#yeshayahu
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I don't think people understand how intrinsically Jewish the Les MisĂŠrables musical is. The writers of the original French musical were Claude-Michel SchĂśnberg (Hungarian Jew), Alain Boublil (Sephardic Jew), and directed by Robert Hossein (Moldovian Jew). SchĂśneberg also composed the music. It was adapted into English by Herbert Kretzmer (Lithuanian Jew).
The lyrics include many references to Jewish beliefs and values. SchĂśneberg said in an interview, "When Iâm writing a show there is always a part that is typically Jewish."
However, the one that sticks out to me especially is a line from the Epilogue:
"They will live again in freedom,
In the garden of the Lord;
They will walk behind the ploughshare,
They will put away the sword."
The origin of the phrase - specifically, the bit about 'ploughshares' and 'swords' - can be traced back to a nevuah (prophecy) by Yeshayahu (Isaiah), a Jewish navi (prophet) from the sefer Yeshayahu (Book of Isaiah). (Sorry, yes, I insist on the Hebrew words first.)
"The Torah will go forth from Tzion (Zion) and the word of Hashem from Yerushalayim (Jerusalem)... They will then cut their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning knives. No nation will lift a sword against the other, and they will no longer learn warfare."
This is a quote about the 'end of days', and the idea of a peaceful paradise free from war was emulated in the song to convey a similar paradise for our barricade boys, the casualties of the June Rebellion. This is only one of the many examples of Jewish themes and references in the Les MisĂŠrables musical!
#les mis#les miserables#judaism#isaiah#yeshayahu#navi#claude michel schĂśneberg#les mis musical#les miserables musical#alain boublil#herbert kretzmer#robert hossein
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The idea of ethical mitzvoth, however, now becomes an oxymoron for Leibowitz. An act is either religious or ethical. Even âYou shall love your neighbor as yourself,â is to be regarded as a mitzvah, not as an ethical precept. The key phrase in the verse containing this commandment for Leibowitz is that which follows immediately to end the verse: âI am God.â It is a duty towards oneâs neighbor that is based on manâs position before God, not his position before his fellow man.
The question that arises, however, is whether in the case of ethically motivated acts that coincide with mitzvoth, a Jew ought to have instead performed the act for religious reasons â a position that would not leave much room for a religious person to perform an ethical action. Indeed, it would seem that if one wishes to perform the mitzvah of, for example, âloving oneâs neighbor,â one ought not to be acting based on ethical motives. As such, it is not clear what becomes of the legitimacy of the ethical realm for a religious Jew, since every ethically motivated act constitutes a missed opportunity for the worship of God. Each act ought to be religiously rather than ethically motivated, even when the mere act itself would be the same. While it is not as if one who is ethically motivated can sincerely transform that ethical motivation into a religious one, it seems as if becoming the type of person who naturally acts religiously in such cases would have to be the ultimate aim for Leibowitz. This would not deny all value to ethically motivated acts, but it certainly seems to problematize those that coincide with specific mitzvoth for Jews qua Jews. Though happily the demands of the two realms often coincided, Leibowitzâs picture, it seems, leads to the problematic conclusion that ultimately a Jew ought not to be ethical, but instead religious.
Daniel Rynhold, Yeshayahu Leibowitz
I don't think Leibowitz's dichotomy between the ethical and the religious can do justice to the command not to oppress the foreigner, with its appeal to empathy ("for you were strangers in the land of Egypt"). And even the not-so merciful commands to blot out the memory of Amalek or other Canaanite tribes feel the need to remind the Israelites the violence they faced from those groups.
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Chase the Jews out of every country so they flee to Israel, and then vilify them for living in Israel.
Put Israel under constant threat of annihilation, making mandatory conscription a necessity, and then use that as an excuse to declare that âthere are no civilians in Israel,â that the entire population is guilty, their lives and human rights forfeit, for being âcomplicitâ in their own survival.
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Israeli Soldiers: We Will Erase and Destroy Gaza
Israeli soldiers holding signs that together read:
âWe are the soldiers of the Jewish peopleâs army from right and left. We wonât take off our uniforms until we erase and destroy Gaza.â
In Israel, genocide is mainstream.
By Yeshayahu Leibowitz
#photography#gaza#israel#palestine#palestinians#free palestine#islam#islamophobia#anti zionisim#zionistterror#zionazis#zionistcensorship#state terrorism#iof terrorism#fuck the iof#iof war crimes#idf#fuck the idf#idf terrorists#war crimes#war criminals#crimes against humanity#crimes against children#crimes against women#geneva convention#icc#international court of justice#international criminal court#international news#international law
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[...]
Ă opaca la denominazione dello Stato, definito ebraico pur essendo abitato per oltre il 25 per cento da non ebrei (arabo-palestinesi musulmani e cristiani, cristiani non arabi, drusi, beduini, ecc.). Ă opaca la formula che descrive Israele come âunica democrazia in Medio Orienteâ, perchĂŠ la democrazia non si concilia con lâoccupazione coloniale o lâassedio dei palestinesi. Ă opaca la forza militare di Israele, che dagli anni 60 dispone di un armamento atomico senza mai ammetterlo. Secondo il giornalista Seymour Hersh, Tel Aviv ha giĂ minacciato una volta lâuso dellâatomica, nella Guerra del Kippur del 1973 (The Samson Option, 1991).
Ma piĂš opaca di tutte le politiche è lâesistenza di una lobby sionista estremamente danarosa e attiva â soprattutto in Usa e Regno Unito â che fin dalla nascita dello Stato di Israele sostiene le sue politiche di colonizzazione, e che oggi appoggia lâennesimo tentativo di svuotare la Palestina dei suoi abitanti. Si dice che Netanyahu sta spianando Gaza e attaccando anche la Cisgiordania solo per restare al potere, senza un piano per il futuro. Quasi un anno è passato dalla strage perpetrata da Hamas il 7 ottobre, e una rettifica si impone. Ă vero che Netanyahu teme di perdere il potere, ma un piano ce lâha: la pulizia etnica in Palestina.
La lobby sionista ha istituzioni secolari negli Stati Uniti e Gran Bretagna e filiali ovunque. Influenza i giornali e li monitora, finanzia i politici amici. Denuncia regolarmente lâantisemitismo in aumento, mescolando antisemitismo vero e opposizione alle guerre di Israele. Nei Paesi europei operano vari gruppi di pressione tra cui lâOng Elnet (European Leadership Network).
Ă chiamata a volte lobby ebraica, ma con lâebraismo non ha niente a che vedere. Ha a che vedere con il sionismo, che è una corrente politica dellâebraismo e che dopo molti conflitti interni ha finito col pervertire la religione. Ă nata nella seconda metĂ dellâ800 e culminata nei testi e negli atti fondatori di Theodor Herzl e Chaim Weizmann. Per il sionismo politico, lâebraismo non è una religione ma una nazione, uno Stato militarizzato, edificato in Palestina con uno slogan che falsificando la realtĂ era per forza bellicoso: la Palestina era âuna terra senza popolo per un popolo senza terraâ, data da Dio agli ebrei per sempre. Secondo il filosofo Yeshayahu Leibowitz, che intervistai nel 1991, Israele era preda di un ânazionalismo tendenzialmente fascistaâ. Non stupisce che Netanyahu e i suoi ministri razzisti si alleino oggi alle estreme destre in Europa e Usa.
Non tutti gli ebrei approvarono la ridefinizione della propria religione come nazione e Stato. In parte perchĂŠ consapevoli che la Palestina non era disabitata, in parte perchĂŠ la lealtĂ assoluta allo Stato israeliano imposta dalla corrente sionista esponeva gli ebrei della diaspora a sospetti di doppia lealtĂ .
Indispensabile per capire questa fusione tra religione e Stato militarizzato è lâultimo libro di Ilan Pappe (Lobbying for Zionism on Both Sides of the Atlantic, 2024). Lo storico racconta, proseguendo lo studio di John Mearsheimer e Stephen Walt sulla lobby (2007), la nascita del sionismo nella seconda metĂ dellâ800, e cita fra gli iniziatori le sette messianiche evangelicali negli Stati Uniti. Sono loro che con piĂš zelo promossero e motivarono il movimento sionista. Lâidea-guida del sionismo millenarista è che Israele ha un diritto divino a catturare lâintera Palestina. Se il piano si realizza, giungerĂ o tornerĂ il Messia. Questo univa nellâ800 sionisti ebrei e cristiani. Câera tuttavia un tranello insidioso: per i sionisti cristiani, il Messia arriva a condizione che gli ebrei alla fine si convertano in massa al cristianesimo.
Il sionismo colonizzatore è oggi in difficoltĂ . âNon in mio nomeâ, è scritto sugli striscioni degli ebrei che manifestano contro la nuova Nakba (âCatastrofeâ, in arabo) che il governo Netanyahu infligge a Gaza come nel 1948. E che infligge in Cisgiordania dal 28 agosto.
Ciononostante i governi occidentali accettano lâequiparazione fra antisemitismo e antisionismo, per timore delle denigrazioni e manipolazioni della lobby. Quasi tutti hanno fatto propria la âdefinizione operativaâ dellâantisemitismo adottata nel 2016 dallâInternational Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (cosiddetta Definizione IRHA, legalmente non vincolante). Tra gli esempi indicati, lâantisionismo e le critiche di Israele. Il governo Conte-2 si è allineato nel gennaio 2020.
Difficile in queste condizioni monitorare e combattere lâantisemitismo. Lâunica cosa certa è che la politica di Israele non solo svuota la Palestina e crea nuove generazioni di resistenti piĂš che mai agguerriti, non solo rende vano lâappello ai âdue popoli due Statiâ, ma mette in pericolo gli ebrei in tutto il mondo. Nel lungo termine può condurre Israele stesso al collasso.
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This is award-winning Israeli philosopher, public intellectual and polymath, Prof. Yeshayahu Leibowitz. He was appearing on the Israeli TV show Popolitika, back in 1992. Leibowitz argues with pundit Tommy Lapid, the father of Yair Lapid, former Israeli Prime Minister.
Yeshayahu Leibowitz argues that Israel is not a democracy after its 1967 occupation of the West Bank and that there are circles in Israeli society that possess a Judeo-Nazi mentality.
Transcription of the video's English subtitles under the cut.
Link to the tweet / Link to the video on IG.
It's interesting to hear the end of this clip. The other man is arguing that until Israel is burning Arabs (Palestinians), Leibowitz's comparison has no base. Leibowitz's answer is that, after the concentration camps (which Israel has used to jail Palestinians in for decades), burning them is the "prophecy". That is: after the dehumanization, ghettification, ethnic separation, and apartheid that Israel puts Palestinians through, the next step is genocide, and it can be seen before it happens because we know what leads to it. In the tweet above, journalist Samira Mohyeddin remembers this "prophecy" now that Israel is, indeed, burning Palestinians alive to kill them.
But it made me think of something else, too. The man arguing with Prof. Leibowitz says that this isn't the case because Israelis don't "burn millions of Arabs just for fun". And, again, this is another place where the "prophecy" has been fulfilled:
youtube
Israeli extremist groups linked to the government's party take families (including children) to boat tours to watch Gaza getting bombed and cheer on the deaths and suffering of Palestinians. To extremist Israelis, Palestinian death is fun.
I'm aware it isn't new, we've seen news like this for years, like this one from 2014:
But it goes to show how Professor Leibowitz was right. Regardless of wether you agree or not with his word choice or semantics, genocide is where all these decades of occupation, dehumanization, and apartheid were headed to.
Transcription.
Interviewer: In this situation where you get an award from the government that you referred to as the government of a Judeo-Nazi state. When you get The Israel Prize from that state, do you still think as you said here before, that this state is not a democracy?
Leibowitz: these are two different things. The first, since you raised that issue then I'm forced to respond to it even though I never found the need to respond on the matter, as if I said that the state is a Nazi state.
Interviewer: Judeo-Nazi.
Leibowitz: I used the term Judeo-Nazi to describe a certain MENTALITY which exists among certain circles. A Judeo-Nazi mentality indeed exists within certain circles.
Lapid: Would you go back on this statement for a better atmosphere while receiving the prize?
Leibowitz: the Judeo-Nazi mentality within certain circles is alive and well.
Lapid: Jews who burn millions of Arabs just for fun? Right, professor Leibowitz?! Certain circles whose wish is to establish concentration camps and burn Arabs in a crematorium...
Leibowitz: I do know that the State of Israel holds many thousands of Arabs in concentration camps.
Lapid: And once in a while places them in gas chambers and burns them?!
Leibowitz: I know that the State of Israel holds many thousands of Arabs in concentration camps!
Lapid: and then burns them...?! And places them in gas chambers... Professor Leibowitz?!
Leibowitz: I spoke very clearly! I know that the State of Israel holds many thousands of Arabs in concentration camps.
Lapid: And then burns them?! And puts them in gas chambers!
Leibowitz: That is your prophecy! That is YOUR future prophecy!
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noam chomsky and yeshayahu leibowitz predicted this level of dehumanisation many years ago.
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non-exhaustive list of sources that are imo especially interesting/thought-provoking, just really solid, or otherwise a personal favorite:
MISC
âLeaders and Martyrs: Codreanu, Mosley and JosĂŠ Antonio,â Stephen M. Cullen (1986)
âBureaucratic Politics in Radical Military Regimes,â Gregory J. Kasza (1987)
A History of Fascism, 1914â1945, Stanley Payne (1996)
The Fascist Revolution: Toward a General Theory of Fascism, George L. Mosse (1999)
Fascism Outside Europe: The European Impulse against Domestic Conditions in the Diffusion of Global Fascism, ed. Stein U. Larsen (2001)
Ancient Religions, Modern Politics: The Islamic Case in Comparative Perspective, Michael Cook (2014)
MARXISM
âCrisis and the Way Out: The Rise of Fascism in Italy and Germany,â MihĂĄly Vajda (1972)
âAustro-Marxist Interpretation of Fascism,â Gerhard Botz (1976)
âFascism: some common misconceptions,â Noel Ignatin (1978)
âGramsciâs Interpretation of Fascism,â Walter L. Adamson (1980)
ARGENTINA
âThe Ideological Origins of Right and Left Nationalism in Argentina, 1930â43,â Alberto Spektorowski (1994)
âThe Making of an Argentine Fascist. Leopoldo Lugones: From Revolutionary Left to Radical Nationalism,â Alberto Spektorowski (1996)
âArgentine Nacionalismo before PerĂłn: The Case of the Alianza de la Juventud Nacionalista, 1937âc. 1943,â Marcus Klein (2001)
BRAZIL
âTenentismo in the Brazilian Revolution of 1930,â John D. Wirth (1964)
âAção Integralista Brasileira: Fascism in Brazil, 1932â1938,â Stanley E. Hilton (1972)
âIntegralism and the Brazilian Catholic Church,â Margaret Todaro Williams (1974)
âIdeology and Diplomacy: Italian Fascism and Brazil (1935â1938),â Ricardo Silva Seitenfus (1984)
âThe corporatist thought in Miguel Reale: readings of Italian fascism in Brazilian integralismo,â JoĂŁo FĂĄbio Bertonha (2013)
CHILE
âCorporatism and Functionalism in Modern Chilean Politics,â Paul W. Drake (1978)
âNationalist Movements and Fascist Ideology in Chile,â Jean Grugel (1985)
âA Case of Non-European Fascism: Chilean National Socialism in the 1930s,â Mario Sznajder (1993)
CHINA
Revolutionary Nativism: Fascism and Culture in China, 1925â1937, Maggie Clinton (2017)
CROATIA
âAn Authoritarian Parliament: The Croatian State Sabor of 1942,â Yeshayahu Jelinek (1980)
âThe End of âHistorical-Ideological Bedazzlementâ: Cold War Politics and ĂmigrĂŠ Croatian Separatist Violence, 1950â1980,â Mate Nikola TokiÄ (2012)
EGYPT
âAn Interpretation of Nasserism,â Willard Range (1959)
Egyptâs Young Rebels: âYoung Egypt,â 1933â1952, James P. Jankowski (1975)
âThe Use of the Pharaonic Past in Modern Egyptian Nationalism,â Michael Wood (1998)
FRANCE
âMores, âThe First National Socialistâ,â Robert F. Byrnes (1950)
âThe Political Transition of Jacques Doriot,â Gilbert D. Allardyce (1966)
âNational Socialism and Antisemitism: The Case of Maurice Barrès,â Zeev Sternhell (1973)
âGeorges Valois and the Faisceau: The Making and Breaking of a Fascist,â Jules Levey (1973)
âThe Condottieri of the Collaboration: Mouvement Social RĂŠvolutionnaire,â Bertram M. Gordon (1975)
âMyth and Violence: The Fascism of Julius Evola and Alain de Benoist,â Thomas Sheehan (1981)
GERMANY
âA German Racial Revolution?â Milan L. Hauner (1984)
âAbortion and Eugenics in Nazi Germany,â Henry P. David, Jochen Fleischhacker, and Charlotte HĂśhn (1988)
âNietzschean Socialism â Left and Right, 1890â1933,â Steven E. Aschheim (1988)
The Brown Plague: Travels in Late Weimar and Early Nazi Germany, Daniel GuĂŠrin, tr. Robert Schwartzwald (1994)
âHitler and the Uniqueness of Nazism,â Ian Kershaw (2004)
HAITI
âIdeology and Political Protest in Haiti, 1930â1946,â David Nicholls (1974)
âMichel-Rolph Trouillotâs State Against Nation: A Critique of the Totalitarian Paradigm,â Robert Fatton, Jr. (2013)
IRAN
âIranâs Islamic Revolution in Comparative Perspective,â Said Amir Arjomand (1986)
IRAQ
âArab-Kurdish Rivalries in Iraq,â Lettie M. Wenner (1963)
âFrom Paper State to Caliphate: The Ideology of the Islamic State,â Cole Bunzel (2015)
âIraqi Archives and the Failure of Saddamâs Worldview in 2003,â Samuel Helfont (2023)
ISRAEL
âThe Emergence of the Israeli Radical Right,â Ehud Sprinzak (1989)
âMax Nordau, Liberalism and the New Jew,â George L. Mosse (1992)
The Stern Gang: Ideology, Politics and Terror, 1940â1949, Joseph Heller (1995)
ââHebrewâ Culture: The Shared Foundations of Ratoshâs Ideology and Poetry,â Elliott Rabin (1999)
âIsraelâs fascist sideshow takes center stage,â Natasha Roth-Rowland (2019)
ââFrightening proportionsâ: On Meir Kahaneâs assimilation doctrine,â Erik Magnusson (2021)
ITALY
âThe Fascist Conception of Law,â H. Arthur Steiner (1936)
âThe Goals of Italian Fascism,â Edward R. Tannenbaum (1969)
âFascist Modernization in Italy: Traditional or Revolutionary?â Roland Sarti (1970)
âFascism as Political Religion,â Emilio Gentile (1990)
âI redentori della vittoria: On Fiumeâs Place in the Genealogy of Fascism,â Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht (1996)
JAPAN
âA New Look at the Problem of âJapanese Fascismâ,â George M. Wilson (1968)
âMarxism and National Socialism in TaishĹ Japan: The Thought of Takabatake Motoyuki,â Germaine A. Hoston (1984)
âFascism from Below? A Comparative Perspective on the Japanese Right, 1931â1936,â Gregory J. Kasza (1984)
âJapanâs Wartime Labor Policy: A Search for Method,â Ernest J. Notar (1985)
âFascism from Above? Japanâs Kakushin Right in Comparative Perspective,â Gregory J. Kasza (2001)
PARAGUAY
âPolitical Aspects of the Paraguayan Revolution, 1936â1940,â Harris Gaylord Warren (1950)
âToward a Weberian Characterization of the Stroessner Regime in Paraguay (1954â1989),â Marcial Antonio Riquelme (1994)
ROMANIA
âThe Men of the Archangel,â Eugen Weber (1966)
âBreaking the Teeth of Time: Mythical Time and the âTerror of Historyâ in the Rhetoric of the Legionary Movement in Interwar Romania,â Raul Carstocea (2015)
RUSSIA
âWas There a Russian Fascism? The Union of Russian People,â Hans Rogger (1964)
âThe All-Russian Fascist Party,â Erwin Oberländer (1966)
âThe Zhirinovsky Threat,â Jacob W. Kipp (1994)
Russian Fascism: Traditions, Tendencies, Movements, Stephen Shenfield (2000)
âWhy fascists took over the Reichstag but have not captured the Kremlin: a comparison of Weimar Germany and post-Soviet Russia,â Steffen Kailitz and Andreas Umland (2017)
SLOVAKIA
âStorm-troopers in Slovakia: the Rodobrana and the Hlinka Guard,â Yeshayahu Jelinek (1971)
SPAIN
âThe Forgotten Falangist: Ernesto Gimenez Cabellero,â Douglas W. Foard (1975)
Fascism in Spain, 1923â1977, Stanley Payne (1999)
âSpanish Fascism as a Political Religion (1931â1941),â Zira Box and Ismael Saz (2011)
SYRIA
The Baâth and the Creation of Modern Syria, David Roberts (1987)
TURKEY
âKemalist Authoritarianism and fascist Trends in Turkey during the Interwar Period,â Fikret AdanĂŻr (2001)
âThe Other From Within: Pan-Turkist Mythmaking and the Expulsion of the Turkish Left,â Gregory A. Burris (2007)
âThe Racist Critics of AtatĂźrk and Kemalism, from the 1930s to the 1960s,â Ä°lker AytĂźrk (2011)
UNITED KINGDOM
âNorthern Ireland and British fascism in the inter-war years,â James Loughlin (1995)
ââWhatâs the Big Idea?â: Oswald Mosley, the British Union of Fascists and Generic Fascism,â Gary Love (2007)
âWhy Fascism? Sir Oswald Mosley and the Conception of the British Union of Fascists,â Matthew Worley (2011)
UNITED STATES
âEzra Pound and American Fascism,â Victor C. Ferkiss (1955)
âPopulist Influences on American Fascism,â Victor C. Ferkiss (1957)
âVigilante Fascism: The Black Legion as an American Hybrid,â Peter H. Amann (1983)
âSilver Shirts in the Northwest: Politics, Personalities, and Prophecies in the 1930s,â Eckard V. Toy, Jr. (1989)
âWomen in the 1920sâ Ku Klux Klan Movement,â Kathleen M. Blee (1991)
ââLeaderless Resistanceâ,â Jeffrey Kaplan (1997)
âThe post-war paths of occult national socialism: from Rockwell and Madole to Manson,â Jeffrey Kaplan (2001)
âThe Upward Path: Palingenesis, Political Religion and the National Alliance,â Martin Durham (2004)
âThe F Word: Is Donald Trump a fascist?â Dylan Matthews (2021)
âCastizo Futurism and the Contradictions of Multiracial White Nationalism,â Ben Lorber and Natalie Li (2022)
#this is not The Masterpost this has just emerged along the way#and there's definitely plenty that could go here that aren't bc i just got tired of listing them#i need somewhere and preferably multiple places to put sources so i feel like ive accomplished something when i finish reading them lol
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"Fascism was a monster born of capitalist parents. Fascism came as the end-product of centuries of capitalist be---lity, exploitation, domination, and racismâmainly exercised outside Europe."
- Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (1972)
"The occupation will take us from a proud and rising nationalism to a messianic, radical nationalism. The third step will be barbarism. The last step will be the end of Zionism."
- Yeshayahu Leibowitz
#united front#meme#memes#anticapitalism#communism#socialism#free palestine#imperialism#capitalism#anti imperialism#antifascism#israel#israel is a terrorist state#apartheid#ronald reagan#diddy#barack obama
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Jewish protestors gather in the CA State Capitol Building to demand their representatives take a stand for a permanent and just ceasefire.
They sing words from the prophet Yeshayahu (Isaiah)
"And into plowshares turn their swords, nation shall make war no more!"
×Öš× ×ִ׊ָ֟×× ××Öš× ×Öś× ××Öš× ×Öś×¨Öś× ×Öš× ×Ö´×Ö°×Ö°××Öź ע×Öš× ×Ö´×Ö°×Ö¸×Ö¸×
#not in our name#let gaza live#jewish voice for peace#ceasefire now#ceasefire#never again#never again is now
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Yet these formal academic appointments formed but one side of his work, and far from the most public, for in addition Leibowitz taught Jewish thought, whether in an academic context, in small study groups, or on television and radio, with a number of these broadcasts and study-group notes having since been published.
But aside from these activities and his being editor in chief of several volumes of the Encyclopedia Hebraica, it was for his political interventions that Leibowitz would gain most notoriety on the Israeli public scene, whether in his criticism of the religious parties as the âkept mistressâ (Judaism, 115) of the Israeli government, his argument as early as 1968 that Israel should withdraw from the newly-occupied West Bank and Gaza strip, or his public call for conscientious objectors from the time of the Lebanon war of 1982 and subsequently in the Palestinian territories. Leibowitzâs ability to stir up public controversy was in evidence as late as 1993, the year before he died, in a speech to the Israel Council for Israeli-Palestinian Peace, where he reiterated his call on soldiers to refuse to serve in the Territories, using, not for the first time, highly provocative language comparing special units of the Israeli army to the SS. The speech followed the announcement that he was to receive the Israel prize â the countryâs most prestigious civilian award â in recognition of his lifeâs work, a move that precipitated an appeal to the Supreme Court, and a threat to boycott the ceremony by Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. Leibowitz, however, saved everyone further embarrassment by declining the award.
Daniel Rynhold, Yeshayahu Leibowitz
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By Judith Sudilovsky
A permanent exhibition gallery will present rare heritage treasures of the Jewish people and Israeli society on a rotating display, alongside items from the Islam & Middle East and the Humanities collections.Â
A special display table for documents from the libraryâs archival collections was painstakingly created by permanent exhibit curators Netta Assaf and Yigal Zalamona to safely exhibit writings by great Jewish and Israeli writers, creators and thinkers, including S.Y. Agnon, Prof. Yeshayahu Leibowitz, Prof. Nechama Leibowitz, the poet Rachel, Leah Goldberg, Uri Zvi Greenberg, David Grossman, A.B. Yehoshua, Eli Amir, Jacqueline Kahanov, Rabbi A.Y. Kook, HaHazon Ish, and others.
Displayed items commemorating moments from history include the first draft of âJerusalem of Goldâ by Naomi Shemer; the note found on poet and fighter Hannah Szenes (Senesh) on the day of her execution by Nazi firing squad; a letter sent as a young man by Israelâs first astronaut, Ilan Ramon, to Prof. Yeshayahu Leibowitz and his response; and writer Stefan Zweigâs suicide note.
Small details
Funding for the new building came from the Israeli government in partnership with Yad Hanadiv â the Rothschild Foundation, the Gottesman Family of New York, and individual donors from Israel and abroad.
The architects, who are not Jewish, invested great energies in learning about Jerusalem, Israelis, and Jewish culture and traditions before they started the project.Â
Once the work began, project manager Ephrat Pomerantz worked in close coordination with the Swiss architectural firm and local executive architects Mann Shinar to bring to life the vision the library staff had when they first embarked upon the renewal project 30 years ago to make the NLI more accessible and independent of the Hebrew University.
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Yeshayahu is here to remind us that sometimes our relationship with God is not too dissimilar from a loving Mommy Domme
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Ableben
On paper, Iâm supposed to despise Naftaly Bennett, very much so. But I donât. I think heâs a solid dude. His external look gives me some kind of chill vibe. Heâs got that Cheshire cat look. Heâs the type of person I want to dance with, soaked in sweat, in a wedding or a big event.
Maybe itâs not Bennett I should despise, but his manager â the genius who came up with the elections slogan âSomething new is happeningâ. This insanely transmittable slogan that showed on buses and other random places Iâve been and went these last few months has kept reminding me that terrible moment in which I was given the bad news that âsomething new is happeningâ.
It happened today exactly one year ago. Friday night, 15th of June 2012. I was 26, two months and four days. Lying on my bed, my old N95 phone from 2007 was stuck to my left ear. My airconditioner was making noises of working, hardly making anything cool â I wasnât cool in any way, not the situation, not me. On the Friday night news in the living room, my parents were watching the panelists laughing about something, while I was slowly dying in my sinking bed. The room was lit only by the hour on the digital counter on the TV cable transmitter â eternalizing the hour in which love died. I wonât be 100% true if I will argue it is exactly what she said â âsomething new is happeningâ. Maybe it was âsomething is beginningâ. Her stream of words continued without pause, her voice sounding as if she is a little unsure, trying not to hurt â but knowing how much it hurts, how much pain it brings about.
âHeâs not sleazy, heâs really sweetâ.
And then started my elegant pleas for another chance:
âI love youâ
âGive love another chanceâ
âPleaseâ
And the likes.
That also had a pretty built-in response, that was pretty much based around âtoo little, too lateâ.
âItâs over Amir, you do not hear how many âNoâsâ Iâm giving you in this conversationâ.
Then: âGood luck in the examsâ.
Thatâs it. Alles ist vorbei. Iâm left alone, shocked, crying like a baby with my old ass phone, while everyoneâs already got smartphone, and sheâs probably going to kiss him and do other deeds that I will never ever do again with her in this dimension.
She tapped that long red thingy on iPhones to end the convo. For me it was a simple âENDâ button. And when they were hit, thatâs it, it was over. One year and ten months. 18 months overall. 547 days. And thatâs it. A little button is pressed, a little dance of a finger, and we turn from actuality to history. A notable part of two peopleâs lives has ended. One, as it seems, only wants to forget it. The other, good god, a 26 year old and 4 months man, crying like a baby.
  Yeshayahu Leibowitz was an Israeli public intellectual who said interesting things. On one show in 1994 he was asked if he missed old Israeli politicians, from the age of those who built up and founded Israel. He answered with his special accent that hints he was not born in Israel himself, that he does not understand the question.
âI do not understand the question. What does it mean to miss a person?â
The person who asked the question tried to sharpen, resulting in Leibowitz simply saying:
âAll of these â they were right for their hour. And we are dealing in this hourâ.
I watched this some sad evening and it lifted me up immensely. Hereâs a role model. What is it to miss someone, at all? What good does it do? It helps nothing, itâs not constructive. What was once, was. What matters is now.
If Leibowitz indeed didnât miss anyone, he was a superhero of sorts, and the strongest one. Superman can fly, yeah, sure, but doesnât he miss someone? And Spiderman? Doesnât Batman miss his parents?
Missing is my kryptonite. It makes me weak. Especially when I am in my bed, full of memories and so empty, and especially if it happens in a late-night hour.
Missing is a sort of alchemy. Itâs not something real, existing, itâs not something you can touch or smell. Mine is the worst kind of longing. Itâs for something that was but isnât. I believe the Portuguese call it âSaudadeâ. You can miss your friend but you know youâll see them next week. And you can miss your lover, knowing youâll never see them again.
  Itâs hard to write about breakups. I wrote her a letter two weeks after the breakup. It was six pages and Iâve included some chocolate and a flower. It didnât help. Because writing about breakups is futile, in a sense.
Itâs hard to write about breakups because seemingly there isnât much to say. I mean, yeah, ok, there is, but what will I say? Itâs a paradox seeing that Iâm in the midst of writing a long piece about breakups. It also doesnât go with the fact that if it werenât for breakups, most music we would be listening to nowadays would be instrumental. So, letâs agree that thereâs a lot to say about breakups but at the same time there isnât â life is complicated like that. I can say that I am hurting so much but how will I transmit this pain to you, the reader? The longing, the pain, the regret, the heaviness on the chest at 2am, when you wake up from a dream where she still loves you, and you realize reality is here and she doesnât anymore. She used to, a lot, but no anymore. No more âgood morningâ text messages.
And what can you say anyway? âTime healsâ. âMany fish in the seaâ. I spent all of summer 2012 depressed in my room, what a waste. Sleeping on the pillow she bought me for my 25th birthday. A 90s boombox she once found and gifted me on a random morning where we said goodbye with a kiss, five months before she dropped the bomb on me â if to quote the Gap Band.
On the morning of June 5th 2012, after she spent the night over at my place, we just kissed and she got into her car and left to work. It was just another goodbye. How was I to know it was the last one ever? That itâs the last time I ever see her? The last time I see her in a world where she loves me? In a world, in a galaxy, where she has love for me in her loving heart? I thought about this moment for so long, about our last kiss â not knowing it is our last kiss. Maybe she knew already? Just a kiss and she left. I was clueless. Like I always am.
  In university, I studied about Martin Heidegger the philosopher. The professor talked about a word in German named âAblebenâ. Like many others in Deutsch, it has many meanings, one of them is âCame to an end.
I see the word as the following: âAn idea that came to an end. An idea that died. The idea that was between her and me, love, has come to an end. Suddenly, one side decided it is over, and the other side must deal with that.
And thatâs something I learnt about breakups in the sad year that I had since she said the words that ended up meaning âitâs overâ. Breakups are TOTAL. That is why they are so hard to accept, why itâs so hard to let go. If you donât accept the breakup youâre not in tune with reality. But reality doesnât ask you. Itâs a madness, like The Stranglers called it in their song âLa Folieâ. Itâs crazy to think and cry about someone all the time, dedicating all that brain power to someone who, maybe on a good day, dedicates you two neurons. Why donât you do something better with your time? Itâs like dancing on a grave.
And here is the realness of âAblebenâ. Itâs not like somebody died. Itâs an idea that died. Itâs so abstract. No more good morning and night texts. No more emails that come in the right time in the middle of the day, filling you with love and hope. No more I love youâs, no more kisses and hugs. This all came to its bitter sad end at a certain moment.
I thought a lot about the moment in which love dies. I understand itâs a long process, stopping to love someone who you love dearly. You donât stop loving in one second. But it feels like itâs some epiphany, some inner switch that you go to sleep loving Amir and you wake up not loving Amir anymore. And itâs so hard for me to fathom how you can stop loving someone youâve shared so much with, that you were such close friends and lovers.
And itâs crazier that I lover her still, as I write these lines. Of course, not as strongly as I loved her last year, but I still love her. Iâll always love her, even if I donât know who she is right now, sheâs changed. I can feel closer to the woman in the grocery shop than her. And even though I am mad at her and understand that breakups exist and itâs part of life. I still canât understand how you do that to someone who you call a friend. I stopped caring about the singing of the birds in the morning, and thatâs the greatest loss.
And the memories, my my, the memories. They keep playing. Itâs like self-torture. Some streets I wonât dare walk through in Tel-Aviv. The bench from August 2010 here we kissed on our first date. When something new was happening and nothing was ending. I still miss her and who she is and what we were. Our long hugs every time we met. And I regret my actions that led her to anotherâs arms. And still I bite my lips whenever I pass by that garden where we shared our first kiss and look at the empty bench and grass and try to understand that feeling that is so amorphic, knowing that something is dead and that something else, new, has begun, and that new thing is the most beautiful thing in the world but youâre not part of it, youâre dead in the water; for me the new thing died, and I continue staring at the âGame Overâ screen.
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