#“a 2020 poll found that asian americans and younger generations were less likely to believe in the american dream” (paraphrased from yougov

[pwippy]

i originally captioned this as "what do you mean no one really figures life out" but thats not really relevant anymore. i. uh. long rant ahead!

[patriotsnet]

How Many Americans Are Registered Republicans

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How Many Americans Are Registered Republicans

California Voter And Party Profiles

In Battleground States, Newly Registered Democrats Are Outnumbering Newly Registered Republicans

NOTES: Likely voters are registered voters meeting criteria on interest in politics, attention to issues, voting behavior, and intention to vote. For a full description of these criteria and regional definitions, visit www.ppic.org/wp-content/uploads/SurveyMethodology.pdf. For race and ethnicity, results are presented for Latinos, non-Hispanic whites, non-Hispanic Asian Americans, non-Hispanic African Americans, and non-Hispanic other race and multiracial adults.

Sources: Seven PPIC Statewide Surveys from September 2019 to July 2020, including 11,725 adults and 7,243 likely voters. California Secretary of State, Report of Registration, August 2020. US Census Bureau, 20142018 American Community Survey.

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With Partisanship Rising Three

Over the last decade, the number of young Americans who see politics as partisan, and politicians as selfish, has risen sharply. Seventy-six percent of youth agreed with the statement, We need more open-mindedness in politics, only 4% disagreed.

68% agreed with the statement, Elected officials seem to be motivated by selfish reasons. This marks a 14-point increase since 2010.;

56% ;agreed with the statement, Politics has become too partisan — a 10-point ;increase since 2010.;

% Of Republicans View Trump As True Us President

A combination picture shows U.S. President Donald Trump and Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden speaking during the first 2020 presidential campaign debate, held on the campus of the Cleveland Clinic at Case Western Reserve University in Cleveland, Ohio, U.S., September 29, 2020. Picture taken September 29, 2020. REUTERS/Brian Snyder

WASHINGTON, May 24 – A majority of Republicans still believe Donald Trump won the 2020 U.S. presidential election and blame his loss to Joe Biden on illegal voting, according to a new Reuters/Ipsos opinion poll.

The May 17-19 national poll found that 53% of Republicans believe Trump, their party’s nominee, is the true president now, compared to 3% of Democrats and 25% of all Americans.

About one-quarter of adults believe the Nov. 3 election was tainted by illegal voting, including 56% of Republicans, according to the poll. The figures were roughly the same in a poll that ran from Nov. 13-17 which found that 28% of all Americans and 59% of Republicans felt that way.

A Democrat, Biden won by more than seven million votes. Dozens of courts rejected Trumps challenges to the results, but Trump and his supporters have persisted in pushing baseless conspiracy theories on conservative news outlets.

The Reuters/Ipsos poll showed that 61% of Republicans believe the election was “stolen” from Trump. Only about 29% of Republicans believe he should share some of the blame for his supporters’ Jan. 6 deadly riot at the U.S. Capitol.

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With The Population Diversifying Non

The voter population for presidential elections continues to change in its demographic makeup. This relates both to turnout and to the changing shifts in the nations overall population. Because of the rising growth rates of nonwhite race and ethnic groups nationally and the increased educational attainment of younger voters, the share of all voters identifying as non-college white continues to shrink. Thus, for the first time in a presidential election, white voters without college degrees comprised less than two-fifths of the voter population.

These changes look quite different from 2004, when non-college white voters comprised more than half of the voter population and nonwhite minorities comprised only one-fifth. Since then, the formers share dropped to 39.7%; the share of white college-educated voters increased modestly, from 27.7% to 31.3%.; and the share of nonwhite voters rose to 29%, almost equaling that of white college graduates.

The shift in the race-ethnic makeup of the populationespecially the younger populationis evident when looking at voters in the past five presidential elections. During this period, younger generations of voting-age citizens have become more racially diverse. In 2020, for the first time, at least 10% of the total voter population identified as Latino or Hispanic, as did 15% of voters below age 40. The white share of the under-age-40 voter population declined by 10 points from 2004 to 2020, to 64% .

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Map 1 And Table : Party Registration Totals By State July 2018

Democrats no longer control the White House, the Senate, the House of Representatives, or for that matter most of the governorships or state legislatures. But they still maintain a toehold in the political process with their edge in the realm of voter registration. At least that is the case in the 31 states and the District of Columbia that register voters by political party. As of this month, 13 of these states boast a Democratic plurality in registered voters, compared to eight states where there is a Republican plurality. In the other 10 states, there are more registered independents than either Democrats or Republicans, with Democrats out-registering the Republicans in six of these states and the GOP with more voters than the Democrats in the other four. They are indicated in the chart as I or I. Nationally, four out of every 10 registered voters in party registration states are Democrats, with slightly less than three out of every 10 registered as Republicans or independents. Overall, the current Democratic advantage over Republicans in the party registration states approaches 12 million.

Recent party registration numbers used here are from state election websites and are based on totals compiled in early July 2018. Registration data are as of the following months: October 2016 ; February 2017 ; November 2017 ; January 2018 ; March 2018 ; April 2018 ; May 2018 ; June 2018 ; and July 2018 .

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Key Point From This Article

Altogether, there are 31 states with party registration; in the others, such as Virginia, voters register without reference to party. In 19 states and the District, there are more registered Democrats than Republicans. In 12 states, there are more registered Republicans than Democrats. In aggregate, 40% of all voters in party registration states are Democrats, 29% are Republicans, and 28% are independents. Nationally, the Democratic advantage in the party registration states approaches 12 million.

Tens Of Thousands Of Voters Drop Republican Affiliation After Capitol Riot

More than 30,000 voters who had been registered members of the Republican Party have changed their voter registration in the weeks after a mob of pro-Trump supporters attacked the Capitol an issue that led the House to impeach the former president for inciting the violence.

The massive wave of defections is a virtually unprecedented exodus that could spell trouble for a party that is trying to find its way after losing the presidential race and the Senate majority.

It could also represent the tip of a much larger iceberg: The 30,000 who have left the Republican Party reside in just a few states that report voter registration data, and information about voters switching between parties, on a weekly basis.

Voters switching parties is not unheard of, but the data show that in the first weeks of the year, far more Republicans have changed their voter registrations than Democrats. Many voters are changing their affiliation in key swing states that were at the heart of the battle for the White House and control of Congress.

Nearly 10,000 Pennsylvania voters dropped out of the Republican Party in the first 25 days of the year, according to the secretary of states office. About a third of them, 3,476, have registered as Democrats; the remaining two-thirds opted to register with another party or without any party affiliation.

In all of those areas, the number of Democrats who left their party is a fraction of the number of Republican defectors.

Read Also: What Did Taft Do That Angered Progressive Republicans

Voter Turnout In 2020 And Beyond

The new census data makes plain that the 2020 election was record-breaking in terms of the magnitude of its voter turnout. Yet there are two aspects of this turnout which need to be emphasized. One is the sharp rise in the turnout among white non-college votersa group that has strongly favored Republicans. The other is the accentuated turnout among young people and people of colorrepresenting the increasing influence of voters who heavily lean toward Democratic presidential candidates.

Both of these groups exerted countervailing forces on the results of the 2020 election, leading to close popular vote totals in a handful of states. However, the underlying demographics of the nations voter population show that Democratic-leaning voter populations are on the rise in both fast-growing and slow-growing parts of the country.

This raises the question as to whether even greater turnout among white non-college voter groupsor Republican efforts to alter voting requirements in their favorwill be enough to counter the influence of young voters and voters of color in future presidential elections.

For The First Time There Are Fewer Registered Republicans Than Independents

Gravitas: US Election 2020 | How Republicans & Democrats are wooing Indian Americans

For the first time in history, there are more registered independents in the United States than there are registered Republicans.

It may not be for the reason you think, though.

New data from Ballot Access News, which tracks registrations in the 31 states that require voters to register by party, shows that independents account for 29.09 percent of voters in them, compared with 28.87 percent for Republicans. As recently as 2004, Republicans outpaced independents by nearly 10 percentage points.

There are still way more registered Democrats; 39.66 percent of voters are registered with that party.

This marks the first time since party registration began in the early 1900s that the number of registered independents in the United States has surpassed members of either major political party, according to Ballot Access News.

Heres the data going back to 2004:

But before anybody chalks this up as having to do with the current occupant of the White House, its worth parsing the trends.

While independents have surpassed Republicans, there actually hasnt been a huge drop in GOP party registration since President Trump took office. Since October 2016, GOP registration has dropped by half a percentage point. The number of registered Democrats declined by nearly a full point over the same span. Independents have benefited from both drops.

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A Plurality Believe History Will Judge Trump As A The Worst President Ever; Less Than A Quarter Of Young Americans Want Trump To Play A Key Role In The Future Of Republican Politics; Young Republicans Are Divided

Thirty percent of young Americans believe that history will judge Donald Trump as the worst president ever. Overall, 26% give the 45th president positive marks , while 54% give Trump negative marks ; 11% believe he will go down as an average president.

Twenty-two percent of young Americans surveyed agree with the statement, I want Donald Trump to play a key role in the future of Republican politics, 58% disagreed, and 19% neither agreed nor disagreed. Among young Republicans, 56% agreed while 22% disagreed, and 21% were neutral. Only 61% of those who voted for Trump in the 2020 general indicated their desire for him to remain active in the GOP.

If they had to choose, 42% of young Republicans consider themselves supporters of the Republican party, and not Donald Trump. A quarter indicated they are Trump supporters first, 24% said they support both.

Despite The State Of Our Politics Hope For America Is Rising And So Is Youths Faith In Their Fellow Americans

In the fall of 2017, only 31% of young Americans said they were hopeful about the future of America; 67% were fearful. Nearly four years later, we find that 56% have hope. While the hopefulness of young whites has increased 11 points, from 35% to 46% — the changes in attitudes among young people of color are striking. Whereas only 18% of young Blacks had hope in 2017, today 72% are hopeful . In 2017, 29% of Hispanics called themselves hopeful, today that number is 69% .

By a margin of nearly three-to-one, we found that youth agreed with the sentiment, Americans with different political views from me still want whats best for the country — in total, 50% agreed, 18% disagreed, and 31% were recorded as neutral. In a hopeful sign, no significant difference was recorded between Democrats and Republicans .

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Record 22 Million Californians Registered To Vote Heading Into General Election

SACRAMENTO, CA Secretary of State Alex Padilla released the final statewide Report of Registration ahead of the;November 3, 2020, General Election. As of October 19, 2020, a record 22,047,448 Californians were registered to vote. This represents an increase of 2,635,677 registered voters since the last Report of Registration at a similar point in a presidential election cycle .

87.87% of eligible Californians are registered to vote.;This is the highest percentage of eligible citizens registered to vote heading into a General Election in the past;80 years.

For the first time, California;now;has more than 22 million registered voters, said;Secretary of State Alex Padilla. There are more voters registered in California than the number of people in the state of Florida!;Record;registration and a historic election points towards a big;voter turnout, which could also;mean longer lines and wait times on Election Day. If you havent voted yet, I;highly recommend that;you;consider voting early.

If you missed the voter registration deadline, you still have to opportunity to vote using Same Day Registration. 2020 marks the first year that voters can complete the Same Day voter registration process and cast their ballot at any in-person voting location in the county;or the county elections office, Padilla added.

Trends in Statewide Voter Registration 1996 2020

22,047,448

Registration Comparison October 19, 2020 Report vs. October 24, 2016 Report

Political Party

The Swing State Voting Patterns That Decided The Election

Given the importance of the state outcomes in the Electoral College, it is useful to study turnout patterns in swing or near-swing states from the 2020 presidential election .

Three such states in the rapidly growth South and West regions are Georgia, Arizona, and Texas. The former two gave Biden a razor-thin win over Donald Trump; the latter, which Trump won, showed a smaller Republican margin than in recent elections.

In all three states, turnout was highest for white college graduates, and lowest for nonwhite voters. Yet in each case, 2016-to-2020 turnout increases were greater for non-college white voters than for white college graduates. Each state also exhibited sizeable gains in their nonwhite turnout rates, which countered the Republican-leaning impact of the non-college white turnout increase. This was especially the case for the large Latino or Hispanic populations in Arizona and Texas, and modestly for the Black population in Georgia.

It is the case that the white non-college bloc voted somewhat less Republican in each of these states in 2020 than in 2016. However, it appears that the rise in white non-college turnout helped to make the races in Georgia and Arizona close, and in Texas, kept the Republican margins from shrinking further.

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Read Also: How Did Republicans Gain Control Of Southern Governments

A Wide And Growing Generational Divide In Partisanship

The generational gap in partisanship is now more pronounced than in the past, and this echoes the widening generational gaps seen in many political values and preferences.

Millennial voters have had a Democratic tilt since they first entered adulthood; this advantage has only grown as they have aged.

Democrats enjoy a 27-percentage-point advantage among Millennial voters . In 2014, 53% of Millennial voters were Democrats or leaned Democratic, 37% tilted toward the GOP.

Millennials remain more likely than those in older generations to call themselves independents ; still, the roughly two-to-one Democratic advantage among Millennials is apparent both in straight and leaned partisan affiliation.

Generation X voters are more divided in their partisan attachments, but also tilt toward the Democratic Party . The balance of leaned partisan identification among Gen X voters has been relatively consistent over the past several years. Baby Boomer voters are nearly evenly divided .

The Silent Generation is the only generational group that has more GOP leaners and identifying voters than Democratic-oriented voters. About half of Silent Generation voters identify with or lean toward the Republican Party, a larger share than a decade ago; 43% identify with or lean toward the Democratic Party.

Gender gaps in other generations are more modest. For instance, 57% of Silent Generation men identify with or lean toward the GOP, compared with 48% of Silent women.

Unvaccinated Americans Whiter More Republican Than Vaccinated

Americans who say they will definitely not get vaccinated against COVID-19 are overwhelmingly white and Republican, according to polling by the Kaiser Family Foundation.;Meanwhile, the group that plans to wait and watch for problems is disproportionately Black and Hispanic. ;;The United States is falling just short of President Joe Biden’s goal of having 70% of Americans receive at least one dose of vaccine by July 4. ;;While about one-third of Americans have not been immunized against COVID-19, their reasons and intentions break down largely along racial and political lines. ;;

Hard no;Only 14% of Americans say they will definitely not get vaccinated. But this group is 69% white, compared with 7% Black and 12% Hispanic. Republicans make up 58% of this group, while Democrats account for 18%.;”From the beginning of the pandemic, we’ve seen political divides in attitudes towards COVID itself, not just the vaccines,” said Liz Hamel, director of KFF’s Public Opinion and Survey Research program. ;;For example, she said, “believing that the media has exaggerated the seriousness of the pandemic that’s something that we heard President Trump saying when he was in office. It’s something that Republicans are more likely to agree with than Democrats. And people who believe that the pandemic has been exaggerated are much less likely to say they want to get the vaccine.”;More than half of those who said they would not get vaccinated said they did not need it.;

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[orbemnews]

With hair loss on the rise, Asia's men grapple with what it means to be bald Written by Oscar Holland, CNNHong Kong Despite his father having an “m-shaped” hairline, Alex Han from northeast China never thought he’d experience hair loss in his 20s. While studies have suggested almost all Caucasian men will eventually face some degree of male pattern baldness — and around half can expect to lose their hair by middle age — Asian men, and East Asians in particular, have historically experienced the lowest incidence of hair loss in the world. A 2010 study from six Chinese cities found that fewer than 3% of men aged 18-29, and just over 13% of those in their 30s, experienced male pattern baldness. Earlier research from South Korea suggested that only 14.1% of the entire male population was affected, while Japanese men were found to develop male pattern baldness approximately a decade later than their European counterparts. But as Han, now 34, later discovered, genetics isn’t everything. Stress, poor diet, lack of sleep and smoking can all contribute to hair loss. And with lifestyles in China changing dramatically in recent decades, so too are the country’s hairlines. “I was prepping my masters entrance examinations and there was a lot of pressure, so I probably didn’t sleep very well,” Han said in a phone interview. “At that time, (my receding hairline) was under control, but after three years in Beijing getting my masters, I moved to Germany for PHD study … and not only me, but other Asian students there, had a problem with hair loss.” Commuters crowd the subway in Beijing in July 2008. China has traditionally had some of the world’s lowest rates of baldness, though changes to people’s lifestyles are contributing to an increase in hair loss. Credit: Guang Niu/Getty Images It’s an issue faced by many in Han’s generation, and younger. A 50,000-person survey by the China Association of Health Promotion and Education reportedly found that the country’s 30-somethings were going bald faster than any other group. Almost a third of respondents who were born in or after 1990 reported thinning hair, according to Chinese state media. A similar poll by Beijing’s prestigious Tsinghua University reportedly found that an astonishing 60% of students had experienced some degree of hair loss. Chinese state broadcaster CGTN went so far as to describe hair loss among the young as an “epidemic.” But lifestyle changes have been accompanied by transformations in both technology and disposable income. Hair transplants are a viable solution for a growing number of men, and the Chinese market for the procedure is expected to hit 20.8 billion yuan ($2.9 billion) in 2020, more than four times what it was four years ago, according to market research firm Statistica. Han opted to travel to Thailand for the transplant, which sees thousands of hair follicles grafted from other parts of the body — such as the chest, or back of the neck — onto the head. The eight- to 10-hour procedure cost him around $9,000, though he found clinics in China quoting “a sixth of that.” The transplant may take months to take effect, though Han expressed hope that he will “see the results and see my hair return to normal in the next two or three months,” adding, “then I’ll behave as if nothing has happened.” Navigating stigmas Han’s fears mirror those experienced by men with receding hairlines around the world, namely the impact on his confidence, professional prospects and first impressions. “Hairstyles, for me, are critically important for men’s first impressions,” he said. But losing your hair may be especially difficult in countries where it’s less common. The male beauty standards in East Asian popular culture — from Korean K-pop to Hong Kong’s movie industry — often favor big hair and boyish looks. “In Asian cultures the younger generation really like idols like (Chinese pop band) TFBoys,” Han said, adding that standards for white or black men are often different. For 37-year-old David Ko, a Seoul-based reporter who has previously written about his experience of hair loss, the lack of visibility of hairless men in South Korea “certainly plays a role in people feeling uncomfortable about going bald.” “Whenever there is a precedent, people tend to feel (more confident) to follow,” he said in an email interview. A man looks at a robotic hair transplant machine at the China International Import Expo in Shanghai in 2019. Credit: China News Service/Visual China Group/Getty Images A Korean study in the International Journal of Dermatology found that balding men were considered older and less attractive by 90% of non-bald respondents. In 2018, National Human Rights Commission of Korea had to urge employers not to discriminate against hairless men, after a building management company was accused of asking a job applicant to wear a wig during his interview and rejecting him on account of his bald head, according to the Yonhap News Agency. (The unnamed company denied doing so). Studies in the West — while not always positive about how baldness is perceived by others — suggest that the stigma may be lessened in countries where hair loss is more common. Research from the University of Pennsylvania, for instance, found that men were perceived as “more dominant, taller and stronger” when participants were shown their photos with the hair digitally removed. Chinese American entrepreneur Saul Trejo, who has lived in various cities around Asia since 2011, began losing his hair while studying in Beijing. The 30-year-old said he “definitely noticed” the lower proportion of bald men in the city, compared to the US, and “it probably bothered me, but I tried to not let it.” He also found that people were more comfortable than those in the West to pass comment — even if in an entirely observational way. “People will tell you straight out,” he said in a phone interview from Taipei, recounting instances when his loss of hair was casually pointed out to him. “Normally when they’re saying it they’re not trying to be mean, they’re just commenting, so I can’t be mad. But you remember. “I tried to shave my head, but I didn’t think it was suitable for my head and body shape,” he added, naming Dwayne “The Rock” Johnson and actor Jason Statham as non-Asians who can pull off the look. “I think Asian people, including myself, tend to be a little slimmer, so if I had to choose between bald and slim versus bald and athletic, or even muscular, then I think it looks better with the more size you have.” In 2018, Trejo underwent a hair transplant in Bangkok, where he was based at the time. While it took almost a year to see the final results, Trejo said his new hairline is “a major blessing,” that “massively improved my dating life.” Before-and-after images shared with CNN show a remarkable amount of hair restoration at the top and sides of his head. Chinese American Saul Trejo, pictured before and after undergoing a hair transplant in Thailand. Credit: Saul Trejo The doctor behind Trejo’s procedure, Damkerng Pathomvanich, is a leading researcher into hair loss. He said that the number of hair transplant clinics in Asia is “skyrocketing,” and that business among Chinese patients at his clinic is “booming.” “We published data (in 2002) showing an alarming increase in male pattern baldness in Asians,” he said over the phone, naming diet as a key driver for the change. “I had a lot of Caucasian patients saying to me, ‘You Asians don’t go bald,’ but it’s not true.” Alternative approaches There are cheaper and less invasive treatments on the market. Chinese e-commerce giant Alibaba stocks thousands of restorative shampoos, serums and sprays, and has reported that more than 70% of customers buying anti-hair-loss products were born after 1980, according to the South China Morning Post (a newspaper owned by Alibaba). Drugs like minoxidil and finasteride, available in the US since the 1980s and 1990s respectively, appear to be gaining traction in the region too. Sales of the former, which is commonly traded as Rogaine, are expected to grow 5% per year in Asia Pacific from 2018 to 2024, according to an industry report by Global Market Insights. A judge examines finalists at a 1957 baldness competition in Japan, where rates of hair loss have historically been among the world’s lowest. Credit: Keystone Features/Hulton Archive/Getty Images Then there are also purported natural remedies. In traditional Chinese medicine, for instance, various herbs and plant extracts have long been touted as solutions to hair loss, though their effectiveness remains a matter of debate (one of them, polygonum multiflorum, or tuber fleeceflower, can even induce hepatitis if over-consumed). In Korea, meanwhile, houttuynia cordata — also known as fish mint, or chameleon plant — can be brewed into a black liquid that is applied to the scalp, according to the journalist, David Ko, who received some from his concerned mother-in-law. “I used it like a shampoo whenever I washed my hair,” he said. “After wetting my hair, I poured a handful of the plant-steeped water on my scalp, finger-massaged my scalp for about one minute, then rinsed it off with fresh water. “But as time went by without seeing any clear sign of improvement, I got so tired of the remedy that I dumped more of (it) on my hair each time to finish the jar faster and get the practice over with.” He then tried other suggested home remedies. “My wife also nudged me to sprinkle some sea salts over my scalp instead of the plant water, and one of my co-workers told me her balding father benefitted from eating lots of black sesame seeds as a snack.” Related video: Beauty is protest for young North Korean women While New York dermatologist Norman Orentreich is widely known as the father of hair transplants, Japanese doctor Shoji Okuda is believed to have performed the very first procedure in 1937 (though the breakout of World War II meant that his research was largely overlooked). With baldness on the rise in Asia, it’s perhaps no surprise that the continent’s scientists — Japan’s and South Korea’s in particular — are again leading some of the field’s most promising research. A ground-breaking Japanese study, published last year, grew hair follicles from scratch using stem cells. They were then successfully transplanted onto the backs of mice, though any resulting therapies remain a long way from ever being approved for humans (and in many countries, stem cell treatments are either highly restricted or completely outlawed). Other novel responses to hair loss are now available in Asia. Scalp micropigmentation, for instance, involves tattooing thousands of tiny dots on patients’ heads to give the illusion of shaved hair. A South Korean study in the peer-reviewed International Journal of Dermatology described the process as “one of the most effective treatment methods” for hair loss, reporting an average satisfaction rate of 4.8 out of 5 among the 80 patients interviewed. Like ‘a triad’ But, still, Asia poses unique challenges for receding men. Undergoing the scalp tattoo procedure requires patients to permanently sport a shaved-head look, which, as the Korean study suggested, may be “stereotyped in Asian cultures as (being like) a gangster or criminal.” According to Ko, however, such labels are a thing of the past. “Back in the day, when young males shaved their heads, seniors would mildly chide them with a totally unproven and absurd hypothesis,” he said, suggesting that elders once saw a skinhead as a sign that someone was a rebel, or had “a problem with society.” “Nowadays (these attitudes) almost never exist, but it is still true people look at bald males with a certain awe.” A model with a shaved head walks the runway at China Fashion Week in 2017. The rise of street style may be helping popularize the skinhead look. Credit: Visual China Group / Getty Images Eric But of Synergy Model Management, which has offices in Hong Kong and Guangzhou, said that clients are still often looking for Asian models to be “cute (with) long hair — that Korean drama, perfect boyfriend kind of look.” But while he distinguishes between shaved and bald heads, the modeling agent said that the rise of street fashion is gradually normalizing the skinhead look in Asia. “For our parents’ generation, a skinhead in Asia is kind of like a gangster — if you want to be a triad, or if you go to prison, you have to shave your head,” he said over the phone. “But now, for people born in the ’90s or later, they see having a skinhead as a streetwear trend. And streetwear is massive in Asia.” Even in the home of coiffed K-pop, visibility may be growing gradually. Ko cited restaurateur Hong Seok-cheon (below), rapper Gill and actor Kim Kwang-kyu as examples of a slowly-growing number of high-profile bald celebrities in South Korea. “It would be more helpful if there were more Koreans with hair loss — if there were more cases (people) could look up to and think they are not alone out there.” Top image: Chinese artist Fang Lijun pictured with one of his paintings, which since the 1990s have often featured bald-headed protagonists. The artist uses the hairless figures as symbols of disillusionment and rebellion in modern China. Source link Orbem News #Asias #bald #grapple #hair #Loss #means #men #Rise

[dipulb3]

The BLM protests preview the politics of a diversifying America

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The BLM protests preview the politics of a diversifying America

The emergence of this broader transracial coalition, particularly among the young, is fundamentally changing the terms of debate over inequalities African Americans are confronted with in policing and other aspects of society, argues Terrance Woodbury, a Black Democratic consultant whose firm, HIT Strategies, studies attitudes among young adults.

“Essentially, the beginning of the movement for Black lives for many years was a movement of Black people vs. the police,” Woodbury says. “It was a battle that we just could not seem to win. The biggest difference here … is this movement has evolved from Black people vs. the police to young people vs. racism. That’s a very different dynamic.”

That shift may prove pivotal not only for the movement itself, but also for the politics of the massive millennial and Generation Z cohorts. In 2020, according to calculations by demographer Bill Frey, those two generations of Americans born after 1981 will compose roughly as large a share of eligible voters as the baby boomers and older generations born in 1964 or earlier, just under two-fifths in each case.

This spring’s mass uprising against racial inequity may prove a galvanizing cause for the political engagement of these racially diverse generations — especially with President Donald Trump defining the Republican Party in such stark hostility to the demonstrations.

“I think this is a trigger, really,” Frey told me. “Trump could be the trigger for this new multi-racial coalition going forward.”

Broader consensus on racial injustice

Building stronger cross-racial alliances could be critical for the movement for racial equity, because demographic change won’t inherently increase the political leverage of African Americans. Though the US has grown vastly more diverse over the past half century, the African American share of the population has increased only slightly, from around 11% in 1970 to 12.5% now, according to Frey’s calculations from census data.

That pattern will persist in the decades ahead as Whites fall below a majority of the population. Although Frey projects that by 2045 the non-Hispanic White share of the population will fall by about 10 percentage points (from almost 60% now to just under 50% then), he forecasts that African Americans will again increase only slightly, from today’s 12.5% to 13.1% of the total. Instead, Hispanics, Asian Americans and those of mixed race will provide most of the growth.

Already, in 2020, Frey calculates, the Hispanic share of the under-18 population is nearly double the Black share; Hispanics outnumber Blacks in the share of eligible voters among both millennials and Generation Z.

“The country is becoming more diverse, but not so much because of African Americans,” Frey says. “It’s especially Latinos and also Asian Americans.”

That reality underscores the importance of the panoramic diversity evident at this spring’s protests. Recent polling by the nonpartisan Kaiser Family Foundation found that about 1-in-10 American adults said they had participated in protests this spring — a finding that would translate to about 25 million people.

Critically, in their racial profiles, those who said they had protested virtually matched the overall population: In Kaiser’s findings, African Americans represented about 15% of the protesters, Asians and Hispanics slightly less than that, and Whites around three-fifths.

As Woodbury notes, that broader participation hasn’t disrupted the movement’s explicit focus on racial injustice toward African Americans. Instead, it’s meant that a broader chorus of Americans than earlier in the Black Lives Movement are expressing that discontent.

“For the first time, this is explicitly and exclusively about Black pain,” Woodbury says. “It is just not explicitly and exclusively Black people expressing it.”

A wide variety of public polls show that even before Floyd’s death and the current wave of protest, a rising share of Americans across racial lines have agreed that discrimination against African Americans remains a problem. In Gallup polling, for instance, the share of all Americans who say that Blacks are treated less fairly in encounters with police rose from 43% In 2015 to 52% in 2018, and the share that said racism against Blacks is widespread jumped 10 percentage points from 2009 to 2016.

Whites remain considerably less likely than African Americans to agree with such sentiments and on these questions stark differences still separate the parties. (In one 2019 national survey, two-thirds of voters who approved of Trump’s performance as President said discrimination against Whites was as big a problem as bias against minorities, while three-fourths of those who disapproved of him disagreed.) But public opinion on issues of racial inequity is unmistakably trending toward greater convergence across lines of race and ethnicity.

Recently, the Navigator research survey project run by two Democratic polling firms found broad agreement among African Americans, other people of color (including Hispanics and Asian Americans) and Whites on a long list of potential police reforms, including banning chokeholds, requiring dashboard and body cameras, establishing a national misconduct registry and retrenching the legal “qualified immunity” protection that makes it difficult to prosecute police officers accused of misconduct.

Attitudes toward the Black Lives Movement itself show the same progression. In 2016, Pew found that 18% of Americans described themselves as strong supporters of the movement, while another 26% said they supported it “somewhat.” In Pew polling earlier this month, those numbers had jumped to 38% and 29% respectively. The growth, according to detailed results provided by Pew, occurred across racial lines: The percentage who described themselves either as strongly or somewhat supporting the movement rose from 40% to 61% among Whites, from 33% to 78% among Hispanics and from 65% to 86% among Blacks. (Figures for Asian Americans were not released in the earlier poll but 75% identified as supporters in the new one.)

Moving toward solidarity

That sense of shared interest from Hispanics and Asian Americans in a movement focused on discrimination against African Americans may be the most important trend in these recent polls, given the role those groups will play in the nation’s future growth. Those different communities of color did not always express such common interests.

In polling during the 1990s and the early years of this century, significant numbers of African Americans expressed support for limiting immigration, many Asian Americans opposed affirmative action programs in higher education that benefited Black and Hispanic students (at the expense of their children, they believed) and significant numbers of Hispanics expressed negative stereotypes about African Americans. Those racial fault lines were most visible in the way these different groups divided over the succession of racially inflammatory ballot propositions that California passed during the 1990s to deny public services to undocumented immigrants, end affirmative action and bilingual education, and impose longer prison sentences on repeat offenders.

But many observers believe these groups are allying more closely in part because of a sense of shared threat from Trump, who has rolled back civil rights enforcement (including investigations of local police departments), limited immigration, separated undocumented families at the border and repeatedly targeted immigrants and minorities with racist language, as he did at his Tulsa rally Saturday. Also contributing to the greater alliance may be the heightened priority that young people of all races are placing on confronting systemic bias and inequity.

Polls this spring have consistently found that support for the protests and discontent over police behavior are greatest among young adults. One recent Washington Post/Schar School survey found that more than four-fifths of adults younger than 30 said they supported the protests and that police must continue making changes to treat Blacks fairly, while nearly as many said Floyd’s death was part of a broader pattern. In the latest Appradab poll, three-quarters of people aged 18-34 said the criminal justice system favors Whites over Blacks.

Pew’s survey this month also found that four-fifths of adults younger than 30 expressed positive views toward Black Lives Matter, significantly more than any older age group, with little difference again between the views of Whites and people of color.

Similarly, in an online study of younger adults released last week for the liberal organizing group NextGen America, the Global Strategy Group, a Democratic polling firm, found broad support for the Black Lives Matter movement across every racial and ideological segment of those generations except for the one-fifth who identified as pro-Trump Republicans, says Andrew Baumann, who conducted the survey. Even the Republicans in that age group who are skeptical of Trump preponderantly backed the movement, he found.

While the current movement remains tightly focused on “the pain of Black America,” Woodbury says, the cross-racial nature of the protests points to the possibility of “blending the priorities of our entire generation” around an agenda of greater equity for other minority groups, from Hispanics and Asians to the gay community.

“Systemic injustice is not unique to Black America… it reaches across a lot of racial lines, a lot of demographic faults,” Woodbury says. “That’s where there is an opportunity to broaden the coalition and … the message.”

A crystallizing moment?

The overwhelming consensus about confronting racial inequity across the millennial meneration (generally defined as those born from 1981 to 1996) and Generation Z (tentatively defined as those born from 1997 to 2014) could make this spring’s protests a crystallizing political moment for these two huge and racially diverse cohorts. Together, Frey has calculated, they now represent just over 42% of the population, a larger share than the massive baby boom cohort — born from 1946 to 1964 — did even at its peak (37% in 1964).

While the two younger generations will roughly equal baby boomers and their elders as a share of eligible voters in November, they will clearly exceed the older groups by 2024, with the gap widening steadily after that. But lackluster turnout — fewer than half of eligible adults younger than 30 voted in 2016 — has diluted their impact so far.

Democrats have been uncertain those turnout numbers will improve much this year, both because of presumptive nominee Joe Biden‘s very weak performance with young people during the primaries and polls showing younger adults less enthusiastic about voting than older generations. But Baumann says the movement that erupted following Floyd’s death might trigger greater engagement, particularly because it is already driving local policy changes in several cities.

“I think it’s a self-reinforcing virtuous cycle,” he says. “They are seeing that they are taking action and they are seeing change because of it, and it is going to make them realize even more that they can make an impact.”

Young people have provided the critical mass for this spring’s protest movements: The Kaiser poll found that those aged 18-29 made up a majority of the adults participating, more than double their share of the population. In that way, the magnitude of the movement underscores the impact these diverse generations may have if and when they turn out in numbers that more closely approximate their share of eligible voters.

And that prospect underscores the generational roulette Trump is playing as he defines the GOP around his brand of racial nationalism.

Pew found this month that three-fourths of young adults said the President was delivering the wrong message in response to the protests; younger Whites were as likely as people of color to express that view, according to detailed results Pew provided. In the Appradab survey, three-fourths of young adults likewise said they disapproved of Trump’s handling of race relations; just 31% of them approved of his overall job performance.

The numbers don’t differ much in young people’s attitudes on other issues where their views collide with the dominant perspective in the contemporary GOP, including climate change, equal rights for gay and transgender people, and legal protection for young undocumented immigrants brought to the US by their parents.

“All the things the Republican Party is defined by right now is absolutely pushing away this generation, and there’s not much time left for them to try to correct that,” says Baumann.

Younger Republican consultants such as pollster Kristen Soltis Anderson counter that these youthful generations express skepticism of centralized institutions, including government, that could open them to aspects of the Republican message. But few of them dispute that the bristling brand of racially confrontational conservatism that Trump has defined is alienating most in these emerging generations.

The prospect that Republicans will remain locked into those positions by a party base attracted to Trump’s message prompts Woodbury to raise a transformative possibility: While Democrats are focused on whether Biden can reach the 60% support among young adults that President Barack Obama notched in 2012 — much less the 67% he attracted in 2008 — Woodbury says that over time Democrats should aspire to winning something closer to the three-fourths or four-fifths of millennials and Generation Zers who take liberal positions on issues, particularly those surrounding race relations.

“As long as Republicans … allow Donald Trump to define their position on race as a party, then it is fueling a realignment,” Woodbury says. “In the equation of young people vs. racism, it is forcing young people and even young Republicans to declare which side of that line they stand on.”

The scale of this spring’s protests over racial inequity, and the diversity of the crowds that have filled them, offers Republicans an ominous preview of how that re-sorting among younger generations may unfold in years ahead if Trump’s brand continues to define the GOP.

[theliberaltony]

via Politics – FiveThirtyEight

Whether he’s dancing the Cupid Shuffle or wearing a button pledging to “Make Americans Think Harder,” tech entrepreneur Andrew Yang has run anything but a normal presidential campaign. That seems fitting for a political novice whose background in law and technology has given his campaign an unusual top issue: a signature proposal for a universal basic income — Yang calls it the “Freedom Dividend” — to mitigate the effects of automation and job loss on the economy. At one debate, Yang even announced that his campaign would give 10 families $1,000 per month for the next year as a case study for his UBI proposal.

And although Yang’s support continues to hover in the single digits — about 3 percent nationally, on average — he is one of seven candidates who made the December debate, and he is also the only candidate of color to make the cut. So here’s a look at what we know about Yang’s small, but loyal support — the “Yang Gang” — and what it can tell us about his presidential bid.

Yang’s base is young

Yang’s strength comes primarily from voters under the age of 45, especially those between the ages of 18-to-29. Take Morning Consult’s large-sample weekly tracking poll where they interviewed more than 13,000 likely Democratic primary voters nationwide from Dec. 9 to Dec. 15. In that survey, Yang received 9 percent support among 18-to-29 year olds, which put him fourth behind Sen. Bernie Sanders (44 percent), former Vice President Joe Biden (18 percent) and Sen. Elizabeth Warren (12 percent). So even though Yang had far less overall support in the poll than Sanders (4 percent versus 22 percent), Yang actually had the largest share of supporters under the age of 45 (74 percent compared with Sanders’s 69 percent).

Yang’s support mostly comes from younger voters

Share of overall support for Democratic presidential candidates from primary voters younger than 45 vs. those 45 or older, according to Morning Consult’s weekly tracking survey

Share of support by age group Candidate Overall support 18 to 44 years old 45 years or older Andrew Yang 4% 74% 26% Bernie Sanders 22 69 31 Cory Booker 3 41 59 Tulsi Gabbard 2 40 60 Elizabeth Warren 15 40 60 Tom Steyer 3 32 68 Joe Biden 31 29 71 Pete Buttigieg 8 27 73 Michael Bloomberg 7 24 76 Amy Klobuchar 2 20 80

Data for Morning Consult weekly tracking poll conducted Dec. 9-15, with sample size of 13,384 respondents. Only candidates polling at 2 percent or higher were included. Calculations were made with data rounded to the tenths place.

Source: Morning Consult

Additionally, Yang enjoys less overall support among the older half of the 18-to-44 range, with the backing of about 5 percent of 30-to-44 year olds, putting him fifth behind Sanders, Biden, Warren, and South Bend, Indiana, Mayor Pete Buttigieg.

As for why Yang has an outsized appeal among younger voters given his overall standing, he has without question run an internet-savvy campaign, leaning into the meme culture popular among his supporters online. He’s also appeared on well-known podcasts, answered questions from users on Reddit and Quora and promised to give one Twitter user $1,000 per month just for retweeting him, which attracted over 100,000 retweets. But Yang also hasn’t shied away from discussing the dark underbelly of technology. That’s an issue that resonates with many young people, who have grown up in an era where tech giants like Amazon, Facebook and Google have dominated the marketplace and are helping alter the future of work. Yang thinks a UBI is necessary to counteract this sort of economic disruption, especially as things continue to change in the coming years.

Yang, who has been called a “doomer” because of his outlook, believes President Trump won in 2016 because people were worried about losing their jobs in a fast-changing world. And as young people are most familiar with the ins and outs of new technology, it’s understandable why a candidate who is heavily engaged with technology’s benefits and pitfalls may be so attractive to younger voters.

Yang’s base is also very male

In addition to Yang’s support trending young, it is also very male. For instance, in that Morning Consult survey, Yang earned 11 percent among 18-to-29 year-old men versus just 6 percent among women in that same age group. And according to The Economist’s polling with YouGov, his support among men in this age group is about 10 percent, while his support among women is in the low-to-mid single digits. Interestingly, differences between men and women largely disappear among older age groups.

There’s also evidence of Yang’s appeal to younger male voters aside from the polls, however. For example, an analysis by the Center for Responsive Politics in November found that women were less likely than men to contribute to his campaign — only 29 percent of Yang’s itemized contributions have come from female donors so far.1 (Only Rep. Tulsi Gabbard has raised less among women donors — 24 percent.) Another sign is Yang’s share price in betting markets, whose participants are predominantly young men. As of publication, PredictIt prices Yang’s shares around 8 cents for winning the Democratic nomination — analogous to a slightly less than 10 percent chance — despite polling at around 3 percent nationally.

Yang also draws meaningful support from Asian Americans

Asian Americans are also a very important part of Yang’s base. While Asian Americans will make up only around 5 percent of the primary electorate, Morning Consult found Yang at 19 percent among them, behind only Biden (24 percent) and Sanders (22 percent). And Yang’s support among Asian Americans has consistently outdistanced his overall numbers. Back in September, for instance, Yang polled at 8 percent in a survey from AAPI Victory Fund/Change Research of just Asian American and Pacific Islander primary voters even though he was polling at about 2 percent nationally.

Part of this may be because so few Asian Americans have run for president. There were Asian American Hawaiians like Republican Sen. Hiram Fong, who got a handful of votes at the 1964 and 1968 GOP conventions, and Democratic Rep. Patsy Mink, who won a small number of votes in the 1972 primary, but their bids were a long time ago. Granted, former Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal, who is Indian American, ran for the Republican presidential nomination last cycle, but he struggled to attract more than 1 percent in the polls and suspended his campaign in November 2015, well before any votes were cast. So in the 2020 primary, Yang, along with Sen. Kamala Harris (who is part Indian American but has since dropped out), have perhaps given Asian American voters at long last someone from their constituency to back, which can help explain why so many have rallied to Yang’s side.

Yang is also an outsider candidate

As a fellow outsider candidate, Yang’s appeal also shares some traits with Gabbard’s in that Yang also broke through in part via nontraditional venues, including outlets that are considered part of the Intellectual Dark Web, a politically amorphous network that generally criticizes concepts such as political correctness and identity politics. Like Gabbard, Yang also hasn’t shied away from going on conservative talk shows, doing interviews with Fox News personality Tucker Carlson and conservative commentator Ben Shapiro, whereas some Democrats have refused to appear on Fox News. Yang’s donor count also exploded after appearing on The Joe Rogan Experience, one of the most popular podcasts in the country, which also helped Gabbard’s campaign.

Still, for being an outsider candidate, Yang doesn’t get as much support from Trump supporters or conservatives as Gabbard does. In last week’s poll from The Economist/YouGov, for instance, 25 percent of Trump voters who said they plan to vote in the 2020 Democratic primary said they intended to support Gabbard, versus just 2 percent who said they would support Yang. Similarly, in that Morning Consult poll, Gabbard received 5 percent among very conservative and conservative primary voters (and very little support among more liberal voters), whereas Yang’s support was more ideologically balanced, ranging anywhere from 2 to 4 percent across all five ideological groups.2

Nor does Yang get as much disproportionately liberal support as another outsider in the race: Sanders. That’s despite notable overlap between Sanders’s supporters and Yang’s supporters, according to Morning Consult’s second choice voter data. That Morning Consult survey found that 8 percent of Sanders’s supporters picked Yang as their second choice, while a whopping 33 percent of Yang’s backers said Sanders was their backup option. Yet in that same poll Sanders got the most support from very liberal and liberal voters (29 percent and 22 percent, respectively) and less from moderate and conservative voters as a whole, so his support was more weighted toward more liberal voters than Yang’s.

However, one thing that all three candidates have in common is that all three attract higher levels of support from self-identified independents than Democrats. This isn’t exactly a surprise for Sanders, considering he did better among independents than Democrats in the 2016 primary. But in that Morning Consult poll, the trend is obvious: Sanders earned 28 percent support among independents, compared with 21 percent among Democrats, while Yang earned 6 percent support from independents, compared with 3 percent among Democrats. Gabbard also picked up 4 percent among independents and only 1 percent among Democrats. This generally holds up across other polls, too, in which all three candidates get higher percentages among independents than Democrats, though obviously there be will more self-identified Democrats voting in the primary than independents.

With only seven candidates making the cut for December’s debate, it’s fair to say that Yang’s outsider candidacy has broken through in the Democratic primary — in large part thanks to enthusiasm for him among younger voters and Asian Americans.

The question now is whether he can expand his appeal beyond 3 or 4 percent nationally. Raising nearly $10 million in the third quarter certainly helps his case — that’s real money he can use to build an on-the-ground campaign structure in early states like Iowa and New Hampshire. And with an army of small donors, Yang may have a reliable source of money to broaden his reach. Still, the crowded group of four candidates at the top of the polls will make it tough for him to actually win the nomination.

Nonetheless, Yang’s continued presence in the primary — when other candidates with more traditional resumes have already dropped out — speaks volumes to his appeal. Perhaps Thursday night will be an opportunity for him to gain real momentum. After all, despite speaking the fewest words in the last debate, Yang’s net favorability improved the most of any candidate on stage in our polling with Ipsos. Maybe don’t write Yang off just yet, even if a lot would have to go right for him to break into the top four.