#Action française

[stackslip]

every day i go out and find posters and stickers for new white supremacist and fascist groups. they multiply like flies around here

[etudegenerale]

✍️Ralph Waldo Emerson (1803-1882), est un essayiste, philosophe et poète américain, chef de file du mouvement transcendantaliste américain du début du xixe siècle.

etude-generale.com

[lecturedesam]

L'ombre des innocents

Auteur : René Manzor Titre : L’ombre des innocents Date de parution : 3 Janvier 2024 EAN : 9782702188620 – 365 pages         4eme de couverture  : C’EST DANS L’OMBRE DES INNOCENTS QUE SE CACHE LE MAL Paris, bureau d’un éditeur bien connu. Alors que Marion Scriba, romancière, parle de son prochain polar, des policiers surgissent et l’interpellent, l’accusant du meurtre qui occupe la France entière…

[oldtvandcomics]

I still think that Lupin and Holmes should be friends, and hate Sholmès together. I like the idea that the first meeting in that short story was actually between Lupin and Holmes, and they kept this respectful friendly antagonistic dynamic. But they are definitely allies, at least occasionally, and ignore each other the rest of the time. Sholmès meanwhile is an asshole. I've only read one book with him, but yeah. Not a good guy.

Arsene Lupin and his nemesis "Herlock Sholmes". Fun fact, Maurice Leblanc originally wanted Arsene's nemesis to be Sherlock Holmes, but he couldn't because of copyright, so he changed his name to Herlock Sholmes. Now both characters are in the public domain so they can meet at last without name changes.

[empiredesimparte]

⚜ Le Sacre de Napoléon V | N°23 | Francesim, Paris, 1 Fructidor An 230

At the Tuileries Palace, Ernest informs Emperor Napoleon V of a plot involving anti-monarchist extremists financed by public figures. The Minister of Justice, Jeanne Chautemps, with prudent wisdom, advises rigor and caution in the investigation, while Napoleon V insists on the need not to provide their enemies with ammunition.

Meanwhile, the Emperor's grandfather Louis sought legal advice. His lawyer reassures him of his right to take legal action, promising to handle the matter discreetly. With this procedure, Louis could gain access to secret defense documents.

Beginning ▬ Previous ▬ Next

⚜ Traduction française

Au palais des Tuileries, Paris, 1er arrondissement.

(Ernest) Le témoignage de Madame Mère n’a pas beaucoup aidé à l’enquête

(Ernest) Manifestement, ces extrémistes font partie de groupes anti-monarchistes financés par des personnalités publiques

(Ernest) L’assassinat de feu votre père n’est donc pas totalement dû à l’évolution d’un groupe de manifestants enhardis

(Napoléon V) Intéressant (Jeanne) L’empereur Napoléon IV a déjà échappé à plusieurs attentats durant son règne

(Ernest) L’enquête nous révèlera des noms et des adresses. Nous pourrons alors dissoudre légalement ces groupes dangereux

(Jeanne) Le ministre de l’Intérieur s’en fera une joie, M. de Tour

(Jeanne) D’ici là, poursuivez consciencieusement l’enquête. Nous ne devons faire aucun faux pas et être irréprochables

(Napoléon V) Ne donnons pas raison à nos opposants.

À Paris, 7e arrondissement.

(Louis) Merci, Maître.

(Louis) Je crains que mon petit-fils, le nouvel empereur, ne soit pas d'accord avec cette démarche. Que puis-je faire ?

(Jean) En tant que père de la victime, vous avez tout à fait le droit de vous constituer partie civile.

(Louis) Oui, mais mon petit-fils détient maintenant le pouvoir. S'il s'y oppose... Je ne souhaite pas d'affrontement, mais je veux que justice soit rendue pour mon fils.

(Jean) Je comprends vos réticences. Cependant, la justice doit suivre son cours, indépendamment des dynamiques familiales. Nous nous en assurerons ensemble.

(Jean) Avec votre accord, je m'occuperai personnellement de la rédaction et du dépôt de cette plainte.

(Louis) Et que se passera-t-il ensuite ?

(Jean) En tant que partie civile, vous aurez accès au dossier et pourrez demander des actes d'instruction supplémentaires. De plus, vous pourrez assister aux auditions et aux confrontations, et demander réparation pour le préjudice moral et matériel subi.

(Louis) Très bien, Maître. C'est parfait.

[nesiacha]

do we have good sources on the life and work of claire lacombe? /gen

Portrait probable de Claire Lacombe. Miniaturiste, Ducare. 1765-1798.

I am not the best person to answer this question, as I am currently delving deeper into my research on the group of the Enragés, particularly from a legal perspective, here https://www.tumblr.com/nesiacha/762409217481179136/jacques-rouxs-criticism-of-the-constitution-of?source=share (and also because I don't have much time). Perhaps @saintjustitude or @anotherhumaninthisworld, as well as other Tumblr users more specialized than I am on the subject, could provide better insights.

Nevertheless, I will offer my modest contribution on Claire Lacombe. The academic historian Antoine Resche has written a good biography of her, and historian Mathilde Larrère has also discussed her in depth. Unfortunately, I lost my notes from Jean Clément Martin’s excellent book La Révolte brisée: Femmes dans la Révolution française et l’Empire , as well as one of the most important references on revolutionary women, Dominique Godineau.

We know that Claire Lacombe was born in 1765 and was an actress who worked in Marseille,Lyon, Toulon then living in Paris. She was one of those women, like Théroigne de Méricourt, who proposed to take up arms to fight the tyrants. What I don’t understand is whether Lacombe was referring specifically to Louis XVI and La Fayette, or to other European monarchs as well (which is not impossible, as Théroigne de Méricourt, despite advocating reconciliation between the Montagnards and the Girondins, supported the idea of war). According to Mathilde Larrère, these two women, alongside Pauline Léon, are considered among the most well-known.

Claire Lacombe participated in the storming of the Tuileries in 1792 and received a civic crown like Louise Reine Audu and Théroigne de Méricourt. She was interested in the Jacobin Club before becoming secretary, then president, of the Société des Citoyennes Républicaines Révolutionnaires (Society of Revolutionary Republican Women). Along with other revolutionary women, she demanded the right to bear arms, something Olympe de Gouges, who wrote the Déclaration des droits de la femme et de la citoyenne , did not dare to ask for in the article addressing men’s right to bear arms.

Claire Lacombe grew closer to Leclerc and became a member of the political group known as the Enragés. She made several demands: the trial of Marie Antoinette, greater rigor in arresting suspects, the prosecution of the Girondins by the Revolutionary Tribunal, and the application of the Constitution. She also advocated for more social rights, as outlined in the petition of the Enragés (which would later be taken up by the Exagérés, who, unlike the Enragés, were less suspicious of delegated power and believed in wielding influence beyond the revolutionary sections).

Lacombe was first arrested in September 1793 but released the following day.The majority of the Convention, including La Montagne and what are called the exaggerated or the Hébertists, fought the enragés ( especially Roux and Leclerc) during this period . Her second arrest in April 1794, alongside Leclerc and Pauline Léon, lasted longer. Unlike the latter two, who were released after Thermidor—possibly due to their connections with Tallien (one of the few good actions of Tallien, it should be noted)—Lacombe was not released until August 1795, which is rather strange. Could it be that she didn’t have the right connections to secure her release? Or perhaps, out of disgust for certain Thermidorians, she refused help? Or was she simply forgotten?

In any case, there is no further trace of her political activism. She went to Nantes to resume acting before returning to Paris, where she fell into debt. We don’t even know the date of her death (something she shares with the revolutionary Marie Anne Babeuf). It seems she is among those revolutionaries who have been too forgotten, as we do not know what became of her.

Sources: Antoine Resche Mathilde Larrère

Feel free to check out, as I mentioned, Dominique Godineau’s book Citoyennes tricoteuses, which is very interesting, as well as Jean Clément Martin’s book that I’ve mentioned.

[aedesluminis]

🤚 ^^

🤚Book recs

This is hard because I had stopped reading for many years and I've been trying to get on track in the last year. Overall, I have read many books, but the only ones I feel like recommending are all historical essays about the French Revolution and despite some being in Italian and French I will mention them anyway, given that some of my followers are also from Italy and France ^^

1. P. McPhee's Liberty or Death.

This book is very dear to me, because it was my first ever frev book! I recommend it because it's heavily sourced, explains very clearly the causes and consequences of the Revolution and the history is told, through the quoting of primary sources and accounts, from the people's pov, something quite unique in frev historiography. Unfortunately, this last point can also be a downside, especially for those who know absolutely nothing of the French Revolution: some of the key events sometimes get discussed in a few lines to give much more space to how they were perceived by the population. Not only this may lead to an oversimplification of said events, but also to confusion regarding their chronological order. At the end of the book there's a timeline though, which I suggest to consult in case you feel lost while reading.

I would say it's accessible to everyone interested in the topic and who has an adequate level of English to understand it. Of course, the read will be much more fluid if one already knows a bit about the French Revolution.

2. M. Vovelle, La Révolution Française 1789-1799.

This book exists only in French and Italian sadly. I say sadly, because despite not having read it in full, it's an excellent and concise summary of the French Revolution. It's perfect for literally everyone: students who have to prepare an exam, historians who have to quickly revise it and amateurs who want to be introduced to the French Revolution through something that's not too big or overwhelming. What I like about it, it's the fact it's short, but it manages to perfectly highlight the main events and key figures, showing how important the Revolution was and its consequences in our present era.

I believe an English equivalent would be Soboul's The French Revolution 1789-1799.

3. M. Reinhard, Le Grand Carnot vol. I & II.

Yes, a specific biography, I mean it seriously. Lazare Carnot's life is truly fascinating, but in case you are not interested in him at all, I would still recommend it since it's a nice example of how it's perfectly possible to make an amazing, detailed, well sourced, as impartial as possible work on a beloved historical figure. Because Reinhard likes Carnot, but he cleverly manages to conceal it, by exposing his merits, epic fails and controversial actions; even when he enters the realm of speculation, he does it relying on sources, primary most of the time. Moreover, he is rather knowledgeable about the historical period Carnot lived through, thus the latter's words and decisions get explained in their relative historical context, making it easier to decipher Carnot's motives.

Lastly, it's godly and elegantly written. I genuinely can't wait to fully devote my reading sessions to it, because until now I have only read separate chapters and excerpts.

4. Anything about Nikola Tesla.

Seriously guys, I can't even find the right words to explain how important that genius was, and how unfairly poorly he was treated. Each of us would have something to learn from such a brilliant, devoted and altruistic mind.

[tanadrin]

Further complications came when a section of the French Army rebelled and openly backed the Algérie française movement to defeat separation. Revolts and riots broke out in 1958 against the French government in Algiers, but there were no adequate and competent political initiatives by the French government in support of military efforts to end the rebellion owing to party politics. The feeling was widespread that another debacle like that of Indochina in 1954 was in the offing and that the government would order another precipitous pullout and sacrifice French honour to political expediency. This prompted General Jacques Massu to create a French settlers' committee[20] to demand the formation of a new national government under General De Gaulle, who was a national hero and had advocated a strong military policy, nationalism and the retention of French control over Algeria. General Massu, who had gained prominence and authority when he ruthlessly suppressed Algerian militants, famously declared that unless General De Gaulle was returned to power, the French Army would openly revolt; General Massu and other senior generals covertly planned the takeover of Paris with 1,500 paratroopers preparing to take over airports with the support of French Air Force units.[20] Armoured units from Rambouillet prepared to roll into Paris.[21] On 24 May, French paratroopers from the Algerian corps landed on Corsica, taking the French island in a bloodless action called Opération Corse.[20][21] Operation Resurrection would be implemented if De Gaulle was not approved as leader by the French Parliament, if De Gaulle asked for military assistance to take power, or to thwart any organized attempt by the French Communist Party to seize power or stall De Gaulle's return. De Gaulle, who had announced his retirement from politics a decade before, placed himself in the midst of the crisis, calling on the nation to suspend the government and create a new constitutional system. On 29 May 1958, French politicians agreed upon calling on De Gaulle to take over the government as prime minister. The French Army's willingness to support an overthrow of the constitutional government was a significant development in French politics. With Army support, De Gaulle's government terminated the Fourth Republic (the last parliament of the Fourth Republic voted for its dissolution) and drew up a new constitution proclaiming the French Fifth Republic in 1958.

The Fourth Republic is said to have "collapsed," which isn't untrue per se, but omits the fact that it collapsed under pressure of an imminent right-wing coup to prevent the loss of colonial possessions. The army was preparing to occupy Paris and declare de Gaulle President by force. Compare the coup in Spain that launched the Spanish Civil War, except there the government wasn't willing to capitulate (and the coup did not immediately succeed).

[carbone14]

Après son entrée dans Paris avec les troupes de la 2e Division blindée, Simone Segouin, résistante française dans les Francs-tireurs et partisans (FTP), et deux de ses camarades participent à l'élimination des dernières poches de résistance – Libération de Paris – Opération Overlord – Août 1944

Photos Robert Capa

©Magnum photos

Simone Segouin rejoint les Francs-Tireurs et Partisans en 1944 à l'âge de 18 ans sous le pseudonyme de Nicole Minet. Après de nombreuses missions en tant qu'agent de liaison entre Dreux, Chartres et Châteaudun, les FTP lui propose de prendre les armes et devient l'une des rares femmes à prendre part aux combats. Attaques de convois, de trains, de détachements ennemis et opérations de sabotage lui valent le respect au sein de la résistance.

Elle participe activement à la libération de Chartres et s'illustre le 20 août 1944 en prenant part à la capture de 25 allemands à Thivars, à 7 km au sud de Chartres. A cette occasion elle récupère un pistolet mitrailleur MP40 avec lequel elle pose fièrement lors de la venue du Général de Gaulle à Chartres le 23 août pendant sa tournée d'inspection des régions libérées.

A la suite de cette cérémonie, les différents groupes de résistants du département prennent la direction de Paris pour participer aux combats insurrectionnels. La plupart regagnent Paris et font la jonction avec la 2e Division blindée de Leclerc le 25 août à six heures du matin.

C'est la raison pour laquelle, un cliché de Robert Capa présente Simone Segouin aux côtés de deux de ses camarades face aux dernières poches de résistance allemande.

Sa conduite valeureuse dans la clandestinité et son action dans les combats de la Libération lui valurent le grade de sous-lieutenant.

Elle fût décorée de la croix de guerre par Charles Tillon, ministre de l'Armement et ancien chef des FTP le 24 mars 1946 à Chartres.

[lamarseillasie]

What did Marat think of the CPS members?

Hi, anon! 👋

First of all, I'd like to apologize for taking so long to answer your question. I was very busy with various things involving my end-of-year studies and could only reply now. I hope you weren't upset or disinterested!

Secondly, I didn't quite understand whether your question meant to ask what Marat thought of the CSP in general or what he thought of each of the members individually. So I decided to answer both questions!

It is important to note that, in my research, I have not been able to find much information about Marat's concrete views on the committee itself, nor have I been able to find his views on all the members. This is probably due to the fact that the CSP was created in April 1793, an extremely turbulent year for the Revolution in general and somewhat turbulent in Marat's political life, who, although he never stopped publishing his newspaper, didn't have much time to write. But it's possible that I'll find something more on this subject in the future, so I'll update this post whenever possible.

It can be said that, initially, Marat was committed to the creation of the CSP and was, in a way, in favor of it. Despite this, he never stopped criticizing and imposing his opinions on the organization of its functions and members. In issue no. 163 of his newspaper, Le Publiciste de La Republique Française, published the day after the official creation of the Committee of Public Safety, he points out some "ridiculous defects" in the draft of the Committee of General Defense presented by Isnard for the creation of the CSP. It's a rather poor quality document, which made my translation difficult, so bear in mind that it is subject to errors.

"This was the plan Isnard presented to the General Defense Committee. In vain did I search this plan for the men responsible for providing the means to repel enemies from without and within. I saw in it nothing more than a simple surveillance of the operations of the Minister of War and the Navy and an unlimited search for suspicious citizens, under the pretext of pursuing the schemers. This omission of the most important care and this accumulation of the very different functions of two committees into just one revolted me: I showed that this obviously tended to undermine tyranny, without fulfilling the main objective, which is the defense of the state. My reasons were heard, and the Committee of Public Safety was able to restrict itself to putting ministerial agents into action, in charge of carrying out means of general defense, with the simple power to request the assistance of the Committee of Security for the arrest of evildoers or suspicious persons."

In addition to this excerpt, there are a few other issues of Le Publiciste de La Republique Française in which Marat criticizes the poor functioning of the Committee of General Security. You can find his complaints mainly in the issues from April to July 1793. Despite these harsh criticisms, Marat seemed to believe that the creation of the CSP could bring benefits, or at least he defended the creation of a committee made up of "capable and politically enlightened patriots to put the state on the defensive". This thinking, however, changed dramatically just a few months later. This could be seen in the last issue of the LPRF, which was published the day after Marat's death, on July 14.

"What should we think of the Committee of Public Safety, or rather its leaders, given that most of its members are so careless that they attend committee meetings for only two hours out of twenty-four, ignore almost everything that is done there and perhaps have no knowledge of this room. They are very guilty, no doubt, for taking on a task they don't want to do: but the leaders are very criminal for carrying out their duties in such an unworthy manner."

It is possible to conjecture, especially from this excerpt, that Marat was very dissatisfied with the CSP - which, at the time, still didn't have very consolidated power - and one of the main reasons for this was its members, the vast majority of whom Marat despised. In the following excerpt, he talks about Bertrand Barère, calling him the "most dangerous enemy of the fatherland".

"Among them is one whom the mountain has just renamed in a very reckless manner and whom I consider to be the country's most dangerous enemy. This was Barére, who Sainte-Foi pointed out to the monarch as one of the constitutionalists with whom he could work best. As for me, I am convinced that he is swimming between two waters to see which party will win the day; it is he who has paralyzed all the measures of force and who is tying us up like this to let them cut our throats. I invite him to give me a reminder by finally making a statement so that he is no longer seen as a monarchist in disguise."

Barère is also mentioned by Marat in an interesting pamphlet he made in 1792, when the elections for deputies to the National Convention were taking place. The pamphlet is called Marat, l'Ami du Peuple, aux amis de la patrie and is available to read here (p. 310). In it, Marat comments on some of the candidates for deputies and shares his opinions about them with his readers, making a list of his nominations and also of those who, according to him, should be avoided at all costs. Barère was on the list "of unworthy people proposed by the author of La Sentinelle, with the aim of serving the faction of the enemies of liberty".

"Barère de Vieuzac, a useless man, without virtue or character".

Following the same pamphlet, Marat mentions other future members of the CSP: Billaud-Varenne, Tallien and Robespierre. They are included in the "list of men who have most deserved the patriciate".

Robespierre & Billaud: "All you have to do is name them, they are the true apostles of freedom; woe betide you if they are not the first objects of your vows."

Tallien: "Excellent patriots, who'll always be narrating with the intrepid defenders of the fatherland."

To say the least, we can consider that this list has aged a little badly. I haven't found any further mention or statements by Marat about those mentioned above (with the exception of Robespierre and Barère), so it's possible that his opinion changed from 1792 to 1793, although we don't have any proof of this in principle.

With regard to other members, such as Hérault, Carnot and Couthon: their names only appeared a few times in L'Ami du Peuple, and it's not very easy to identify exactly what Marat thought of each of them. In issue no. 614, Marat refers to Couthon as a "patriot", which I think is a good thing. Hérault, however, doesn't seem to be held in Marat's esteem, especially according to this excerpt from issue no. 510, in which he puts him on the same level as people like Bouillé and Necker, whom, to say the least, Marat didn't like very much.

As for Robespierre, Marat always supported him. In a way, they both always supported each other; Marat did so until his death. The two were never friends as such - in fact, little is known about the personal aspect of their relationship. Throughout the Revolution, they often shared very similar opinions about various situations, such as the case of the Nancy garrison, Simmoneau's death and especially the opposition to the revolutionary war, when both were politically isolated. Because of this, they were able to count on each other's support. Although it's not quite true to say that they were friends or that they had any affection for each other that wasn't entirely political. I plan to write a more complete post about these two in the future!

Apparently, Marat also had a positive opinion of Saint-Just. He appreciates his conduct in a discussion in issue no. 240 of LPRF, and there is also the fact that Saint-Just seemed to be favorable to Marat, which can be seen in some of his writings and speeches at the Convention. Unfortunately, I couldn't find any writings by Marat about other CSP members such as Lindet, Prieur and the others.

From all this, it can be concluded that Marat's opinion of the CSP members is somewhat fragmented, since he has different thoughts about each of them. In any case, it is certain that, at least before his death, Marat was against the committee and had a strong distrust of it. Let me know if you have any questions or corrections about any of the information I've included in this post, anon, and I hope I've helped you. :)

[philcollinsenjoyer]

THIS SCREENSHOT UM COME ON PLEASE THE IMAGERY IS UUUUUHHHH

why on god’s green earth is there a triskell (celtic symbol) on a jar meant to trap a japanese trickster spirit. and why was there a fleur de lys (symbol of french royalty) on the bullet before. yeah if it’s the argents it’s french but it’s pretty precise esp if they’re supposed to be descendants of the people who killed the beast of gévaudan this is french peasantry you guys

[rebeccalouisaferguson]

"I should have been French”: Rebecca Ferguson, the secrets of the heroine of Dune

MEETING - After taming Tom Cruise in Mission: Impossible, the flamboyant Swede is starring in the second part of the adaptation of Dune, the famous book by Frank Herbert, by Denis Villeneuve.

A great director knows how to give depth to a secondary character in just a few shots; a great actress, she knows how to restore this substantial marrow by exploiting these moments - even the briefest - which are granted to her on the screen. A feat that Rebecca Ferguson accomplishes several times in the second part of Dune, piloted by Denis Villeneuve. A necessary know-how since she takes on by far the most complex and mysterious role in this cinematographic fresco adapted from the inexhaustible original work of Franck Herbert: Lady Jessica, a woman capable of controlling the actions of others through simple intonation of her voice, being able to decide the sex of the child she is carrying while being able to communicate with him.

However, she is surrounded by a cast that would make anyone's head spin (Timothée Chalamet, Christopher Walken, Léa Seydoux, Javier Bardem, Stellan Skarsgard, Josh Brolin, Charlotte Rampling...), but this 40-year-old Swede manages to make her memorable performance. Nothing suprising. Ferguson went to a good school. The best, perhaps, for learning to flourish without being stifled by such a team assembled in the middle of one of the biggest productions of the year.

In 2015, then unknown to the general public, she was cast alongside the biggest Hollywood star in one of the most famous franchises on the planet: Tom Cruise in Mission: Impossible. A complete unknown, she must replace Jessica Chastain who refused the role of Ilsa Faust - a spy supposed to rival Ethan Hunt, played by Cruise, in muscle and charisma. Where the “James Bond Girls” left their mark in just one film, Ferguson established herself as the equal of her imposing partner in three episodes of Mission: Impossible and won the hearts of the public.

“It’s romantic, it’s sexy”

As we have understood, the Nordic woman is not afraid of taking on hot-blooded roles. “Please don't ask me how it feels to play powerful women,” she begs, taking off her heels before sitting down on the sofa at the Bristol in Paris, where we meet her. Teasingly, we ask her this question. She counters with a knowing and amused “Oh, fuck off”.

Then stops to order food. A green salad with the dressing on the side and “some protein, like fish or whatever.” Sad menu. Necessary, no doubt? She has to catch a train just after the promotion of Dune to join the filming of the second season of Silo, an excellent series produced and broadcast by Apple TV - but shunned by the audiences (like all the Apple brand's productions). And a bowl of fries,” adds the actress. Phew

So as not to completely forget powerful women, we ask her questions about the continuation of this career which is taking off like a rocket. “I would love to play in smaller, more intimate projects, where we have a little more say in the development of the story or the characters,” admits the actress. "The kind of project that many studios no longer want to support.”

Like those in which his costar from Dune, Thimothée Chalamet, debuted? “Yeah!”, replies the one who doesn’t speak French, but naturally places words from our language in the conversation. “I should have been French, anyway.” For the fries? “No, for the language, its movement, its sensation… there is an attitude. It’s romantic, it’s sexy.” It's never too late, Rebecca.

translated from french for @rebeccalouisaferguson

[thebusylilbee]

"L’absence de réaction de l’Occident face aux actions israéliennes et aux dizaines de milliers de civils tués se situe au-delà du double standard dénoncé depuis des mois. Il s’agit bien de complicité active de crimes de guerre et de crimes contre l’humanité commis par un État voyou.

La rapidité et la violence des bombardements sur Beyrouth créent une forme de sidération, au Liban comme ici. Et la litanie des morts sans nom et sans sépulture, souvent civils, qui s’amoncèlent sous les frappes prétendument ciblées de l’armée israélienne, possède désormais un effet anesthésiant.

Comme le notait l’historien Vincent Lemire le 4 septembre au micro de France Inter, quelques jours avant l’offensive sur le Sud-Liban et Beyrouth : « On ne connaît pas les histoires et les visages des morts à Gaza. Au moins 40 000 morts, dont au moins 30 000 femmes et enfants à Gaza, innocents par définition… Ces chiffres ont pratiquement une capacité anesthésiante sur nous. Il y a quelques mois, on programmait des émissions parce qu’on parlait de 30 000 morts et non plus de 20 000. Mais aujourd’hui ces chiffres ne nous disent plus rien. On est obligé de les rapporter à une réalité française pour qu’ils continuent de nous frapper. »

Un mois après les massacres du 7 octobre, nous écrivions que « rapportés à la population israélienne, il a été dit que les massacres du 7 octobre ayant fait plus de 1 300 victimes équivalaient, en France, à un Bataclan qui aurait coûté la vie à 9 500 personnes. Si l’on prolonge ces calculs sordides, et qu’on rapporte les 9 000 morts de Gaza à une population totale d’environ 2,3 millions d’habitant·es, c’est comme si, en quatre semaines, la France avait perdu 264 000 habitants, dont plus de 100 000 enfants ».

Si l’on poursuit encore l’extrapolation macabre et que l’on se base sur un chiffre de désormais 41 000 morts à Gaza, la population palestinienne gazaouie engloutie depuis un an équivaut donc à 1,2 million de tués rapportés à la population française, soit à peine moins que le nombre de Français tués pendant la boucherie de la Première Guerre mondiale.

Guerre de vengeance

Mais puisqu’il n’est pas certain que même cette comparaison suffise à frapper les esprits, sans doute faut-il oser un autre parallèle. Si on se base sur les chiffres donnés par les ministères de la santé à Gaza et au Liban et qu’on ajoute une estimation basse des victimes sans nom ni sépulture qui se trouvent encore sous les décombres, on atteint au moins 60 000 morts directes dans les frappes de l’artillerie et de l’aviation israélienne.

Ce qui revient à dire qu’Israël a commis, depuis un an, l’équivalent d’un massacre du 7 octobre chaque semaine. Pourtant, aucun dirigeant occidental ne s’est précipité à Ramallah ou à Beyrouth pour exprimer son horreur devant le carnage. Aucun chef d’État ou de gouvernement n’a assuré les peuples palestinien et libanais de son soutien total face aux agressions. [...]

Cette guerre menée par Israël – guerre de représailles et de dissuasion mais aussi de vengeance – fait couler des rivières de sang dont les mains des dirigeants occidentaux – et avant tout étatsunien, c’est-à-dire Joe Biden mais aussi Kamala Harris en tête – sont entachées, tant ils partagent de responsabilités avec les criminels qui gouvernent Israël.

L’effacement des civils

Dans le monde post-7 octobre, bien préparé par le monde post-11 septembre et les centaines de milliers de morts d’Irak ou d’Afghanistan, c’est ainsi la notion même de population civile qui s’efface, en tout cas si ces civils ont le malheur d’être arabes ou musulmans.

Ce n’est pas seulement que les morts et les prisonniers israéliens ont des noms, des visages et des histoires, contrairement aux corps pourrissant dans les fosses communes de Gaza, enfouis dans les décombres de la banlieue sud de Beyrouth ou retenus dans les geôles inaccessibles du Néguev.

C’est qu’un corps palestinien ou chiite ne vaut plus rien aux yeux des Israéliens en particulier, et des Occidentaux en général, comme le manifeste la démesure des chiffres que l’on peut aujourd’hui mettre en regard.

Si l’on mesure non seulement les morts provoquées directement par les bombardements israéliens à Gaza, mais aussi toutes les victimes indirectes, notamment du fait des maladies et du manque d’accès aux soins, on peut sans doute facilement doubler le chiffre de 60 000 victimes, sans aller jusqu’aux 186 000 victimes comptabilisées par une publication récente du Lancet.

Ce qui signifierait qu’avec une estimation plausible de 120 000 morts à Gaza, on aurait déjà une centaine de morts palestiniens, pour un mort israélien le 7 octobre. Des chiffres effarants, à comparer avec un rapport de 7 à 1 pendant la première Intifada et de 3 à 1 pendant la seconde.

Autre exemple du décalage profond entre l’importance des corps et des vies d’un côté à l’autre de la barrière de Gaza ou du fleuve Litani : l’offensive israélienne au Liban a été justifiée par son gouvernement par la nécessité de permettre aux 60 000 déplacés du nord d’Israël de retourner dans leurs maisons.

Sans sous-estimer la vie devenue invivable de ses populations, que nous avions d’ailleurs documentée dans un reportage récent, comment est-il possible d’accepter une telle justification alors qu’elle se paye de l’exil forcé de déjà plus d’un million de Libanais ?

Les complicités occidentales

De cet effacement des civils libanais et palestiniens, l’Occident est comptable à plus d’un titre. D’abord en fournissant les armes et les devises nécessaires à ce carnage. Au moment même où il frappait Beyrouth et où les États-Unis affirmaient n’avoir pas été mis au courant, le gouvernement israélien se faisait un malin plaisir d’annoncer une nouvelle aide de 8,7 milliards de dollars en provenance de l’allié américain.

Dans quel monde peut-on trouver logique, comme ce fut le cas en avril dernier avec la levée du véto républicain au Congrès, de débloquer une « aide » comparable pour l’Ukraine attaquée par le régime de Poutine ; pour Taïwan sous la pression du régime chinois et pour Israël capable de détruire en quelques jours la menace du Hezbollah libanais après avoir réduit en miettes les infrastructures du Hamas ?

Ensuite, en refusant de reconnaître un État palestinien, à quelques rares exceptions près, telles la Norvège, l’Irlande et l’Espagne. Le Moyen-Orient est de fait bouleversé par la décapitation du Hezbollah – une action en passe de prouver que la menace iranienne sur Israël demeure circonscrite, tant le régime des mollahs est contesté en interne et incapable de rivaliser militairement avec un État hébreu soutenu par les États-Unis.

Dans ce moment majeur de redistribution des cartes, l’urgence est pourtant à une action diplomatique imposant la création d’un État palestinien sans lequel les logiques meurtrières et génocidaires à l’œuvre ne pourront que difficilement connaître de répit. [...]"