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The Story of the Blue Waters

Sibel Ersoy’s Underwater Photography Exhibit

Diving instructor Sibel Ersoy is showcasing her amazing underwater photos at the Marina Art Gallery. These photos were taken in various places around the world, including Kuşadası, Antalya, Kaş, Honduras, Miami, Belize, Mexico, and many more diving locations. The exhibition will be open until July 15th. Come and enjoy the beauty of the sea creatures and mysterious shipwrecks through Sibel Ersoy’s unique perspective.

Turkey A Journey Through History

EBRUALEM Workshop’s Art Exhibition

After completing the Ebru Art Course from the Ministry of Education, four women from the EBRUALEM Workshop held a karma exhibition (a group exhibition). The four artists—Ersin Aksu, Nazan Yuksel, Berrin Akdere, and Cemaliye Deveciler—showcased their beautiful art. Many art lovers and Ebru artists in Kuşadası attended the event. Visitors from abroad also showed great interest Coastal Bulgaria Holidays.

Upcoming Exhibitions in Kuşadası

The Calikuşu Culture Centre will feature Serpil Berk’s “Bazil Painting” exhibition from July 1st to 15th. The Söke Magnesia Culture-Art Association will display oil paintings from July 15th to 30th. Success at the Harpoon Fishing Championship

Turkey’s Harpoon Fishing Championship was held in Didim, organized by the Turkish Sub-Aqua/Underwater Federation. During the event, the winners of the first three places were awarded trophies at a ceremony in Setur Marina.

Kuşadası Sportsmen’s Achievements

Hasan Salbaș, Mustafa Saplı, and Sedat Yüce from the Kuşadası Sailing Club achieved second place as a team out of 43 teams and 130 participants. In the individual competition, Hasan Salbaș came first out of 130 contestants and was selected for the National Team after winning third place in the final race. The ceremony was held at Setur Marina, with many guests, including Kuşadası Mayor Esat Altingün, Coast Guard Boat Commander Munir Gümüşbaykal, Harbour Master Yaşar Karabacak, Marina Director Çağlar Altıntaş, Sailing Club President Behzat Kumbasar, and their families.

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Visiting Kasanlik's Rose Stores

Friendly Merchants with a Secret

During my visit to Kasanlik, I had the chance to explore a few local stores. The merchants were friendly, but each one quietly took me aside and whispered in my ear: “Of course, we get along with our competitors, but remember this: ours is the only genuine attar of roses. The rest is all fake. Our rivals will deny it, but we know the truth.” This same speech was repeated in every store I visited. I wanted to believe that all the attar from Kasanlik was pure, but after conducting my own research, I sadly concluded that none of it was completely pure.

The Strength of Attar and Its Price

How Strong is Attar?

Attar of roses is one of the strongest perfumes in the world. From every 4,000 pounds of roses, you get only 1 pound of attar, which is less than one-twenty-fifth of one percent. The peasant farmer earns about 18 shillings per ounce of attar. However, the same ounce sells for £68 in places like Paris or London Coastal Bulgaria Tours.

The scent of pure attar is so strong that only a tightly sealed jar can hold it in. Even a glass stopper won’t be enough to contain the smell. In fact, the scent is so powerful that it can be overwhelming and even cause headaches. This is one reason why attar is often diluted or mixed with other substances to make it more pleasant.

The Beauty of Kasanlik in June

A Land of Roses

The best time to visit Kasanlik is in early June. This is when you can hop on a horse and ride for two days, traveling forty miles each day, while surrounded by endless fields of beautiful damask roses. The air is filled with the scent of millions of roses. On a gentle breeze, the fragrance can travel up to 50 miles. Bulgarians living that far away have confirmed that the air from Kasanlik carries the sweet smell of roses.

Rose Picking in Kasanlik

The Beauty of the Harvest

In June, the village girls wake up early to pick roses. They fill their aprons with the flowers and load them into slow-moving ox carts. No flower festival, like the one in Nice, could ever match the sheer number of roses that fill the carts in Kasanlik. The brown-cheeked, black-eyed peasant girls also wear the most beautiful roses in their hair as they work.

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Albanian Society and Unity

The Albanians can be compared to the Scots. In the northern highlands, they live in clans, while in the more fertile southern lowlands, the clan system is not present. Despite differences, like the Scots in the past, Albanians share one common bond—hatred of the Slavs.

Because of their fierce passion for fighting, other nations have feared them. This has left the Albanians mostly to themselves. The lack of roads, difficult mountain passes, and tribal rivalries have made each region isolated and self-sufficient.

A Fierce Sense of Honour

The Albanians have a strong sense of honour. A woman can travel safely in Albania because she is seen as weak, but an Albanian man would not hesitate to shoot someone for a small insult, just as he would shoot a dog that barked at him. There is a sense of deep independence Istanbul Day Tour.

Albanian Beliefs and Customs

The Albanian has no art, literature, or national politics. He doesn’t think of himself as an Albanian separate from other races, but his honour is the most important thing to him. His honour includes many things:

He is not a thief, though he is allowed to take the belongings of the man he kills.

He will never rob a man who is unarmed. To him, that would be dishonourable.

He will not harm a woman. By tradition, he is allowed to shoot any man who interferes with his women, so he keeps his hands and eyes off other men’s women.

It is not fear of punishment that keeps him moral. The Albanian is not afraid of bullets, but his honour makes him respect the vulnerability of women, as they cannot fight back.

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Tax Collection and the Burden on Peasants

The tax collector takes as much as possible from the peasants. Then, his superior takes a portion from him, and the Vali (governor) takes from the superior. The court officials at the Yildiz Kiosk take from the Vali. Additionally, the peasants have to deal with the *zaptiehs* (police officers), who are poorly paid and rarely fed. The *zaptiehs* survive by demanding money or goods from the already struggling farmers. I use the word “wretched” to describe the peasants from a European point of view. However, the Turkish peasant, like most Turks, is a fatalist. He accepts whatever happens and is often quite happy, even singing while working, despite the hard labor Central Synagogue.

Public Debt and Foreign Influence

In areas where public improvements like railways have been made, taxes are collected by the Department of Public Debt. These officials are often foreign representatives who are generally fair and avoid the corruption seen in other areas.

The Peasant’s Role in Supporting the Empire

The Turkish peasant is the one who carries the financial burden of the Empire because Turkey has few factories or other industries. The officials, from the highest to the lowest, live off the peasant, like parasites. Yet, despite all of this, the peasant remains happy. He continues working and takes moments to kneel, put his forehead on the ground, and thank Allah for His goodness.

The Turk’s Incompetence to Rule

One key point to remember is that the Turk is, by nature, not fit to rule. For the 500 years that the Turks have ruled over the Christian population, they have never recognized the responsibility that comes with power. The Turk sees the land as his by right of conquest and believes he is justified in living off the labor of those he conquered. Despite his flaws, there is still a sense of nobility in the Turk. Even in towns with mixed populations of Turks, Bulgarians, and Greeks, the Turks stand out with a natural sense of dignity.

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Exaggerations and Atrocities

In Mr. Disraeli’s recent speech, he continued to assert that reports of atrocities in the region have been greatly exaggerated. He cited Mr. Baring’s findings as evidence, claiming there was no proof that human heads were paraded through the streets of Philippopolis or that forty young girls were burned alive at Novi-Selo. However, I believe the debate over whether heads were actually carted through the streets is somewhat irrelevant. Mr. Baring admits that the individuals who owned those heads had indeed been killed.

The Reality of Tamboli

Moreover, when Mr. Baring sent the telegram that Mr. Disraeli referenced so confidently, he had not yet visited Tamboli. Had he done so and spoken with the Italian Consul in Burgas, who has a business there, he might have reported a very different story. The Consul would likely have informed him that sackfuls of heads were dumped right outside his door. There is a steep slope leading down to a small river that flows through the town, and it is said that heads rolled down that hill, tumbling over each other in a gruesome chaos, as dogs eagerly pounced on them Jeep Safari Bulgaria.

Misplaced Focus on Numbers

It is indeed true that forty young girls were not burned alive at Novi-Selo; that tragedy took place in Batak, where, instead of forty, it was two hundred girls, women, and children who suffered that horrific fate. The people most to blame in this situation appear to be the newspaper correspondents. According to Mr. Disraeli and Sir Henry Elliot, the real crime was not the loss of thousands of innocent lives but the exaggeration of those numbers. It seems that they would prefer the report to state 25,000 people were killed rather than 30,000, even if the true number of victims was indeed terrible.

The Distortion of Truth

The serious issue here is not merely the counting of casualties but the very real pain and suffering that these atrocities have caused. It is appalling that the focus should be on minor discrepancies in numbers rather than the actual brutalities inflicted upon innocent people. For instance, while it is a trivial matter whether a certain number of children were killed, the fact that countless lives were brutally taken is the true tragedy.

In conclusion, the issue is not simply about accurate numbers; it is about acknowledging the profound loss of life and the horrors that have occurred. Mr. Disraeli and Sir Henry Elliot may find fault with the reporting of these atrocities, but they must also recognize the true gravity of the situation. The emphasis should be on understanding the suffering of the victims rather than nitpicking over the specifics of their reports.

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Exaggerations and Atrocities

In Mr. Disraeli’s recent speech, he continued to assert that reports of atrocities in the region have been greatly exaggerated. He cited Mr. Baring’s findings as evidence, claiming there was no proof that human heads were paraded through the streets of Philippopolis or that forty young girls were burned alive at Novi-Selo. However, I believe the debate over whether heads were actually carted through the streets is somewhat irrelevant. Mr. Baring admits that the individuals who owned those heads had indeed been killed.

The Reality of Tamboli

Moreover, when Mr. Baring sent the telegram that Mr. Disraeli referenced so confidently, he had not yet visited Tamboli. Had he done so and spoken with the Italian Consul in Burgas, who has a business there, he might have reported a very different story. The Consul would likely have informed him that sackfuls of heads were dumped right outside his door. There is a steep slope leading down to a small river that flows through the town, and it is said that heads rolled down that hill, tumbling over each other in a gruesome chaos, as dogs eagerly pounced on them Jeep Safari Bulgaria.

Misplaced Focus on Numbers

It is indeed true that forty young girls were not burned alive at Novi-Selo; that tragedy took place in Batak, where, instead of forty, it was two hundred girls, women, and children who suffered that horrific fate. The people most to blame in this situation appear to be the newspaper correspondents. According to Mr. Disraeli and Sir Henry Elliot, the real crime was not the loss of thousands of innocent lives but the exaggeration of those numbers. It seems that they would prefer the report to state 25,000 people were killed rather than 30,000, even if the true number of victims was indeed terrible.

The Distortion of Truth

The serious issue here is not merely the counting of casualties but the very real pain and suffering that these atrocities have caused. It is appalling that the focus should be on minor discrepancies in numbers rather than the actual brutalities inflicted upon innocent people. For instance, while it is a trivial matter whether a certain number of children were killed, the fact that countless lives were brutally taken is the true tragedy.

In conclusion, the issue is not simply about accurate numbers; it is about acknowledging the profound loss of life and the horrors that have occurred. Mr. Disraeli and Sir Henry Elliot may find fault with the reporting of these atrocities, but they must also recognize the true gravity of the situation. The emphasis should be on understanding the suffering of the victims rather than nitpicking over the specifics of their reports.

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Underground Armed Resistance of the Goriyani

Emergence of the Goriyani Movement

After the communist regime was established in Bulgaria in the autumn of 1944, an underground armed resistance movement began to take shape. This movement was known as the “Goriyani,” or “Forest Dwellers.” Its members came from various backgrounds, primarily rural areas, and included middle-class and poor farmers who strongly opposed the government’s expropriation of their land.

By the end of 1947, peasants made up 47% of those involved in the Goriyani resistance. This number increased to a peak of 70% between 1950 and 1951. As the government eliminated opposition parties and enforced mass collectivization of land, the Goriyani movement spread across the country. Throughout the 1950s, there were very few mountainous regions in Bulgaria that did not have active Goriyani groups, supported by many locals.

Government Response to the Resistance

The communist regime was determined to crush the Goriyani movement. By the end of 1948, this struggle led to the creation of the first internal military battalions. By October 1950, there were ten battalions in total: two in Sofia and one in each of the cities of Plovdiv, Burgas, Varna, Stara Zagora, Yambol, Blagoevgrad, and Belogradchik. The Politburo of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party decided to reorganize these internal military troops into a division, increasing their numbers significantly Istanbul Tour Guide.

These troops were trained to operate like the Soviet Union’s internal forces and were expected to show unwavering loyalty to the Communist Party. Their main mission was to fight against and eliminate the Goriyani detachments, thereby suppressing the entire resistance movement in Bulgaria.

State Security Reports and Clashes

By 1951, the State Security reported the existence of 176 underground resistance groups, with 47 located in Sofia. This information highlighted the scale of the Goriyani movement and the challenges facing the regime.

On October 1, 1951, a significant confrontation occurred when 19 young men were killed during an action against a Goriyani detachment in the Turiya forest in the Kazanluk region. Around the same time, State Security troops were engaged in fierce battles with two Goriyani groups in the Iskar River pass, with 30 and 40 members in each group, respectively.

The Goriyani movement represents a crucial chapter in Bulgaria’s struggle against the communist regime. Comprising mainly of farmers and rural citizens, the resistance fought fiercely to defend their rights and land. Despite facing brutal crackdowns from the government, the Goriyani movement reflected the widespread discontent and resilience among the Bulgarian people during a time of oppression. The conflicts and efforts to suppress this movement highlighted the intense struggle between the regime and those who sought to resist its control.

[travelsyhe]

Underground Armed Resistance of the Goriyani

Emergence of the Goriyani Movement

After the communist regime was established in Bulgaria in the autumn of 1944, an underground armed resistance movement began to take shape. This movement was known as the “Goriyani,” or “Forest Dwellers.” Its members came from various backgrounds, primarily rural areas, and included middle-class and poor farmers who strongly opposed the government’s expropriation of their land.

By the end of 1947, peasants made up 47% of those involved in the Goriyani resistance. This number increased to a peak of 70% between 1950 and 1951. As the government eliminated opposition parties and enforced mass collectivization of land, the Goriyani movement spread across the country. Throughout the 1950s, there were very few mountainous regions in Bulgaria that did not have active Goriyani groups, supported by many locals.

Government Response to the Resistance

The communist regime was determined to crush the Goriyani movement. By the end of 1948, this struggle led to the creation of the first internal military battalions. By October 1950, there were ten battalions in total: two in Sofia and one in each of the cities of Plovdiv, Burgas, Varna, Stara Zagora, Yambol, Blagoevgrad, and Belogradchik. The Politburo of the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party decided to reorganize these internal military troops into a division, increasing their numbers significantly Istanbul Tour Guide.

These troops were trained to operate like the Soviet Union’s internal forces and were expected to show unwavering loyalty to the Communist Party. Their main mission was to fight against and eliminate the Goriyani detachments, thereby suppressing the entire resistance movement in Bulgaria.

State Security Reports and Clashes

By 1951, the State Security reported the existence of 176 underground resistance groups, with 47 located in Sofia. This information highlighted the scale of the Goriyani movement and the challenges facing the regime.

On October 1, 1951, a significant confrontation occurred when 19 young men were killed during an action against a Goriyani detachment in the Turiya forest in the Kazanluk region. Around the same time, State Security troops were engaged in fierce battles with two Goriyani groups in the Iskar River pass, with 30 and 40 members in each group, respectively.

The Goriyani movement represents a crucial chapter in Bulgaria’s struggle against the communist regime. Comprising mainly of farmers and rural citizens, the resistance fought fiercely to defend their rights and land. Despite facing brutal crackdowns from the government, the Goriyani movement reflected the widespread discontent and resilience among the Bulgarian people during a time of oppression. The conflicts and efforts to suppress this movement highlighted the intense struggle between the regime and those who sought to resist its control.

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The Frantic Search for Alexander and Draga

Chaos in the Royal Chambers

In the midst of turmoil, an aide-de-camp urgently summoned to the royal apartment met a grim fate as he refused to comply and was shot dead. With minutes ticking away and the fear of imminent discovery looming, the conspirators pressed on, desperate to locate King Alexander and Queen Draga before the town awoke to their deeds.

A Fruitless Search

Despite their fervent search, the king and queen remained elusive. Another aide-de-camp, pressed at gunpoint, led the search party to a room housing the electric light installation. In a moment of desperation, he severed the connection, plunging the space into darkness, sealing his fate with a fatal blow.

Panic and Frenzy

Disheartened by their failed mission, the conspirators raced to the servants’ quarters, scavenging for candles in a frantic bid to evade capture. The Palace echoed with their frenzied footsteps as panic gripped their hearts, driving them to fire their weapons indiscriminately in search of their elusive targets Tour Bulgaria.

The Town Awakens

As the town stirred to life, the police arrived, met with resistance from the conspirators. Beyond the Palace walls, troops mobilized, met with deadly force as they attempted to intervene. Inside the Palace, the conspirators, fueled by rage and desperation, continued their frenzied search, firing blindly until a piercing shriek shattered the air.

Discovery in Desperation

Amidst the chaos, a breakthrough: the discovery of a cupboard housing Draga’s gowns. With bated breath, they forced it open, hoping against hope to find the elusive royal couple within.

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Recall of Aziz Pacha

One probable explanation for Aziz Pacha’s removal was his perceived favoritism towards the Bulgarians, leading to concerted efforts against him by the Turks until they successfully secured his recall. His sympathetic stance towards the Bulgarians likely incurred the displeasure of the Turkish authorities, prompting his removal from office.

Difficulty in Estimation

Determining the exact number of casualties in Perustitza presents a considerable challenge. Reliable census data is lacking, as each village provides its own figures, often understating population size to evade taxes. Consequently, obtaining accurate population figures prior to the massacres is nearly impossible Private Guide Turkey.

Population Estimates

The village purportedly consisted of three hundred and fifty houses, suggesting a population of over two thousand individuals, assuming an average of six occupants per house. However, this figure likely ranged between two thousand and twenty-five hundred residents. Survivors estimate the remaining population at around one thousand, indicating that between one thousand and fifteen hundred people may have perished in the massacre. Both Mr. Baring and Mr. Schuyler approximate the death toll at one thousand, aligning with the villagers’ estimates.

Challenges in Verification

The absence of reliable census records underscores the difficulty in accurately assessing the extent of the tragedy. Discrepancies in reported figures and the covert nature of Turkish actions further complicate efforts to establish precise casualty counts. The uncertainty surrounding the number of lives lost underscores the magnitude of the tragedy and the challenges inherent in documenting historical atrocities.

The ambiguity surrounding casualty figures in Perustitza underscores the broader challenges in documenting historical events, particularly in contexts marked by censorship and political manipulation. Despite efforts to obscure the true extent of the tragedy, testimonies from survivors and eyewitnesses provide valuable insights into the human cost of violence and oppression. As we seek to reckon with the past and honor the memory of those lost, it is imperative to continue efforts to uncover and preserve the truth surrounding historical atrocities.

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Abolishing the Janissary

Sultan Selim III initiated the reconstruction of the Ottoman army from scratch and addressed financial concerns. To fund the establishment of a modern army called the “Nizam-i Cedid,” the Janissary corps was disbanded, and a new system called “Irad-i Cedid” was introduced to finance these reforms.

Establishment of Irad-i Cedid

The decision was made to establish the Irad-i Cedid treasury, separate from the existing treasuries, to finance various military and state expenses. This treasury was funded through various sources, including taxes on tobacco, alcohol, and agricultural products, as well as special duties Istanbul Fun Tours.

Financial Regulations

To manage the revenues of the Irad-i Cedid treasury, a Directorate of Finance was established, and experienced officers were appointed to oversee its operations. Detailed regulations were outlined in a statute book to ensure proper management and accountability.

Sultan Selim’s Reforms

Sultan Selim III implemented extensive reforms in administration, economy, trade, politics, and diplomacy, inspired by European methods. He established permanent embassies in major European capitals and introduced a balanced foreign policy, facilitating Western influence in the Ottoman Empire.

Diplomatic Achievements

Permanent embassies in European capitals, including Paris and London, played a crucial role in enhancing Ottoman diplomacy. Notably, Ke|it Pasha served as an ambassador for an extended period, contributing to diplomatic advancements and the establishment of Western-standard diplomatic training.

Legacy of Ottoman Diplomacy

The Ottoman diplomatic efforts, bolstered by ambassadors like Ke|it Pasha and institutions such as the School of Diplomacy, paved the way for the rise of Ottoman statesmen. Ultimately, these diplomatic foundations laid the groundwork for the modern Republic of Turkey under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk and his associates.

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Investigation into Alleged Atrocities

False Claims of Atrocities

Kiani Pacha, tasked with investigating atrocities committed by the Baslii-Bazouks, made startling claims to Mr. Schuyler. However, upon investigation, it was discovered that some of these claims were entirely baseless. For instance, the alleged killing of the wife and daughter of the Mudir of Avrat-alan was found to be untrue, as the Mudir had no daughter, and his wife was unharmed. Similarly, reports of the murder of the Mudir’s wife in Otluk-kui were debunked, as there was no Mudir in the village during the unrest.

Disputing Accounts of Turkish Women’s Deaths

Of the twelve reported cases of Turkish women killed, only five were investigated, revealing that three were entirely unfounded. Without knowledge of the villages where the other seven incidents purportedly occurred, further investigation was impossible, leading to doubts about the accuracy of these claims. Additionally, the gruesome tale recounted by Edib Effendi about the mutilation of a Turkish girl was deemed pure fiction, lacking any evidence or credibility Bulgaria Tours.

Events in Panagurishti

In Panagurishti, also known as Otluk-kui, nine Turks and two Turkish women were reported killed over a period of nine to ten days. However, examination revealed that all but two women and one zaptieh were killed while armed, suggesting they were actively involved in confrontations. Around twenty prisoners were captured during this time, all of whom were treated well until the arrival of the Turkish army, which subsequently released them.

Corroboration of Accounts

The validity of these findings is supported by multiple accounts from different sources, including a schoolmistress in Panagurishti. Upon further investigation and comparison with various testimonies, the consistency of the accounts became evident. Furthermore, the Turks themselves, both locally and in Philippopolis, did not claim a higher death toll than what was reported.

The investigation into alleged atrocities revealed discrepancies and false claims regarding the deaths of Turkish women and other incidents. Through careful examination and corroboration of accounts, it was determined that many of these claims lacked credibility. This underscores the importance of thorough investigation and skepticism when assessing reports of violence and unrest.

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Investigation into Alleged Atrocities

False Claims of Atrocities

Kiani Pacha, tasked with investigating atrocities committed by the Baslii-Bazouks, made startling claims to Mr. Schuyler. However, upon investigation, it was discovered that some of these claims were entirely baseless. For instance, the alleged killing of the wife and daughter of the Mudir of Avrat-alan was found to be untrue, as the Mudir had no daughter, and his wife was unharmed. Similarly, reports of the murder of the Mudir’s wife in Otluk-kui were debunked, as there was no Mudir in the village during the unrest.

Disputing Accounts of Turkish Women’s Deaths

Of the twelve reported cases of Turkish women killed, only five were investigated, revealing that three were entirely unfounded. Without knowledge of the villages where the other seven incidents purportedly occurred, further investigation was impossible, leading to doubts about the accuracy of these claims. Additionally, the gruesome tale recounted by Edib Effendi about the mutilation of a Turkish girl was deemed pure fiction, lacking any evidence or credibility Bulgaria Tours.

Events in Panagurishti

In Panagurishti, also known as Otluk-kui, nine Turks and two Turkish women were reported killed over a period of nine to ten days. However, examination revealed that all but two women and one zaptieh were killed while armed, suggesting they were actively involved in confrontations. Around twenty prisoners were captured during this time, all of whom were treated well until the arrival of the Turkish army, which subsequently released them.

Corroboration of Accounts

The validity of these findings is supported by multiple accounts from different sources, including a schoolmistress in Panagurishti. Upon further investigation and comparison with various testimonies, the consistency of the accounts became evident. Furthermore, the Turks themselves, both locally and in Philippopolis, did not claim a higher death toll than what was reported.

The investigation into alleged atrocities revealed discrepancies and false claims regarding the deaths of Turkish women and other incidents. Through careful examination and corroboration of accounts, it was determined that many of these claims lacked credibility. This underscores the importance of thorough investigation and skepticism when assessing reports of violence and unrest.

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Unsubstantiated Claims and Reckless Accusations

Lack of Evidence

The assertion that atrocities were committed by both Bulgarians and Turks lacks credible evidence. Reports from various consuls in the region, including Turkish authorities themselves, fail to substantiate claims of widespread Bulgarian brutality. Turkish officials concede that the majority of Turkish casualties occurred in battle, with minimal evidence of civilian casualties. Even purported instances of Turkish women and children killed or harmed lack verification upon investigation. For instance, Kiani Pacha’s claim regarding the death of the Mudir’s wife and daughter was debunked by Mr. Schuyler’s inquiries, revealing the absence of evidence to support such allegations. Lord Derby’s sweeping assertion of Bulgarian barbarity appears baseless and irresponsible, particularly amid accusations leveled at reputable newspapers for allegedly spreading unfounded rumors Guided Turkey Tours .

Justification for Uprising

Critics argue that Bulgarians had no justification for their uprising and must bear the consequences. However, the manifesto released by the new government following the deposition of the previous Sultan offers a compelling rebuttal. It outlines the systemic misrule and oppression that pushed the Bulgarians to their breaking point. The rampant extortion and mismanagement of the government had plunged the peasantry into unimaginable misery, rendering their existence unsustainable without change. The revolution in Constantinople was a testament to the widespread discontent fueled by years of tyranny. Yet, instead of acknowledging these grievances, Midhat Pacha and his cohorts persist in persecuting the very people who acted out of necessity. The Bulgarians’ plight epitomizes a long-standing struggle against oppression and exploitation, a fight that any people, faced with similar circumstances, would be compelled to undertake.

Solidarity with the Weak

Rather than condemning the Bulgarians, we should empathize with their plight and recognize their just cause. No populace should endure the relentless exactions, extortion, and tyranny inflicted upon the Bulgarians for centuries. If such injustices were imposed elsewhere, the response would undoubtedly be one of unified resistance. It is imperative that we stand in solidarity with the oppressed, rejecting attempts to vilify them for seeking freedom and justice. In a world where the powerful often exploit the weak, it is our moral obligation to champion the cause of those who are unjustly oppressed.

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Unsubstantiated Claims and Reckless Accusations

Lack of Evidence

The assertion that atrocities were committed by both Bulgarians and Turks lacks credible evidence. Reports from various consuls in the region, including Turkish authorities themselves, fail to substantiate claims of widespread Bulgarian brutality. Turkish officials concede that the majority of Turkish casualties occurred in battle, with minimal evidence of civilian casualties. Even purported instances of Turkish women and children killed or harmed lack verification upon investigation. For instance, Kiani Pacha’s claim regarding the death of the Mudir’s wife and daughter was debunked by Mr. Schuyler’s inquiries, revealing the absence of evidence to support such allegations. Lord Derby’s sweeping assertion of Bulgarian barbarity appears baseless and irresponsible, particularly amid accusations leveled at reputable newspapers for allegedly spreading unfounded rumors Guided Turkey Tours .

Justification for Uprising

Critics argue that Bulgarians had no justification for their uprising and must bear the consequences. However, the manifesto released by the new government following the deposition of the previous Sultan offers a compelling rebuttal. It outlines the systemic misrule and oppression that pushed the Bulgarians to their breaking point. The rampant extortion and mismanagement of the government had plunged the peasantry into unimaginable misery, rendering their existence unsustainable without change. The revolution in Constantinople was a testament to the widespread discontent fueled by years of tyranny. Yet, instead of acknowledging these grievances, Midhat Pacha and his cohorts persist in persecuting the very people who acted out of necessity. The Bulgarians’ plight epitomizes a long-standing struggle against oppression and exploitation, a fight that any people, faced with similar circumstances, would be compelled to undertake.

Solidarity with the Weak

Rather than condemning the Bulgarians, we should empathize with their plight and recognize their just cause. No populace should endure the relentless exactions, extortion, and tyranny inflicted upon the Bulgarians for centuries. If such injustices were imposed elsewhere, the response would undoubtedly be one of unified resistance. It is imperative that we stand in solidarity with the oppressed, rejecting attempts to vilify them for seeking freedom and justice. In a world where the powerful often exploit the weak, it is our moral obligation to champion the cause of those who are unjustly oppressed.

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Collectivization and Economic Policies

Collectivization and Economic Policies (1950-1958)

Collectivization of Land (1950-1952)

In 1950, Bulgaria adopted the “Model Statute of the Collective Farms” (TKZS), modeled closely on the Soviet kolkhoz statute. The collectivization of land under the First Five Year Plan progressed significantly:

Year Collective Farms Farmers (%) Arable Land (%) 1944 28 — — 1946 480 3.7% 3.5% 1948 1,110 11.2% 6% 1952 2,747 52.3% 60.5% The forced collectivization peaked in 1950, witnessing a significant increase in the number of collective farms. By the end of the First Five Year Plan, 60% of arable land and 50% of all farms were transformed into cooperatives Guided Istanbul Tour.

Economic and Labor Policies (1950-1957)

In 1950, a new system of compulsory state supplies was introduced, obliging farmers to provide a fixed quantity of grain to the state, irrespective of the yield. The year 1951 saw the implementation of a new Labor Code, issuing job passports and prohibiting job changes. The Second Five Year Plan (1953-1957) continued the focus on industrial expansion, particularly in heavy industry, and intensified land collectivization.

Capital Investments and Industrial Preferences (1953-1957)

A comparison of capital investments between the First and Second Five Year Plans reveals a clear preference for industrial development:

Sector 1st Five Year Plan (Billion Leva) 2nd Five Year Plan (Billion Leva) Industry 5.9 13.0 Agriculture 1.2 3.2 Transport and Communications 2.1 3.1 Others 2.8 4.7 Total 12.0 24.0

The preferred category of industry can be further divided into heavy and light industry

Year Heavy Industry (%) Light Industry (%) 1939 29% 71% 1948 35% 65% 1952 39.1% 60.9% 1955 45.2% 54.8% Acceleration of Collectivization (1953-1958)

The tempo of collectivization in agriculture accelerated towards the end of the Second Five Year Plan. It set the stage for the “great leap forward” at the beginning of the Third Plan:

Year Collective Farms (TKZS) Farmers Average Acreage per Farm 1953 2,744 207 2,127 acres 1958 3,290 374 2,850 acres In 1957, the Labor Code underwent revision. By April 10, 1958, the Socialist sector dominated Bulgaria’s national economy, constituting:

98% of entire industrial production 87% of entire rural-economic production 99% of domestic trade 93% of national income.

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Collectivization and Economic Policies

Collectivization and Economic Policies (1950-1958)

Collectivization of Land (1950-1952)

In 1950, Bulgaria adopted the “Model Statute of the Collective Farms” (TKZS), modeled closely on the Soviet kolkhoz statute. The collectivization of land under the First Five Year Plan progressed significantly:

Year Collective Farms Farmers (%) Arable Land (%) 1944 28 — — 1946 480 3.7% 3.5% 1948 1,110 11.2% 6% 1952 2,747 52.3% 60.5% The forced collectivization peaked in 1950, witnessing a significant increase in the number of collective farms. By the end of the First Five Year Plan, 60% of arable land and 50% of all farms were transformed into cooperatives Guided Istanbul Tour.

Economic and Labor Policies (1950-1957)

In 1950, a new system of compulsory state supplies was introduced, obliging farmers to provide a fixed quantity of grain to the state, irrespective of the yield. The year 1951 saw the implementation of a new Labor Code, issuing job passports and prohibiting job changes. The Second Five Year Plan (1953-1957) continued the focus on industrial expansion, particularly in heavy industry, and intensified land collectivization.

Capital Investments and Industrial Preferences (1953-1957)

A comparison of capital investments between the First and Second Five Year Plans reveals a clear preference for industrial development:

Sector 1st Five Year Plan (Billion Leva) 2nd Five Year Plan (Billion Leva) Industry 5.9 13.0 Agriculture 1.2 3.2 Transport and Communications 2.1 3.1 Others 2.8 4.7 Total 12.0 24.0

The preferred category of industry can be further divided into heavy and light industry

Year Heavy Industry (%) Light Industry (%) 1939 29% 71% 1948 35% 65% 1952 39.1% 60.9% 1955 45.2% 54.8% Acceleration of Collectivization (1953-1958)

The tempo of collectivization in agriculture accelerated towards the end of the Second Five Year Plan. It set the stage for the “great leap forward” at the beginning of the Third Plan:

Year Collective Farms (TKZS) Farmers Average Acreage per Farm 1953 2,744 207 2,127 acres 1958 3,290 374 2,850 acres In 1957, the Labor Code underwent revision. By April 10, 1958, the Socialist sector dominated Bulgaria’s national economy, constituting:

98% of entire industrial production 87% of entire rural-economic production 99% of domestic trade 93% of national income.