the long lame walk of the dark seventies
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everyone i know who deals with it by going through instead of running away—well, my situation is worse—does so out of a sense of duty. i have a profound sense of duty, just not to my so-called family. more than most people i think i can say is obvious. people don’t see duty to anything except the family as real. maybe the military, blegh
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having to explain to them the things they did is another way they hurt us with the original thing they did
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i unfortunately think it might be good to use therapy to deal with the family situation
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every time dawn is mentioned
listening to norman fucking rockwell with me at 6 am…
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listening to norman fucking rockwell with me at 6 am…
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i’m so bad
#and i just put brooke’s old dtf mix and it remains funny but it’s also great she was right#it has waiting room on it
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my plant based hack is squash sauce. get really nice squashes. don’t blend it just roast it and mush it in the pan with other stuff til it’s thick and saucy
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i’ve moved on from my frustration bc i know what i believe is right
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can you think of a queer or feminist book (good or bad) that has a lavender cover
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we’ve of course been doing a lot of our parallels (and i wish southerner attached white southerners would be more open to hearing from jewish and indian people—another failure of solidarity is one of history’s all time villains refusing solidarity with us, the great villains of the 21st century… antisemitic if you ask me…) and there are lots of things worth getting into. but at some point we were talking about partition and then i was thinking. the luigi moment is amazing but can you imagine being there when the ira took mountbatten down? i mean some of you might have been. tell me what it was like… god what i wouldn’t give…
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In the C.S.A., Southerners finally got to render explicit their assumptions about the people and the republic. Once secession was accomplished--in eleven, but not all fifteen, slaveholding states--and the C.S.A. was founded as a new nation under God, its leading politicians worked as promised to perfect the republic of white men. This was the vision of the new nation they offered to the world, one dedicated to the proposition that men were not created equal, a beacon of true liberty and a tribune of racial truth against the corruptions of modern liberal democracy and equality. "Confederates did not believe they needed to make new worlds," one historian has written; "they were more than content with the world they already had." Jefferson Davis and other Confederate founders and latter-day propagandists of the Lost Cause cast secession as a wholly constitutional move designed simply to restore government as the founders conceived it. They thus obscure the historical nature of what Confederates attempted to do at such incredible risk of blood and treasure. For, as Davis for one knew, the world was hardly likely to recognize their breakaway nation-state unless it could sustain itself in war. Regardless of what they claimed about the conservative and restorationist nature of their national project, in seceding to perfect the republic they set out to make something that had, in fact, never existed before: a polity purged of the contestations, hedges, and ambivalences about slavery and representation that had defined the republic, the state, and the Constitution since the founding. No, Confederates' vision of a perfected republic of white men was something new unto this world, the only explicitly proslavery nation-state any agrarian elite ever attempted to build in the modern world.
stephanie mccurry, confederate reckoning: power and politics in the civil war south
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a cover of my favorite song (which is obscure and certainly never been covered before)
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you are what i need to hear
so fill the air
with memorized breaths
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