or National board at first acting as a clearing house for adjustment of balances between their own locals could easily extend the scope of administration to a mutual understanding with kindred or any other organization.

But will the government not tax it out of existence in the interest of bond-holding lords? The question is secondary to its economic equity and an organization extending to every county in a State, and offering such inducements to all honest toilers, would at once be in a position to meet such an attempted invasion of equal rights by politicians as to not render the result doubtful. The path to the capitalization of all wealth lies before the farmer here and now, and the adoption of such a course is in no wise tainted with the socialistic paternalism of George’s or Bellamy’s schemes of authoritarian direction. Is this utopian when applied to exchange, and sound business when daily exercised in countless other relations not under governmental direction?

Here I might pause, but for sake of greater clearness let us listen to the master. Proudhon says:

“Is this a paper currency?

“I answer unhesitatingly, no: it is neither paper money, nor money of paper; it is neither government checks, nor even bank bills; it is not of the nature of any thing that has been hitherto invented to make up for the scarcity of specie. It is the bill of exchange generalized.

“The essence of the bill of exchange is constituted, 1. by its being drawn from one place on another; 2. by its representing a real value equal to the sum it expresses; 3. by the promise or obligation on the part of the drawee to pay it when it falls due.

“In three words, that which constitutes the bill of exchange is exchange, provision, acceptance.

“As to the date of issue, or of falling due; as to the designation of the places, persons, objects, – these are particular circumstances which do not relate to the essence of the title, but which serve merely to give it a determinate, personal, and local actuality.

“Now, what is the bank paper I propose to create?

“It is the bill of exchange stripped of the circumstantial qualities of date, place, person, object, term of maturity, and reduced to its essential qualities – exchange, acceptance, provision.

“It is, to explain myself still more clearly, the bill of exchange, payable at sight and forever, drawn from every place in France, upon every other place in France, formed by 100,000 drawers, guaranteed by 100,000 indorsers, accepted by 100,000 subscribers.

“I say, therefore, that such a title unites every condition of solidity and security, and that it is susceptible of no depreciation.

“It is eminently solid, since, on one side it represents the ordinary, local, personal, actual paper of exchange, determined in its object, and representing a real value, a service rendered, merchandise delivered, or whose delivery is guaranteed and certain; while, on the other side, it is guaranteed by the contract, in solido, of 100,000 exchangers, who, by their mass, their independence, and at the same time by the unity and connection of their operation offer millions of millions of probability of payment against one of non-payment. Gold is a thousand times less sure.

“In fact, if in the ordinary conditions of commerce we may say that a bill of exchange made by a known merchant offers two chances of payment against one of non-payment, the same bill of exchange if it is indorsed by another known merchant will offer four chances of payment against one. If it is indorsed by three, four or a greater number of merchants equally well known, there will be eight, sixteen, thirty-two, etc. to wager against one that three, four, five, etc. known merchants will not pay at the same time,{40} since the favorable chances increase in geometrical proportion with the number of indorsers. What, then, ought to be the certainty of a bill of exchange made by 100,000 well-known subscribers who are all of them interested to promote its circulation?

“I add that this title is susceptible of no depreciation. The reason for this is, first, in the perfect validity of a mass of 100,000 signers. But there exists another reason, more direct, and, if possible, more reassuring: it is that the issues of the new paper can never be exaggerated like those of ordinary bank bills, treasury notes, paper money, assignats, etc.; for the issues take place against good commercial paper only, and in the regular necessarily limited and proportionate process of discounting.

“In the combination I propose, the paper, (at once sign of credit and instrument of circulation) grows out of the best business paper, which itself represents products delivered, and by no means merchandise unsold: This paper, I affirm, can never be refused in payment, since it is submitted {41} beforehand by the mass of producers.

“This paper offers so much the more security and convenience, inasmuch as it may be tried on a small scale, and with as few persons as you see fit, and that without the least violence, without the least peril.

“Suppose the Bank of Exchange to start at first on a basis of 1,000 subscribers instead of 100,000: the amount of paper it would issue would be in proportion to the business of these 1,000 subscribers, and negotiable only among themselves. Afterwards, according as other persons should adhere to the bank, the proportion of bills would be as 5,000, 10,000, 50,000, etc.; and their circulation would grow with the number of subscribers, as a money peculiar to them. Then when the whole of France should have adhered to the statutes of the new bank, the issue of paper would be equal, at every instant, to the totality of circulating values.” {42}

[omegaphilosophia]

Liberalism vs. Individualism

While liberalism and individualism share common ground, particularly in their emphasis on personal freedom, they can come into conflict in terms of how that freedom is understood and applied, especially regarding the role of the state, social responsibilities, and economic structures.

Key Points of Conflict:

State Role in Protecting Freedom:

Liberalism, especially in its modern form, supports the protection of individual rights through government intervention when necessary. This can include laws that ensure equality, regulate economic activity, or provide social safety nets.

Individualism tends to advocate for minimal state intervention, focusing on personal autonomy and self-determination. From an individualist perspective, even liberal efforts to protect rights through government involvement may be seen as restrictive or paternalistic.

The conflict arises when liberal policies, such as social welfare programs or regulations, are viewed by individualists as infringing on personal responsibility and freedom, while liberals see them as necessary for ensuring fair access to opportunities and rights.

Collective Responsibility vs. Personal Autonomy:

Liberalism, especially in its modern form, promotes collective responsibility for ensuring that all individuals have access to basic rights, education, healthcare, and economic opportunities. This often involves redistributive policies or regulations aimed at promoting equality and reducing social inequalities.

Individualism prioritizes personal autonomy and believes individuals should be responsible for their own lives, free from collective obligations imposed by the state or society. This leads to a preference for personal freedom over state-enforced social programs.

The conflict surfaces when liberal policies require individuals to contribute to collective welfare (e.g., through taxation for social programs), which individualists may resist as an overreach that limits personal autonomy.

Equality vs. Meritocracy:

Liberalism often emphasizes equality of opportunity, seeking to ensure that everyone has a fair chance to succeed, regardless of background. This can include policies aimed at addressing social inequalities, such as affirmative action or welfare programs.

Individualism focuses on meritocracy, believing that individuals should rise or fall based on their own efforts and abilities. From this perspective, equality of outcome is not a priority, and policies that artificially level the playing field are seen as unfair or counterproductive.

The tension arises when liberal efforts to create more equitable conditions are perceived as undermining the meritocratic values that individualists hold, particularly when these efforts are seen as rewarding individuals regardless of effort.

Freedom from Government vs. Freedom through Government:

Liberalism often sees the government as a necessary tool for ensuring that individuals can enjoy their freedom (e.g., through anti-discrimination laws, regulations on monopolies, or social safety nets). This "positive liberty" approach argues that freedom is meaningful only when individuals have the real ability to exercise their rights.

Individualism champions freedom from government (also called "negative liberty"), where the absence of government interference is the highest expression of personal liberty. Individualists argue that the more government interferes in personal or economic life, the more individual freedom is constrained.

The conflict is centered on whether true freedom comes from the presence of government ensuring fair conditions or the absence of government allowing individuals to act without restriction.

Social Justice vs. Individual Freedom:

Liberalism, particularly in its modern, progressive forms, often emphasizes social justice, where laws and policies are designed to address systemic inequalities and promote fairness across society. This may involve interventions to address historical injustices, systemic discrimination, or economic disparities.

Individualism places a higher value on individual freedom, where individuals should be free to pursue their own success or failure without being obligated to correct social inequalities they did not create.

The conflict comes when individualists view liberal policies aimed at achieving social justice as imposing unfair burdens on individuals (e.g., affirmative action or progressive taxation), while liberals see such policies as necessary for creating a fairer society.

Community vs. Individual Interests:

Liberalism acknowledges the need for community interests and cooperation, where the well-being of the whole can justify limiting certain individual freedoms for the greater good (e.g., environmental regulations, public health mandates).

Individualism prioritizes the individual's interest over the collective, often resisting policies that limit personal freedom, even if those policies are meant to protect the community as a whole.

The conflict emerges when liberal policies that benefit society at large are seen by individualists as infringing on their personal liberties, such as mandatory health insurance, environmental laws, or collective bargaining.

Although liberalism and individualism both value freedom, they diverge on the role of the state, the importance of social responsibility, and the balance between individual rights and collective welfare. Liberalism often seeks to protect and promote freedom through government action and social justice, while individualism emphasizes personal autonomy and minimal interference, even if it means accepting greater social inequalities.

[elearningsolutionsforyou]

Unmasking Unconscious Bias: How It Shapes Workplace Dynamics

Unconscious Bias: An Imperceptible Force Influencing Workplace Culture

The modern workplace thrives on collaboration, diversity, and innovation. Yet, hidden forces can surreptitiously derail progress—unconscious biases. These biases, subtle and unintentional, permeate decisions, behaviors, and perceptions, creating an invisible web of inequities. Understanding their origins, manifestations, and implications is imperative to fostering a workplace that values equity and inclusivity.

This article will delve deep into unconscious bias, unraveling its insidious effects on workplace dynamics. We will explore actionable strategies to counteract these prejudices while contextualizing their presence with compelling statistics.

What is Unconscious Bias?

Unconscious bias refers to implicit attitudes or stereotypes that influence our understanding, actions, and decisions without our conscious awareness. Unlike overt prejudice, these biases are subtle and often go undetected, even by those exhibiting them. They stem from cultural norms, societal stereotypes, and personal experiences, making them deeply entrenched.

In workplaces, these biases manifest in hiring practices, performance evaluations, and interpersonal interactions. While unintentional, they can significantly impact the organizational fabric by perpetuating disparities and undermining diversity efforts.

Bias in the Workplace: A Pervasive Challenge

Bias in the workplace is a systemic issue, affecting both individuals and organizations. Research underscores its ubiquity:

"Harvard Business Review reports that 76% of job seekers consider diversity an important factor when evaluating companies, yet unconscious bias continues to hinder fair hiring practices."

Such biases can take many forms, including:

Affinity Bias: Favoring individuals with similar backgrounds, interests, or experiences.

Confirmation Bias: Interpreting information to affirm pre-existing beliefs about a person or group.

Gender Bias: Perpetuating stereotypes that influence perceptions of competence based on gender.

Halo Effect: Allowing one positive attribute to overshadow other aspects of performance.

The Cost of Unconscious Bias in the Workplace

Unaddressed unconscious bias poses tangible and intangible costs to organizations. From reduced employee morale to hampered innovation, the repercussions are multifaceted.

1. Impact on Diversity and Inclusion (D&I) Initiatives

Bias undermines D&I programs by creating barriers for underrepresented groups. Employees from marginalized communities often face microaggressions, exclusion, and limited growth opportunities. This not only erodes trust but also fuels turnover.

2. Financial Implications

Unconscious bias directly affects organizational performance. McKinsey & Company highlights that diverse teams outperform homogeneous ones by 35%. Yet, when biases infiltrate decision-making processes, the full potential of diversity remains unrealized.

3. Talent Acquisition and Retention

Bias in hiring perpetuates homogeneity, depriving organizations of varied perspectives. Moreover, employees subjected to bias are less likely to feel valued, increasing attrition rates. According to a study by the Center for Talent Innovation, 34% of women of color cite bias as a reason for leaving their jobs.

Recognizing the Manifestations of Bias

Understanding how unconscious bias influences workplace dynamics is crucial for addressing its impact. Below are key areas where bias is most prevalent:

1. Recruitment and Selection

From screening resumes to conducting interviews, unconscious bias often skews decisions. For instance, resumes with traditionally ethnic names are 50% less likely to receive callbacks compared to those with Anglo-sounding names, according to a study published by the National Bureau of Economic Research.

2. Performance Appraisals

Bias infiltrates performance reviews, with managers unconsciously favoring employees who align with their own beliefs or communication styles. Women and minorities are disproportionately subjected to harsher evaluations, perpetuating pay gaps and promotional disparities.

3. Leadership Opportunities

Leadership roles are often reserved for individuals who fit preconceived notions of authority, which can disadvantage women and people of color. This phenomenon, often referred to as the "glass ceiling," is a direct consequence of implicit bias.

Strategies to Mitigate Unconscious Bias in the Workplace

Organizations must take deliberate steps to counteract unconscious bias. Here are evidence-based strategies for creating an equitable workplace:

1. Education and Awareness Programs

Training initiatives like workshops on unconscious bias can help employees recognize and address their own prejudices. Infopro Learning, a leader in corporate training, emphasizes the importance of interactive modules that foster introspection and behavioral change.

2. Data-Driven Decision Making

Leveraging technology to analyze recruitment, promotion, and compensation data can unveil patterns of bias. For example, AI tools can anonymize resumes to ensure that hiring decisions are based solely on merit.

3. Diverse Interview Panels

Incorporating diversity into interview panels reduces the likelihood of biased decisions. It ensures that candidates are assessed from multiple perspectives, mitigating individual prejudices.

4. Encouraging Open Dialogue

Creating safe spaces for employees to share experiences of bias fosters transparency and accountability. Organizations must ensure that such discussions lead to actionable changes.

5. Institutionalizing Blind Assessments

Removing identifiable information from performance evaluations, project proposals, or hiring assessments minimizes the influence of unconscious stereotypes.

The Role of Leadership in Addressing Bias

Leadership plays a pivotal role in unmasking and mitigating unconscious bias. Leaders set the tone for organizational culture and must embody inclusivity in their actions and decisions.

1. Leading by Example

Inclusive leadership entails acknowledging personal biases and actively seeking to counteract them. Leaders must champion diversity initiatives and hold themselves accountable for fostering equitable practices.

2. Implementing Equitable Policies

Policies that prioritize meritocracy, transparency, and inclusivity are essential. For instance, ensuring pay equity and promoting work-life balance reflect a commitment to fairness.

3. Continuous Feedback Mechanisms

Establishing feedback loops where employees can anonymously report instances of bias empowers them to advocate for change without fear of reprisal.

The Future of Work: A Bias-Free Vision

The journey toward a bias-free workplace is arduous but necessary. In an era where diversity is celebrated as a driver of innovation and growth, organizations cannot afford to ignore the insidious effects of unconscious bias.

A commitment to introspection, education, and systemic change can pave the way for workplaces where every individual feels valued and empowered. As society becomes more attuned to the nuances of equity, organizations that prioritize inclusivity will undoubtedly emerge as leaders in their respective industries.

[glowwithimaan]

The Five Pillars of Islam

The Five Pillars of Islam are fundamental practices and beliefs that form the foundation of a Muslim's faith and daily life. These pillars guide Muslims in their relationship with Allah (God) and with other people, shaping their actions and interactions with the world around them.

The Five Pillars of Islam:

Shahada (Faith) The Shahada is the central declaration of faith in Islam, affirming that there is no god but Allah and that Muhammad (PBUH) is His messenger. This declaration of belief is essential to a Muslim's identity and is recited during daily prayers and moments of spiritual reflection. “There is no god but Allah, and Muhammad is the messenger of Allah.”

Salat (Prayer) Muslims are required to perform five daily prayers at set times:

Fajr (before dawn)

Dhuhr (midday)

Asr (afternoon)

Maghrib (sunset)

Isha (night) These prayers serve to establish a direct connection with Allah, grounding Muslims in their faith and reminding them of their dependence on Him. Each prayer involves physical movements—standing, bowing, and prostrating—along with reciting verses from the Quran.

Zakat (Charity) Zakat is a mandatory form of charitable giving, typically calculated as 2.5% of a Muslim's accumulated wealth each year. It purifies one's wealth, promotes social justice, and supports the less fortunate. Zakat fosters a sense of community and reduces inequality by redistributing wealth to those in need.

Sawm (Fasting) During the month of Ramadan, Muslims fast from dawn to sunset, abstaining from food, drink, and other physical needs, including smoking and intimate relations. This act of fasting is a form of self-discipline, spiritual reflection, and empathy for the poor. It aims to purify the soul, strengthen devotion, and increase mindfulness of God.

Hajj (Pilgrimage) Every Muslim who is physically and financially able is required to undertake the pilgrimage to Mecca, Saudi Arabia, at least once in their lifetime. The Hajj takes place during the Islamic month of Dhu al-Hijjah and involves a series of sacred rituals that recall the journey of the Prophet Ibrahim (Abraham) and his family. The pilgrimage symbolizes unity, submission to Allah, and spiritual renewal.

Together, these Five Pillars are the core of a Muslim’s practice and devotion. Fulfilling them is seen as essential for leading a righteous, meaningful, and spiritually fulfilling life.

[justcallme-riley]

CTS B | Week 11 Compulsory Question 1

Today I learned a new word 'Manifesto'. I found it really interesting as in writing down or saying that affirmations can change my life by providing clarity, focus, and motivation, helping me stay aligned with my values and goals for personal growth and resilience.

"For this week’s activity, we are required to complete a physical project in which we had to show illustrations accompanied by encouraging texts that address the issues we encounter in our creative practice of design. Our group had 6 people, so we decided to come up 2 ideas each. I came up with two ideas, one of which is 'Collaborate to Innovate.' This means that innovation happens best when people work together, combining their skills and perspectives to create new, impactful solutions. In most projects, we often have to do group activities. I’ve realized that working with teammates can teach me valuable lessons, such as sharing responsibility and managing it effectively. It can also improve my communication skills, and team members can offer emotional support and encouragement, which boosts morale.

Another one is 'Be Yourself,' which means that self-expression and authenticity allow me to create work that reflects who I truly am, my values, and my perspective. By focusing on this, my designs become unique and meaningful, enabling others to connect with them. It also helps me stay true to myself and boosts my confidence in my creativity.

I personally have my own manifesto, which I would describe as an affirmation: ' Lead with kindness, learn continuously, and live boldly.' This means being kind to others, always seeking opportunities to grow and learn, and living with confidence by taking risks and staying true to yourself. I do not want to change our group's outcome. Instead, I would like to replace it with one of my manifesto ideas. I’m not fully satisfied with my 'Collaborate to Innovate' idea, as it feels too simple and repetitive. If given the chance, I would prefer to swap the two.

I would like to say that Week 1, which focused on Creative Practice & Critical Thinking, was really meaningful for me. During this week, I became more aware of the social issues that many people face, such as racism, gender inequality, and tax problems. It was also a chance for me to share my personal experience of being bullied because of my skin color, which helped me connect with others who have faced similar challenges. I learned that raising awareness about these issues, speaking out against them, and supporting positive change are some of the most important ways we can work together to reduce these problems. While we may not be able to solve everything, every small action counts in making a difference.

Overall, This manifesto helped improve my communication and collaboration skills in other modules, like studio, by teaching me how to handle group work and share responsibilities.

~ ( 476 words )

References :

Thiri Ko, Wint. " Week 11 Manifesto group project" 22 Oct 2024. Accessed 8 Nov 2024.

Thiri Ko, Wint. " Week 11 Manifesto group project" 22 Oct 2024. Accessed 8 Nov 2024.

Danu, Kim. " Week 11 Manifesto group project" 22 Oct 2024. Accessed 8 Nov 2024.

Danu, Kim. " Week 11 Manifesto group project" 22 Oct 2024. Accessed 8 Nov 2024.

Thiri Ko, Wint. " Week 11 Personal Manifesto Idea and Demonstration" 22 Oct 2024. Accessed 8 Nov 2024.

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PERUSE MOREOVER:-

[morlock-holmes]

I'm just not finding this book that compelling. It's a bunch of largely reasonable-sounding ideas which are not exactly wrong but which were, in my experience, already clearly unworkable in practice by the time the book was written. I kind of don't even want to bother to expand because if you're reading this you get the problem, but just for example: Kendi essentially makes the affirmative action argument that any policy which tends to produce inequity in racial outcomes is racist and needs to be countered with a policy that reduces inequity, and I'll leave writing the right-wing rebuttal to my correspondents, who can do it in their sleep, but the other question is, "What about a policy that reduces inequity along one axis while increasing it along another?"

Like, McWhorter gives the example of, "Suppose you reduce the number of suspensions in majority black schools to be in line with those of majority white ones, but this in turn means that the number of violent incidences in those schools increases?"

And you can say, "Well, suspending way more students is a racist policy and so is reducing suspensions in a way that exposes students to more violence" and that isn't even wrong, so much as it muddles up what we're trying to do when we use the term "racist".

It entails that we may have to look at a policy which was objectively intended to reduce racism and conclude that it is actually racist, which in turn suggests that anti-racism requires a kind of radical epistemic humility.

Which... Uh... Is not entirely the spirit of the book but more importantly is absolutely not in any way the spirit of early 20s antiracism as it is practiced in expensive training seminars and twitter slap-fights.

It also, and this has been an issue for a long long time, leaves us without a clear vocabulary to describe the different kinds of racism even though distinguishing them is, in fact, important. The distinction between "This color-blind policy has unequal effects which ought to be considered more carefully" and "Nazism" is actually pretty important.

Also this is still just, radically incompatible with Robin DiAngelo's approach to racism, which makes the fact that they ended up as allies and shared bookshelves in millions of American households evidence of something deeply, disturbingly wrong with contemporary antiracism.

No, that's not exactly fair, questions like "How do we effectively deal with high crime in black neighborhoods given police brutality concerns?" are in fact, complex, and there is room for disagreement between people who are otherwise allies.

Robin DiAngelo is evidence of something deeply, disturbingly wrong with contemporary antiracism.

So, I decided to keep looking and got Ibram X. Kendi's *How to Be An Antiracist* from the library.

This is going to be the hardest one for me to finish, not because of anything political at all but just because I find the way Kendi writes memoir stylistically unexciting.

It reminds me of those long-form magazine pieces that go on and on about the subject's disarming smile and the color of his Italian loafers and how the sunset looks from the coffee shop he selected for the interview and the whole time you're going, "Jesus Christ get to the good parts about securities fraud already"

I'm not coming into the book with a positive attitude which certainly can't help.

So far the political arguments are... well they're arguments, so it's immediately a huge step up from *White Fragility*. That there is even a cogent argument being made feels bizarre after slogging through the utter mess that is *White Fragility*.

They also, unless I'm totally misunderstanding what Kendi is saying, seem *entirely* incompatible with Robin DiAngelo's approach to antiracism on some extremely fundamental levels, which is making me reconsider what *White Fragility* actually is and what was going on in 2020 in general.

I am kind of getting to the point where I almost want to recommend that people read *White Fragility* just so you can understand how truly shockingly bad it is. Like I really cannot overstate it, it's not just that I disagree with the politics, it's really genuinely awful even as an example of those politics.