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covid-safer-hotties · 13 days

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also preserved at the archive

By: Jessica Wildfire

You don't need me to tell you how bad it's getting.

I'll tell you anyway, though.

As we drown in endless waves of Covid that generate millions of infections and thousands of deaths per week, our leaders have effectively stripped away every tool we have. They prefer a society that sacrifices themselves for short-term economic and political gains and then becomes ripe clientele for the pharmaceutical industry. They collude with the media to push out a daily barrage of misinformation aimed exclusively at ensuring we continue to work, shop, and vacation, because that's what they care about. Meanwhile, they do absolutely nothing about pandemics on the way as dozens of diseases spread out of control, at levels 10 times worse than normal. As the World Health Organization sounds alarms, telling us "we have arrived in the post-antibiotic era," and that we faced a future pandemic up to 20 times worse than Covid, our leaders focus on vibes. That last part should get our attention. Yes, we are here. We have arrived in the time when superbugs aren't responding to antibiotics. If that weren't bad enough, they're preying on our weakened immune systems.

And bird flu has likely gone human to human.

But it's not hopeless.

Four years ago, we looked to plants to protect us from pathogens because vaccines and treatments weren't coming anytime soon. The minute those vaccines and antivirals came out, most people forgot all about plants. They reverted to their old assumptions that plants were for hippies.

Well, here we are again.

Our vaccines and treatments are failing, and when they work they're often in short supply, or we can't even get access to them. Moms and dads are rolling out the NyQuil in little cutesie Facebook posts, along with all the pills that treat the symptoms but leave the disease itself to roam free all over your body.

We can do better.

As we mask while demanding clean air and better medicine, it's time to revisit those plants and see what they can do.

Do they even work?

Yeah, they do.

A 2024 review of studies in Viruses identified 10 different plant compounds with broad antiviral properties and effectiveness specific to Covid (and in many cases several other viruses). As they write, "plat-derived molecules can tackle viruses by acting on different aspects of their infection process" and "inhibit coronavirus/host protein pathways" by blocking them. The authors initially identified 45 different compounds and then narrowed them to the 10 most effective.

Plants work because they contain terpenoids, flavonoids, phenols, and alkaloids that all demonstrate "high anti-viral potential against SARS-CoV-2 particles" as well as other viruses. They do this in a variety of ways that work across variants because they block virus entry while also tamping down replication and essentially "stopping its life cycle."

Sounds good to me...

Let's get into it.

First, ginkgo biloba contains two bioflavonoids called quercetin and rutin that can block Covid's 3CLPro BS PL-pro enzymes, as demonstrated in two different studies that looked at how they bind to parts of the spike protein. According to an article in Nature, 3CLPro plays a central role in virus replication, specifically for Covid. Ginkgo also contains kaempfero that inhibits Covid's envelope protein E, "consequently suppressing virus activity and proliferation." G. Biloba also brings an anti-inflammatory effect that can help with recovery as well.

Second, turmeric and curcumin "can either bind directly to the receptor binding domain of the viral S-proteins or secure ACE2 receptors of the hosted cell." Basically, they stop viral entry into your cells. As the authors write, a curcumin derivative called bi-demethoxycurcumin "displayed the best binding affinity" to spike proteins.

It also works on the original SARS virus.

Third, a common spice called artemesia annua demonstrated antiviral activity in clinical trials. The group who took an artemisia compound called artemisinin-piperaquine "took significantly less time to reach undetectable levels of SARS-CoV-2 than the controls." In fact, artemisinins "are known for their extended-spectrum antiviral activity." An artemisia derivative called artesunate has shown effectiveness against both DNA and RNA viruses including hepatitis and HIV.

Artemesia compounds work similar to ginkgo by latching on to five different parts of the spike protein "which might explain its remarkable binding affinity." In addition to flavonoids like quercetin, researchers have identified di-caffeoylquinic acid as doing a lot of the heavy lifting here. Like curcumin, these flavonoids also bind to ACE2 receptors on your cells and protect them. Medical researchers are working on refining these compounds into artenimol, a single high-potency compound for giving to patients.

Fourth, nigella sativa (black cumin seeds) have shown antiviral activity by disrupting viral RNA transcription. Carvacrol and nigellidine extracted from these seeds "can block ACE2 receptors, thus inhibiting the SARS-CoV-2 entry into the host cells."

Fifth, ginger (6-gingerol, 8-gingerol, 10-gingerol) can inhibit parts of the Covid spike protein. Specifically, it's the bioactive compounds geraniol, shogaol, zingiberene, and zingiberenol that do the blocking.

Sixth, garlic (allium sativum) shows antiviral activity. It contains compounds called allicin, ajoene, and garlicin that work against several viruses in the same ways as the other compounds, by targeting spike proteins, disrupting transcription, and protecting your cells' entry channels.

Cinnamon at 50 ug/ml operates the same way as the other compounds, by blocking host cell entry and viral replication. Rosemary (rosmarinus officinale) shows effectiveness in blocking viral activity, even in a study that compared it to the antivirals remdesivir and favipiravir.

Want an unusual suspect?

It's dandelion.

Dandelion extract has shown to be "effective against influenza virus infection" and in higher concentrations "showed efficacy against spike proteins... and its different mutants" in human lung and kidney cells, while also helping to prevent the cytokine storm that's often so deadly in the acute stage. Here in particular, studies have shown that dandelion extract works regardless of the variant.

Finally, oregano (origanum vulgare) extract demonstrates antiviral activity against many DNA and RNA viruses, including Covid and HIV. As the authors write, extracts "showed remarkable efficacy against equine influenza virus, canine coronavirus, RS, and H1N1. In fact, it can inhibit up to 74 percent of viral activity at certain sites.

Again, carvacrol does the heavy lifting.

I've looked at other supplements and extracts with antiviral properties. They include grapeseed extract, grapefruit seed extract, olive leaf extract, echinacea, St. John's-Wort, and elderberry.

A 2024 study found that oleuropein, found in olive leaf extract, demonstrates high antibacterial activity at 130 mg/ml and high antifungal activity at 65 mg/ml. Another 2022 study found that oleuropein showed significant effectiveness against Covid in hospitalized patients when they were given 250-500 mg every 12 hours for five days. (No real difference between 250 and 500 mg.) The study also reviews previous research that oleuropein has shown effectiveness against other viruses, including HIV and influenza. It works the same way as other flavonoids, lectins, secoiridoids, and polyphenols, by blocking ACE2 receptors.

A 2022 study reviews available research on elderberry (sambucus nigra), confirming antiviral activity against HIV, flu, and coronaviruses. As the researchers write, adults in clinical trials "showed a significant reduction in symptoms, averaging 50 percent." Elderberry has also shown the ability to stimulate the production of immune cells. A 2019 study confirms that elderberry works against flu via "multiple modes of therapeutic action," including the inhibition of replication and host cell entry. An extensive 2021 study looking at prior research found that high-quality elderberry extracts enriched with anthocyanin work especially well.

A 2022 study in Nature found that a mixture of St. John's Wort (hypericum perforatum) and Echinacea showed significant antiviral activity against Covid. Specifically capsules with .9 mg of St. John's "can significantly reduce SARS-CoV-2 viral load," peaking at 36 hours after the start of treatment.

St. John's Wort works just fine on its own. The authors stress the importance of maintaining its concentration if you add other compounds like echinacea.

That said, a 2022 study in Frontiers in Pharmacology found that echinacea at 4,000 mg for 10 days led to a substantial reduction in viral load and fewer hospitalizations when used to treat Covid patients.

Here's a chart docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1cTJ3lXHPUW7AyrZPXQb63IjmhVbahRm_7Y5IMxKcqO8/edit?usp=sharing&ref=okdoomer.io

You can also look up most of these supplements and extracts on Mount Sinai's health library. They'll give you a good breakdown. It's a good idea to talk with a doctor if you're skeptical or not sure about interactions with other drugs, or look at the studies on your own. The studies linked in the sheet provide the most detailed dose information I can find, usually presented in a table. Duration runs around two weeks for an acute illness and 3-4 months for chronic infections like HIV.

Do I think it's sustainable to take high amounts of supplements all year long to ward off all kinds of airborne diseases, for the rest of our lives? Not really. That's why we absolutely need clean indoor air, masks, better vaccines, and better treatments. Until then, at least we have this information.

List of studies raindrop.io/JW_Lists/alternative-treatments-47681852

So there you have it.

If you've been wondering whether this stuff really works, the answer appears to be a loud yes. We need more research on dose amounts, but the studies all point in the direction of taking as much as you can while staying within the safe limits, for the duration of any time you feel at risk of getting sick.

Most of these extracts work against multiple viruses. They also help regulate your immune system and push it toward a less inflammatory response.

That's good to know.

My family has been using some of these supplements for several years, and it might explain why we've managed to steer clear of Long Covid. We still wear N95 masks everywhere. We advocate for clean air and better vaccines, along with better treatments. In the meantime, it looks like we can up our supplement game and that it's actually going to bring some benefit.

This isn't magic.

These plant compounds work the same way as many of the antivirals on the market. Medical researchers have been researching the antiviral properties of plants for decades, and cultures have used them for thousands of years. Given our current outlook, they're worth taking seriously.

Use what you can.

#mask up #covid #pandemic #covid 19 #wear a mask #public health #coronavirus #still coviding #sars cov 2 #wear a respirator

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sataniccapitalist · 9 months

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#thewaronyou

Another winter of death is now unfolding in the United States and across the Northern Hemisphere as the JN.1 variant of the coronavirus continues to surge globally. Wastewater data from the United States released Tuesday indicate that upwards of 2 million people are now being infected with COVID-19 each day, amid the second-biggest wave of mass infection since the pandemic began, eclipsed only by the initial wave of the Omicron variant during the winter of 2021-22.

There are now reports on social media of hospitals being slammed with COVID patients across the US, Canada and Europe. At a growing number of hospitals, waiting rooms are overflowing, emergency rooms and ICUs are at or near capacity, and ambulances are being turned away or forced to wait for hours to drop off their patients.

According to official figures, COVID-19 hospitalizations in Charlotte, North Carolina are now at their highest levels of the entire pandemic. In Toronto, Dr. Michael Howlett, president of the Canadian Association of Emergency Physicians, told City News, “I’ve worked in emergency departments since 1987, and it’s by far the worst it’s ever been. It’s not even close.” He added, “We’ve got people dying in waiting rooms because we don’t have a place to put them. People being resuscitated on an ambulance stretcher or a floor.”

Dr. Joseph Khabbaza, a pulmonary and critical care specialist at the Cleveland Clinic, told the Today Show website: “The current strain right now seems to be packing a meaner punch than the prior strains. Some features of the current circulating strain probably (make it) a little bit more virulent and pathogenic, making people sicker than prior (variants).”

Indeed, two recent studies indicate that JN.1 more efficiently infects cells in the lower lung, a trait that existed in pre-Omicron strains which were considered more deadly. One study from researchers in Germany and France noted that BA.2.86, the variant nicknamed “Pirola” from which JN.1 evolved, “has regained a trait characteristic of early SARS-CoV-2 lineages: robust lung cell entry. The variant might constitute an elevated health threat as compared to previous Omicron sublineages.”https://www.youtube-nocookie.com/embed/1MGIQxPf0Ig?rel=0An appeal from David North: Donate to the WSWS todayWatch the video message from WSWS International Editorial Board Chairman David North.DONATE TODAY

The toll on human life from the ongoing wave of mass infection is enormous. It is estimated that one-third of the American population, or over 100 million human beings, will contract COVID-19 during just the current wave. This will likely result in tens of thousands of deaths, many of which will not be properly logged due to the dismantling of COVID-19 testing and data reporting systems in the US. When The Economist last updated its tracker of excess deaths on November 18—before the JN.1 wave began—the cumulative death toll stood at 27.4 million, and nearly 5,000 people were continuing to die each day worldwide.

The current wave will also induce further mass suffering from Long COVID, which has been well known since 2020 to cause a multitude of lingering and often debilitating effects. Just last week, a pre-print study was published in Nature Portfolio showing that COVID-19 infection can cause brain damage akin to aging 20 years. The consequences are mental deficits that induce depression, reduced ability to handle intense emotions, lowered attention span, and impaired ability to retain information.

Other research indicates that the virus can attack the heart, the immune system, digestion and essentially every other critical bodily function. The initial symptoms of COVID-19 might resemble those of the flu, but the reality is that the virus can affect nearly every organ in the body and can do so for years after the initial infection. While vaccination slightly reduces the risks of Long COVID, the full impact of the virus will be felt for generations.

The latest winter wave of infections and hospitalizations takes place just eight months after the World Health Organization (WHO) and the Biden administration ended their COVID-19 public health emergency (PHE) declarations without any scientific justification. This initiated the wholesale scrapping of all official response to the pandemic, giving the virus free rein to infect the entire global population ad infinitum.

A virtual blackout of any mention of the coronavirus in the corporate media accompanied the swan song of official reporting. From then on, if illnesses at hospitals or among public figures were referenced at all, it was always with the euphemism “respiratory illness.” The words COVID, coronavirus and pandemic have been all but blacklisted, and the facts about the dangers of the disease have been actively suppressed.

Summarizing the cumulative results of this global assault on public health, the WSWS International Editorial Board wrote in its New Year 2024 statement:

All facts and data surrounding the present state of the pandemic are concealed from the global population, which has instead been subjected to unending lies, gaslighting and propaganda, now shrouded in a veil of silence. There is a systematic cover-up of the real gravity of the crisis, enforced by the government, the corporations, the media and the trade union bureaucracies. Official policy has devolved into simply ignoring, denying and falsifying the reality of the pandemic, no matter what the consequences, as millions are sickened and thousands die globally every day.

In response to the latest wastewater data, there have only been a handful of news articles, most of which have sought to downplay the severity of the current wave and largely ignored the deepening crisis in hospitals.

The official blackout has given rise to an extraordinary contradiction in social life. The reality of mass infection means that everyone knows a friend, neighbor, family member or coworker who is currently or was recently sick, or even hospitalized or killed, by COVID-19. Yet the unrelenting pressure to dismiss the danger of the pandemic means that shopping centers, supermarkets, workplaces and even doctor’s offices and hospitals are full of people not taking the basic and simple precaution of masking to protect themselves. Every visit outside one’s home carries the risk of being infected, with unknown long-term consequences.

As the pandemic enters its fifth year, it is critical to draw the lessons of this world historical experience. The past four years have demonstrated unequivocally that capitalist governments are both unwilling and incapable of fighting this disease. Their primary concern has always been to ensure the unabated accumulation of profits by corporations, no matter the cost in human lives and health.

The real solution to the coronavirus is not to ignore it, but to develop a campaign of elimination and eradication of the virus worldwide. To do so requires the implementation of mask mandates, mass testing and contact tracing, as well as the installation of updated ventilation systems and the safe deployment of Far-UVC technology to halt the spread of the virus. The resources for this global public health program must be expropriated from the banks and financial institutions, which are responsible for the mass suffering wrought by the pandemic.

All of these measures cut directly across the profit motive and the real disease of society: capitalism. As such, the struggle against the coronavirus is not primarily medical or scientific, but political and social. The international working class must be educated on the real dangers of the pandemic and mobilized to simultaneously stop the spread of the disease and put an end to the underlying social order that propagates mass death. This must be developed as a revolutionary struggle to establish world socialism.

#the enemy is strong #protect yourself #protect your family

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dontmeantobepoliticalbut · 2 years

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The Minnesota House voted 70-58 along party lines Thursday to spend around $200 million a year making school breakfasts and lunches available to all students at no cost.

Debate over universal school meals has inverted the usual partisan talking points, with Republicans in this case railing against what they call a taxpayer-funded giveaway to the rich.

More than one-third of Minnesota public school students already get free school meals because of their low family income or high poverty rates in their schools. The DFL-led legislation would offer free meals, regardless of income, to every student at schools that participate in the National School Lunch Program, including private schools.

“Why are we feeding kids in Edina or rich areas that do not need this extra funding? We are pushing tax dollars where they are not needed,” said Rep. Pam Altendorf, R-Red Wing.

Republican lawmakers tried but failed to amend the bill Thursday by somewhat expanding eligibility for free school meals – to 250% of the federal poverty level, up from 185% – without making them free for all students.

“We do need to feed our children, but we have to do this in a reasonable, fiscally responsible way,” said Rep. Krista Knudsen, R-Lake Shore.

The bill’s sponsor, Rep. Sydney Jordan, DFL-Minneapolis, said one-quarter of hungry kids in Minnesota don’t qualify for free school meals under the federal income guidelines. She waved off concerns about funding meals for families that can afford to pay.

“We give every kid in our school a desk. There are lots of kids out there that can afford to buy a desk, but they get a desk because they go to school,” she said.

One hangup for school leaders is the impact that universal school meals might have on the collection of meal-subsidy application forms, which determine how much extra money schools get for a variety of programs.

“I’ve had countless conversations with my administrative colleagues, and they don’t want this,” said Rep. Ben Bakeberg, R-Jordan, a middle school principal.

Another bill, which was introduced Thursday, aims to address that concern by replacing those forms with other methods of assessing concentrations of poverty.

“This is something that we’re very much aware of and working with right now,” said Rep. Laurie Pryor, DFL-Minnetonka.

Congress provided free school meals to all students for two school years during the coronavirus pandemic, but that funding stopped last year. Five states are picking up the food bill for their students this school year, and two of them are doing so permanently; a third, Colorado, will join them next year after voters approved a ballot measure.

Gov. Tim Walz supports making Minnesota the fourth state to permanently provide universal school meals. A companion bill awaits action by the finance committee in the DFL-controlled Senate, where the sponsors include Assistant Minority Leader Zach Duckworth, R-Lakeville.

#us politics #news #St. Paul Pioneer Press #Minnesota #2023 #Minnesota house of representatives #universal school meals #free school lunches #National School Lunch Program #Pam Altendorf #Krista Knudsen #Sydney Jordan #impoverished children #Zach Duckworth #Gov. Tim Walz #Minnesota senate

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theculturedmarxist · 1 year

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In 2022 and early 2023, a highly publicized petition campaign sought to recall New Orleans Mayor LaToya Cantrell. Louisiana law sets high hurdles for recall initiatives; in a jurisdiction the size of New Orleans, triggering the process requires valid signatures from twenty percent of registered voters on a petition requesting a recall election, and the effort ultimately failed. Nevertheless, the campaign is worth reflecting on for three reasons.

First, it at least bears a strong family resemblance to right-wing Republican attacks on Democrat-governed cities that recently have escalated from inflammatory rhetoric to concerted attempts to disempower, by extraordinary means, jurisdictions Democrats represent. To that extent, the Cantrell recall campaign is of a piece with the many Republican efforts at voter suppression around the country and the right’s broader and more openly authoritarian assault on democratic institutions at every level of government about which Thomas Byrne Edsall sounded the alarm in the New York Times.1 Second, the NOLATOYA campaign illustrates how race can function as a condensation symbol, a shorthand, diffuse, even tacit component of a discourse of political mobilization while not necessarily defining the mobilization’s policy objectives. Third, the character of the campaign, especially in light of the larger tendency of which it may be an instance, and the opposition’s responses also demonstrate the inadequacy of race-reductionist understandings even of the racialist element that helped drive it and the other reactionary initiatives, such as the Mississippi legislature’s move to undercut the authority of Jackson’s elected government.

The recall’s sponsors sought to stoke and take advantage of anxieties about street crime—most conspicuously the waves of porch piracy, carjackings, and homicides that spiked in New Orleans as in many cities during and after the Coronavirus pandemic and lockdown—as well as the prodigiously bad, borderline dangerous condition of municipal roads and streets, a seemingly inexplicable and chronically unresolved breakdown of the city’s privatized sanitation pick-up operation, and the at best inconsistent quality of other public services.2 The campaign also played on hoary, racially inflected tropes such as generic allegations of incompetence and evocations of charges of immoral and “uppity” behavior, for example, in attacks on Cantrell for allegedly having an affair with a police officer on her detail, living at least part-time in a municipally owned luxury apartment on Jackson Square in the heart of the Vieux Carré, and flying first class at the city’s expense on international trade junkets.3 Recall supporters eventually leveled inflammatory allegations of incompetence, hostility to law enforcement, or corruption against the black, recently elected Orleans Parish District Attorney and unspecified judges and suggested that subsequent recall initiatives should target them as well.

The campaign’s titular co-chairs were black: one, Belden “Noonie Man” Batiste, was a perennial candidate for electoral office who received five percent of the vote in the 2021 mayoral primary that Cantrell won with nearly sixty-five percent; the other, Eileen Carter, is a freelance “strategy consultant” who had been a first-term Cantrell administration appointee.4 Its sources of financial backing remained shadowy for months, but disclosures eventually confirmed that more than ninety percent of the campaign’s funding came from a single white developer and hospitality industry operative, Richard Farrell, who, in addition to having contributed to Cantrell in the past, had been one of Louisiana’s largest donors to the 2020 Trump presidential campaign.5 Opponents of the recall argued that the fact that the initiative was funded almost entirely by a Trump mega-donor and its organizers’ attempt to purge the voter rolls in order to reduce the total number of signatures needed to force a new election6 indicated a more insidious objective, that the campaign was a ploy to advance the Republicans’ broader agenda of suppressing black voting and to discredit black officials.7

After much hype, the campaign failed abysmally. Certification of the petitions confirmed both that organizers had fallen far short of the minimum signature threshold required to spur a recall election and that support was sharply skewed racially. The latter was no surprise.8 The campaign originated in one of the wealthiest, whitest, and most Republican-leaning neighborhoods in the city. And, as I have indicated, proponents’ rhetoric—notwithstanding their insistence that the initiative had broad support across the city—traded in racialized imagery of feral criminality, and it too easily veered toward hyperbolic denunciation of the mayor’s purported moral degeneracy and an animus that seemed far out of proportion to her actual or alleged transgressions, which in any event hardly seemed to warrant the extraordinary effort of a recall, especially because Cantrell was term-limited and ineligible to pursue re-election in 2025. The extent to which recall advocates’ demonization of her drifted over into attacks on other black public officials also suggested a racial dimension to the campaign that no doubt made many black voters wary.

A racial explanation of the recall initiative offers benefits of familiarity. It fits into well-worn grooves of racial interest-group politics on both sides. It permits committed supporters of the recall to dismiss their effort’s failure as the result of blacks’ irresponsible racial-group defensiveness to the point of fraudulence and conspiracy, and it enables opponents to dismiss grievances against Cantrell’s mayoralty by attributing them to an effectively primordial white racism linked via historical allegory to the Jim Crow era.9 So, when journalists Jeff Adelson and Matt Sledge estimated that, although fifty-four percent of registered voters in Orleans Parish are black and thirty-six percent are white, seventy-six percent of the petition’s signers were white and just over fifteen percent were black, the finding was easily assimilable to a conventional “blacks say tomayto/whites say tomahto” racial narrative. The authors’ punchy inference that “White voters were more than seven times more likely to have signed the petition than a Black voter” reinforces that view.

By Adelson and Sledge’s calculation, more than 23,000 white voters signed the recall petition compared with roughly 7,000 blacks. At first blush, that stark difference seems to support a racial interpretation of the initiative. Yet that calculation also means that more than 57,000 white voters, for whatever reasons, did not sign it. That is, roughly two and a half times more white Orleans Parish voters did not sign the recall petition than did. One might wonder, therefore, why we should see support for the recall as the “white” position. Signers clustered disproportionately in the most affluent areas citywide, and those least likely to sign were concentrated in the city’s poorest areas. As Adelson and Sledge also note, there are many reasons one might not have signed the petition. Those could have ranged from explicit opposition to the initiative; skepticism about its motives, likelihood of success, or its impact if successful; absence of sufficient concern with the issue to seek to sign on; or other reasons entirely. That range would apply to the seventy percent of white voters who did not sign as well as the nearly ninety-five percent of black voters who did not. From that perspective, “race” is in this instance less an explanation than an alternative to one.

Organizers and supporters of the recall no doubt also had various motives and objectives, and those may have evolved with the campaign itself. Batiste and Carter are political opportunists and, as a badly defeated opponent and a former staffer, may harbor idiosyncratic personal grievances against Cantrell; they also cannot be reduced merely to race traitors or dupes not least because roughly 7,000 more black voters signed onto the recall petition. Farrell and the handful of other Republican large donors who sustained the initiative likely had varying long- and short-game objectives, from weakening Cantrell’s mayoralty to payback for the city’s aggressive pandemic response, which met with disgruntlement and opposition from hospitality industry operators, to fomenting demoralization and antagonism toward municipal government or government in general, to enhancing individual and organizational leverage in mundane partisan politics, including simply reinforcing the knee-jerk partisan divide. And, even if not in the minds of initiators all along, voter suppression in Orleans Parish may have become an unanticipated benefit along the way.

Other enthusiasts no doubt acted from a mélange of motives. Demands for “accountability” and “transparency,” neoliberal shibboleths that only seem to convey specific meanings, stood in for causal arguments tying conditions in the city that have generated frustration, anxiety, or fear to claims about Cantrell’s character. Those Orwellian catchwords of a larger program of de-democratization10 overlap the often allusively racialized discourse in which Cantrell, black officialdom, unresponsive, purportedly inept and corrupt government, uncontrolled criminality, and intensifying insecurity and social breakdown all signify one another as a singular, though amorphous, target of resentment. The recall campaign condensed frustrations and anxieties into a politics of scapegoating that fixates all those vague or inchoate concerns onto a malevolent, alien entity that exists to thwart or destroy an equally vague and fluid “us.” And that entity is partly racialized because race is a discourse of scapegoating.

But race is not the only basis for scapegoating. As I indicate elsewhere, “the MAGA fantasy of ‘the pedophile Democratic elite’ today provides a scapegoat no one might reasonably defend and thus facilitates the misdirection that is always central to a politics of scapegoating, construction of the fantasy of the ‘Jew/Jew-Bolshevik-Jew banker’ and cosmopolite/Jew and Jew/Slav subhuman did the same for Hitler’s National Socialism.”11 The scapegoat is an evanescent presence, created through moral panic and just-so stories and projected onto targeted individuals or populations posited as the embodied cause of the conditions generating fear and anxiety. As an instrument of political action, scapegoating’s objective is to fashion a large popular constituency defined by perceived threat from and opposition to a demonized other, a constituency that then can be mobilized against policies and political agendas activists identify with the evil other and its nefarious designs—without having to address those policies and agendas on their merits.

A Facebook post a colleague shared from a relative long since lost to the QAnon/MAGA world exemplifies the chain of associations undergirding that strain of conspiratorial thinking and its scapegoating politics: “It’s time for Americans to stop hiding behind the democracy dupe that has been used as an opiate to extort American wages to wage war against any country that said no to Rothschild’s money changing loanshark wannabe satan’s cult.” My colleague underscored that the antisemitism apparent in that post was a late-life graft onto the relative’s political views; neither Jews nor Jewishness had any presence in the circumstances of their upbringing, neither within their family nor the broader demographic environment. Antisemitism, that is, can function, at least for a time, as an item on a checklist that signals belonging in the elect of combatants against the malevolent grand conspiracy as much as or more than it expresses a committed bigotry against Jews or Judaism.

It is understandable that the partly racialized recall campaign would provoke a least-common-denominator objection that it was a ploy to attack black, or black female, political leadership. It no doubt was, at least as an easy first pass at low-hanging fruit in mobilizing support. However, complaint that the recall effort was racially motivated missed the point—or took the bait. Scapegoating is fundamentally about misdirection, like a pickpocket’s dodge. A politics based on scapegoating is especially attractive to proponents of anti-popular, inegalitarian agendas who might otherwise be unable to elicit broad support for programs and initiatives that are anti-democratic or facilitate regressive redistribution.12 And the forces driving the Cantrell recall campaign fit that profile.

That it was backed by significant right-wing donors yet failed so badly raises a possibility that the recall campaign may never have been serious as an attempt to remove Cantrell from office.13 If their prattle about accountability, transparency, and responsibility to taxpayers were genuine, organizers should have admitted the failure and not bothered to submit their petitions and thereby avoided the administrative burdens of the certification process—unless forcing that extraordinary undertaking were part of a Potemkin effort to simulate a serious recall campaign. Instead, well after it should have recognized and acknowledged failure, the campaign organization attempted to keep recall chatter in the news cycle by means of coyness and dissimulation regarding the status of their effort and continued to manufacture supposed Cantrell outrages, no matter how dubious or picayune, to feed the fires of salacious exposé of the “you won’t believe what she’s doing now!” variety. When authorities confirmed the magnitude of the failure, including evidence of thousands of obviously bogus signatures nonetheless submitted, organizers fell back on the standard MAGA-era canard in the face of defeat—challenging the credibility of the officials designated by law to determine the signatures’ validity. Notwithstanding the complex motives and expectations of individual supporters, all this further suggests that the recall initiative at one level was suspiciously consistent with the multifarious assaults on democratic government that right-wing militants have been pursuing concertedly around the country since at least 2020.

That larger, more insidious effort and its objectives—which boil down to elimination of avenues for expression of popular democratic oversight in service to consolidation of unmediated capitalist class power14—constitute the gravest danger that confronts us. And centering on the racial dimension of stratagems like the Cantrell recall plays into the hands of the architects of that agenda and the scapegoating politics on which they depend by focusing exclusively on an aspect of the tactic and not the goal. From the perspective of that greater danger, whether the recall effort was motivated by racism is quite beside the point. The same applies to any of the many other racially inflected, de-democratizing initiatives the right wing has been pushing. With or without conscious intent, and no matter what shockingly ugly and frightening expressions it may take rhetorically, the racial dimension of the right wing’s not-so-stealth offensive is a smokescreen. The pedophile cannibals, predatory transgender subversives, and proponents of abortion on demand up to birth join familiar significations attached to blacks and a generically threatening nonwhite other in melding a singular, interchangeable, even contradictory—the Jew as banker and Bolshevik—phantasmagorical enemy.

An important takeaway from the nature of this threat is that a race-first politics is not capable of responding effectively to it. Race reductionism fails intellectually and is counterproductive politically because its assumption that race/racism is transhistorical and its corresponding demand that we understand the connection between race and politics in contemporary life through analogy with the segregation era or slavery do not equip us to grasp the specificities of the current moment, including the historically specific dangers that face us. This is not a new limitation. That anachronistic orientation underwrote badly inaccurate prognostications about the likely political impact of changing racial demography in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina and was totally ineffective for mounting challenges to charterization of the Orleans Parish school system and the destruction of public housing in the midst of the city’s greatest shortage of affordable housing.15 Race-reductionist interpretation could specify neither the mechanisms nor the concatenation of political forces that impelled either of those regressive programs. Race reductionists seemed to assume that defining those interventions, as well as the regressive real estate practices commonly known as gentrification and the problems of hyper-policing, as racist would call forth some sort of remedial response.16 It did not.

Similarly, just as assertion that mass incarceration is the “New Jim Crow” does not help us understand or respond to the complex political-economic or ideological forces that have produced mass incarceration,17 criticism of contemporary voter suppression efforts by tying them to those at the end of the nineteenth century does not help us specify the nature of the threat, the objectives to which it is linked, or approaches to countering it. Regarding voter suppression and disfranchisement, even in the late nineteenth century, while a) its point was openly and explicitly to disfranchise blacks and b) there is little reason to doubt the sincerity of the commitments to white supremacy expressed by disfranchisement’s architects, disfranchising blacks for the sake of doing so was not the point either; neither was imposing codified racial subordination an end in itself.

The racial dimension of the reactionary campaign then was also a smokescreen that helped to facilitate assertion of ruling class power after the defeat of the Populist insurgency by attacking blacks as a scapegoat, a misdirection from the Democrat planter-merchant-capitalist elites’ sharply class-skewed agenda, including codified racial segregation, which they could not fully impose until the electorate had been “purified.” From the architects’ perspective, the problem with blacks’ voting was ultimately that they did not reliably vote Democrat. If black voters could have been counted on to vote for the Democrat agenda, committed white supremacy likely would have found expression in areas other than suffrage. Indeed, one facet of Bookerite accommodationist politics at the time—articulated by, among others, novelist Sutton Griggs—was that black Americans’ reflexive support of Republicans had forced Democrats to resort to disfranchisement and that, if principled Democrats felt they could count on black votes, they wouldn’t need to pursue such measures.18 Among advocates of voter suppression today, black voting is in part a metonym for a composite scapegoat that includes Democratic or “liberal” or “woke” voters, all of whom, like the liberal pedophile cannibals, are characterizable as not “real Americans” and whose voting is therefore fraudulent by definition. And propagandists meld the images together in service of deflecting attention from the right’s regressive policy agenda.19

It is instructive that at the same time contemporary rightists commonly tout evidence of support from blacks and Hispanics. Of course, that move is largely a cynical ploy—the lie, straight from the fascist agitator’s handbook, accompanied by a knowing wink to the faithful—to deflect criticism of their obvious racial scapegoating. However, knee-jerk dismissals of that reaction as disingenuous or of black and Hispanic supporters as inauthentic, dupes, or sellouts are problematic. There is certainly no shortage of malicious racism within the right wing, but black and Latino supporters of right-wing politics cannot all be dismissed as the equivalent of cash-and-carry minstrel hustlers like Diamond & Silk or cash-and-carry lunatics like Ben Carson and Clarence Thomas, just as the 7,000 blacks who signed the Cantrell recall petition cannot be dismissed as dupes of the NOLATOYA campaigners. While the percentages remained relatively small, increases in black and Hispanic votes for Trump between 2016 and 2020 indicate that those voters see more in the faux populist appeal than racism or white supremacy.20

What is true of those black and brown voters who are unlikely to see themselves as racists21 is no doubt also true for some percentage of whites who gravitate toward the reactionary right’s siren song.22 I do not mean to suggest that we should pander to the reactionary expressions around which the right has sought to mobilize those people. Nevertheless, I do want to stress that what makes many of them susceptible to that ugly politics is a reasonable sense that Democratic liberalism has offered them little for a half century. Obama promised transcendence and deliverance, based on evanescent imagery deriving largely from his race. His failure to live up to the “hope” he promoted set the stage for an equal and opposite reaction.

Most of all, race-reductionist explanations and simplistic historical analogies are counterproductive as a politics because they fail to provide a basis for challenging the looming authoritarian threat. I have asked supporters of reparations politics for more than twenty years how they imagine forming a political coalition broad enough to prevail on that objective in a majoritarian democracy.23 To date, the question has never received a response other than some version of the non sequitur “don’t you agree that black people deserve compensation?” or sophistries like the flippant assertion that abolition and the civil rights movement did not have a chance to win until they did.24 Recently, a questioner from the audience, someone with whom I have had a running exchange over many years regarding racism’s primacy as a political force, catechized me at a panel at Columbia University [beginning at 1:01:48] for my views on the Mississippi legislature’s attacks on the city of Jackson. There was no specific question; the intervention was a prompt for me to acknowledge that the Jackson case is evidence of racism’s independent power. That interaction captures a crucial problem with race reductionism as a politics. It centers on exposé and moralistic accusation.

But what would happen if we were to accept as common sense the conviction of advocates of race-reductionist politics that “racism” is the source of the various inequalities and injustices that affect us—including the anti-democratic travesties being perpetrated on Jackson’s residents and elected officials? What policy interventions would follow? And how would they be realized? Those questions do not arise because the point of this politics is not to transform social relations but to secure the social position of those who purport to speak on behalf of an undifferentiated black population. Insofar as it is a politics at all, it is an interest-group arrangement in which Racial Spokespersons propound as “racial” perspectives points of view that harmonize with Democratic neoliberalism. For the umpteenth time,25 a politics focused on identifying group-level disparities within the current regime of capitalist inequality is predicated logically, but most of all materially, on not challenging that regime but equalizing “group” differences within it. That anti-disparitarian politics hews to neoliberalism’s egalitarian ideal of equal access to competition for a steadily shrinking pool of opportunities for a secure life.26 And, as has been explicit since at least 2015, when the Bernie Sanders campaign pushed a more social-democratic approach toward the center stage of American political debate, anti-disparitarian “leftism” is a militant ideological force defending neoliberalism’s logic against downwardly redistributive threats, to the extent of denouncing calls for expanding the sphere of universal public goods as irresponsible and castigating appeals to working-class interests as racist.

Decades of race reductionist assertion and resort to history as allegory in lieu of empirical argument and clear political strategy27 have propagated another discourse of misdirection. Insistence that any inequality or injustice affecting black people must be understood as resultant from a generic and transhistorical racism, for instance, shifts attention away from the current sources of inequality in capitalist political economy for reductionist antiracists just as culture war rhetoric does for the right. As the genesis of the “racial wealth gap” has shown, the premise that slavery and Jim Crow continue to shape all black people’s lives and forge a fundamentally common condition of suffering and common destiny has underwritten a racial trickledown policy response that is a class politics dressed up as a racial-group politics.28 The sleight-of-hand that makes capitalist class dynamics disappear into a narrative of unremitting, demonic White Supremacy does the work for Democratic neoliberals, of whatever color or gender, that the pedophile cannibal bugbear does for the reactionary right. Thus race reductionism can present making rich black people richer and narrowing the “wealth gap” between them and their white counterparts as a strategy for pursuit of justice for all black people or attack social-democratic policy proposals as somehow not relevant to blacks and indeed abetting white racists, or attempt to whistle past the fact that the Racial Reckoning produced by the Summer of George Floyd culminated most conspicuously in a $100 million gift from Jeff Bezos to Van Jones and a flood of nearly $2 billion of corporate money into various racial justice advocacy organizations.

The rise of the authoritarian threat should raise the stakes of the moment to a point at which we recognize that this antiracist politics has no agenda for winning significant reforms, much less a strategy for social transformation, that it is not only incapable of anchoring a challenge to the peril that faces us but is fundamentally not interested in doing so. There seems to be a startling myopia underlying this politics and the strata whose interests it articulates—unless, of course, its only point is to secure what Kenneth Warren characterizes as “managerial authority over the nation’s Negro problem,”29 no matter what regime is in power. In that case, the Judenrat is in effect its model, and therefore all bets are off.

#race politics #racism #race reductionism #adolph reed #new orleans #republicans #democrats #antiracism

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mariacallous · 2 years

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Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, better known as Lula, stepped into his third term ready to rebuild Brazil’s international image, which had been largely diminished by his predecessor. And Lula has a guidebook to follow, not only from his two prior terms, but also from U.S. President Joe Biden’s ascension. From the Jan. 8 riots in Brasília to both countries reentering international organizations, Biden and Lula have fought—and will continue to fight—eerily similar battles.

“Both Lula and Biden are presidents that are positioning themselves as leaders in the democratic world, defending democracy in the region, and with clear priorities on the agenda,” said Bruna Santos, director of the Brazil Institute at the Wilson Center.

During his first two terms as president, between 2003 and 2010, Lula set Brazil up as a major economic and political player on the world stage. Lula was a founding member of BRICS—a geopolitical bloc including Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa—and attended its first formal summit in 2009, and Brazil was one of the leading voices calling for U.N. Security Council expansion during the Lula administration. Brazil’s relationships with its neighbors had never been better, with a wave of Lula allies elected into office throughout the region, including Cristina Fernández de Kirchner in Argentina, Evo Morales in Bolivia, and Hugo Chávez in Venezuela.

But things may not be so straightforward this time around. Despite the recent wave of leftist governments echoing the political tides of the early 2000s, instability has rocked Latin America in recent years, with worsening situations in Nicaragua and Venezuela, violent protests in Peru, and the devastating economic and social impacts of the coronavirus pandemic. The new “pink tide” will be far more turbulent than the first.

“It’s very early on to see how successful he’s going to be, but it’s not going to be the easy ride he had on the first pink tide, when everyone was on better terms,” said Cecilia Tornaghi, the senior director of policy at Americas Society/Council of the Americas.

Deep political polarization was laid bare in two of the Western Hemisphere’s largest democracies during the violent Jan. 6, 2021, insurrection in Washington and the Jan. 8, 2023, riots in Brasília. For both Biden and Lula, who each began their time in office amid the wreckage of stormed government buildings, this became an opportunity for further cooperation on strengthening democratic institutions. The United States will be hosting the second Summit for Democracy this month, which is focused on developing an agenda for democratic renewal, which Lula welcomed in his meeting with Biden in February.

“It’s a very positive initiative on the part of both to recognize the similarities and the threats to democracy, and their willingness to cooperate,” said James Green, a professor of Latin American history and Brazilian studies at Brown University. “It’s still to be determined how that will actually play out in practice.”

But Lula’s image is also not the same as it once was. Lula was handed a 12-year jail sentence for a massive corruption scandal that took place during his first two terms in office. Although the sentence was short-lived and Lula maintains his innocence, the baggage of jail time has become a major point of concern for leaders who may not want to be associated with Lula’s past scandals.

“All the people that see him as a criminal or a former criminal will continue to,” Tornaghi said. “There’s nothing he can say that will change their views, so he doesn’t even try.”

Former U.S. President Donald Trump and former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro turned their respective countries into pariahs on the international stage, causing tension with neighbors and turning their backs on multilateral organizations that did not flatter their nationalistic approaches to governing. If Bolsonaro and Trump were often compared while in office, what they left behind is also similar.

Both Bolsonaro and Trump threatened to withdraw from the World Health Organization at the height of the coronavirus pandemic, touting anti-COVID conspiracy theories and discouraging mask use. U.S. and Brazilian standing on the world stage suffered under the two leaders, with Trump and Bolsonaro ignoring—and sometimes railing against—climate issues. Bolsonaro’s threats to withdraw from the Paris climate accord followed Trump’s official withdrawal from the agreement in 2020, citing his “America First” policy.

One of Biden’s first acts as president was to re-enter the Paris Agreement, signaling U.S. commitment to environmental policies and a return to international engagement. Climate change, too, has been at the heart of Lula’s international strategy. Lula visited Washington in his first trip outside of Latin America in early February, following which Lula signaled that the United States is expected to join the Brazilian Development Bank-led Amazon Fund, which raises and directs investments to prevent and combat deforestation in the Amazon.

“I think President Lula is prioritizing the right thing that can be the hook for the international community to work with Lula and to bring back Brazil as a leader in global affairs,” said Valentina Sader, Brazil lead at the Atlantic Council. “And that angle is climate.”

Brazil is home to 60 percent of the Amazon rainforest. The Amazon is a crucial carbon sink, which helps regulate both local and global climate. Under Bolsonaro, deforestation reached a record high, sparking concerns that the forest would never recover from the accelerating large-scale deforestation.

Within the region, Bolsonaro’s withdrawal from the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), despite Brazil’s historic leadership in the organization, over criticism of leftist authoritarian countries within the organization, including Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, further isolated Brazil.

Lula has already taken a different approach, showing his willingness to engage with its traditional allies, strengthen cooperation in the region, and keep the door open to bring leaders such as Venezuela’s Nicolás Maduro to the table.

“Lula is being Lula,” Tornaghi said. “What was the first thing he did? He went to CELAC in Argentina. He was celebrated like a rockstar in Argentina—concerts and everything, in his honor. Then he went to Uruguay, a center-right country, and had a great conversation with President Lacalle Pou.”

Santos also believes, given his strong democratic and diplomatic record, that “Lula might be an important moderator in the region when it comes to coordinating and moderating conversations with Venezuela and Nicaragua.”

“Brazil has a clear path in foreign policy that went a little bit off track with Bolsonaro,” Santos said. “But there is a path of valuing multilateral organizations, regional dialogue, and finding diplomatic solutions for peace. Those are important values for Brazil’s foreign policy.”

That was reflected in Lula’s statements on the Russia-Ukraine war. He expressed his desire for a peaceful end to the conflict and has left the door open to a meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin—much to the chagrin of Western leaders who are trying to ratchet up military support for Ukraine from the so-called global south.

“Brazil and Brazilian diplomacy tends to not take a side unless they absolutely have to,” Sader said. “The approach that the Lula administration is taking—and Bolsonaro had this kind of approach as well—is that we defend and want peace, but that needs to be done through diplomatic means.”

Trade is another area where Lula can mark a contrast to Bolsonaro. Brazil is one of the biggest forces inside the Mercosur trading bloc, which also includes Argentina, Paraguay, and Uruguay. Since 2019, the bloc’s Association Agreement with the European Union has been pending, and ratification is one of Lula’s foreign-policy priorities. After a 20-plus-year process, ratification must take place in both Europe and Mercosur member states to finally come into force. Despite holdouts like France, Lula’s Amazon-friendly stance may make ratification easier. Ratification has also taken on new urgency after Lula floated the idea of an agreement with South America’s largest trading partner, China, an attempt to soothe the rift among Mercosur leaders after Uruguay toyed with a bilateral deal with Beijing.

“Mercosur and the EU treaty are definitely the low-hanging fruit that he can show his chops on,” Tornaghi said.

But in order to achieve his objectives within Latin America, Lula will have to reckon not only with his own baggage and the debris left by the Bolsonaro administration, but with Brazil’s complicated role in Latin America as well. Many of its neighbors are wary of being engulfed by Brazil due to its massive territory, economy, and geopolitical influence. Linguistic differences have also long set Portuguese-speaking Brazil apart from the rest of the region.

“Brazil needs to reconcile its soft power in the region,” Santos said. “Because of the language and recent history of our foreign policy in the region, we have to get that back on track and establish clearly that we are prioritizing the relationship of democratic nations that are committed to sustainable development in the Americas.”

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scotianostra · 2 years

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Happy 36th Birthday singer-songwriter Paolo Nutini born January 9th 1987 in Paisley.

He is the oldest child of two and attended St Andrews Academy in Paisley where his career and love for music began, when an artist was late to perform in his school, Paolo was asked by the music teacher to go up and sing a song.

As a teenager, in between writing songs, Paolo used to work a Saturday shift in the family fish and chip shop business, and was expected to follow in his father’s footsteps and enter the business full time, but always knew he wanted to pursue singing.

Paolo found work as a roadie for the band Speedway, as well as performing live himself. He performed solo, as well as with Dome and Dick from The Dongues. Paolo also went on to work at Glasgow’s Park Lane Studio.

Paolo Nutini’s big break was quite an unusual one. During a homecoming concert for David Sneddon, staged by local radio station 102.5 Clyde 1, Paolo won an impromptu quiz. He was given the chance to get onstage and perform a couple of his own songs, whilst the crowd waited for Sneddon’s arrival. A member of the audience was so impressed with the performance that he offered to become Paolo’s manager.

Nutini was then invited to perform on BBC Radio Scotland after a journalist from the Daily Record saw him perform at the Queen Margaret Union. At the age of 17, Nutini moved to London and performed regularly at Balham’s Bedford pub. He was soon offered support slots with KT Tunstall and Amy Winehouse, he signed for Atlantic and began work on his first album, working with Coldplay and Badly Drawn Boy producer Ken Nelson, Nutini generated an impressive amount of buzz before his first single, “Last Request,” was released in the early summer of 2006.

He appeared at special Atlantic Records showcases at Carnegie Hall and the Montreux Jazz Festival, as well as opening for the Rolling Stones and Paul Weller. These Streets, was ultimately released in July 2006 alongside his second single, “Jenny Don’t Be Hasty.” The album fared quite well climbing to double-platinum status and sent four singles into the Top 40. Accordingly, an American release followed in January 2007.In his singing his Scottish accent, shines through, he doesn’t try to sing in an American accent like most singers do, Paolo automatically sounded like no one else.His second album, Sunny Side Up, appeared in June 2009, featuring increased contributions from Nutini’s backing band and a bright, sprightly disposition. Sunny Side Up was a number one hit, and one of the biggest-selling albums of the year – and went on to claim Best Album at the Ivor Novello Awards.

The past few years Nutini has been living in his home town of Paisley, there has been the odd appearance on Karaoke posted on social media, but little news of any new materials as yet. He did however buy the Chewbacca mask worn by Lewis Capaldi on stage at TRNSMT festival, the original bidder pulled out of the auction. Paolo also donated tent thousand pound to mental health charity Tiny Changes and plans to raffle the mask to raise even more.

The Tiny Changes charity was set up in memory of Frightened Rabbit’s front man Scott Hutchison, who took his own life in 2018 after struggles with depression.

A wee Paolo story from 2020 is when he paid for a man’s food shop at Aldi after he’d forgot to bring his wallet. Apparently the embarrassed shopper went to shake Paolo’s hand, to be told: “You can’t do that just now.” it was during the first wave of the Coronavirus.

Paolo was back witha bang this year with his new album, Last Night in the Bittersweet, it is his first release in eight years. Last Night in Bittersweet received a more than respectable score of 87 out of 100 on review aggregator Metacritic from four critics' reviews, indicating "universal acclaim"

The album debuted at number one on the UK Albums Chart dated 8 July 2022, and by midweek, was outselling the album at number two by a ratio of 4:1.[10] It is Nutini's third consecutive UK number-one album.

The Paisley singer recently played 5 sold out gigs at the Glasgow OVO Hydro, he is kicking off a world tour in Canada with gigs in North America beefore heading to Australia, he then comes back to Europe for a series of shows.

The song is from the new album.

youtube

#scottish #scotland #singersongwriter #singer.#paisley #happy birhtday #musician

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allthebrazilianpolitics · 2 years

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Lula’s Out to Get Brazil’s Global Mojo Back

Like Biden, Brazil’s old-new president inherited a mess on the international stage.

#brazil #politics #brazilian politics #foreign policy #mod nise da silveira #image description in alt

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notjustanyannie · 2 years

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During the COVID-19 pandemic, masks were weaponized for partisan purposes. “The politicization of mask use,” says William Hanage, infectious disease epidemiologist at Harvard University, “makes as much sense as politicizing gravity.” Masks are simply a tool—a protective barrier—that can help to reduce the spread of respiratory infections, just as condoms are a barrier that can reduce the spread of sexually transmitted infections. And as we head into winter, with rising rates of multiple respiratory viruses, including flu, RSV, and new coronavirus variants, masks could help all Americans to avoid getting sick.

Mask use is on the decline in the United States. Recent public polling shows that nearly two thirds of Americans never or rarely wear a mask outside their homes, a sharp rise from just a quarter during the height of the Omicron wave in January 2022. There are many reasons for the decline in masking. These include pandemic fatigue, a justified perception that the worst of the COVID-19 pandemic is behind us (there has been a sustained decline in daily COVID-19 deaths), widespread COVID-19 vaccination (80% of Americans have now had at least one vaccine dose), reduced federal and state efforts to provide free high quality masks to the public, and the removal of mask mandates.

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newstfionline · 1 year

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Saturday, June 17, 2023

Tornado devastates Texas Panhandle town, killing 3 and injuring dozens (AP) A tornado tore through the Texas Panhandle town of Perryton on Thursday, killing three people, injuring dozens more and causing widespread damage as another series of fierce storms carved its way through Southern states. First responders from surrounding towns and cities and from neighboring Oklahoma descended on the town, which is home to more than 8,000 people and about 115 miles (185 kilometers) northeast of Amarillo, just south of the Oklahoma line. Mobile homes were ripped apart and pickup trucks with shattered windshield were slammed against mounds of rubble in residential areas.

US purchases of Russian uranium (NYT) In 1993, in the pursuit of wrapping up the Cold War in a capitalist bow, Washington and Moscow inked a deal where the United States would buy and import the vast amount of Soviet weapons-grade uranium lying around the country, which would then be converted to nuclear fuel for power plants. This gave Americans cheap atoms to crack, Russians money, and the world some peace, but the side effect was that it pretty much wiped out the American uranium enrichment business. For decades, rather than invest in upgrading American centrifuges, the country just kept buying Russian uranium, which means that right now a third of enriched uranium used in the U.S. is imported from Russia, to the tune of around $1 billion a year. Naturally, this has posed a bit of a geopolitical pickle given the invasion of Ukraine and needed to stop, and the U.S. now needs to line up a new supply of enriched uranium, which will take years.

Mexico swelters as ‘atypical’ heat wave grips nation (Reuters) Mexican authorities urged people across the country to take safety precautions on Thursday as an unusual late Spring heat wave sent temperatures soaring, with cooler days possibly weeks away. Health ministry data through June 9 shows that at least six people have died this year as a result of the higher-than-normal temperatures. “The heat is intense!” said Abigail Lopez, a nurse in normally sunny but temperate Mexico City who said she was drinking more water and wearing lighter clothes to try to beat the heat. Mexico’s national meteorological service forecast temperatures over 30 Celsius (86 Fahrenheit) on Thursday in all of the country’s 32 states, with highs at least 10 degrees hotter in 23 of them.

Scathing report finds Boris Johnson deliberately misled UK Parliament over ‘partygate’ (AP) A committee of U.K. lawmakers harshly rebuked former British Prime Minister Boris Johnson Thursday, saying he lied to Parliament about lockdown-flouting parties and was complicit in a campaign to intimidate those investigating his conduct during the coronavirus pandemic. The release of the Commons committee’s scathing 77-page report Thursday touched off an angry exchange of recriminations. Johnson repeated his claim that the panel was a “kangaroo court” bent on ousting him from Parliament. The committee said the defense he had provided was an after-the-fact justification and “no more than an artifice.” The report and reaction to it highlight the battle over Johnson’s legacy as Britain prepares for elections that could radically alter social and economic policy in a nation struggling to overcome a cost-of-living crisis and complaints about government services ranging from healthcare to law enforcement.

Drought and rising heat bring unusual wildfire warnings in northern Europe (AP) Summer is wildfire season in southern Europe, but this year the continent’s north is also at risk, with forest fire warnings in effect across the Nordic and Baltic countries. A lack of rain and rising temperatures have led to dangerously dry conditions in the region, leading to worries of a repeat of the summer of 2018 when major wildfires swept across Sweden in particular. Small wildfires are already burning in Norway, Sweden, Denmark and Finland and experts worry it could get much worse unless there’s significant rainfall in coming weeks. Unlike the sun-soaked Mediterranean countries, which have to deal with wildfires every summer, the phenomenon is rare in the countries of northern Europe, where summers are normally cool and wet by comparison.

Russia’s labor shortage (WSJ) The war in Ukraine has fueled Russia’s worst labor crunch in decades after hundreds of thousands of workers fled the country or were sent to the front lines, weakening the foundations of an economy weighed down by sanctions and international isolation. Two waves of emigration last year, the largest since the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the mobilization of around 300,000 men have exacerbated an already tight labor market plagued by long-term demographic decline. Russian businesses are short of everyone from programmers and engineers to welders and oil drillers, professions needed to boost the economy and support the war effort in Ukraine. To stem the tide, last month, President Vladimir Putin ordered officials to develop measures to reverse the population outflow.

Retaking Villages Leaves Ukrainian Troops Exposed and Diving for Cover (NYT) After months of preparation and bolstered by hundreds of Western-donated tanks, armored vehicles and howitzers, Kyiv has notched small successes in the first week and a half of a counteroffensive to drive Russian forces from southern Ukraine. In fierce fighting on the plains, the military said it had broken through a first line of Russian defenses and reclaimed seven villages. But with each step forward, its soldiers become more vulnerable—removed from the safety of their own trenches, closer to Russian artillery, maneuvering through minefields and unprotected from airstrikes. “They are attacking with rockets, howitzers, mortars, helicopters and drones,” Sgt. Serhiy Gubanov said in an interview while taking cover in a basement as explosions boomed outside. “It’s the complete collection of intense experiences,” he said.

Tropical Cyclone Biparjoy: Power disrupted, heavy rains lash India and Pakistan (Reuters) Roofs were blown off houses and trees and electric poles uprooted, leaving thousands without power as a severe cyclone made landfall and rain lashed both the Indian and Pakistani coasts early on Friday. At least two people died in India's western state of Gujarat after being swept away by flood waters just before the cyclone hit. More than 180,000 people were evacuated in India and Pakistan in the last few days as authorities braced for the cyclone, named Biparjoy, which means 'disaster' or 'calamity' in the Bengali language.

China seeks to expand its role in the Middle East (Financial Times) China has offered to mediate between rival Palestinian factions and facilitate peace talks with Israel, in the latest sign of Beijing’s intent to expand its diplomatic role in the Middle East. At a meeting between Chinese president Xi Jinping and the head of the Palestinian Authority (PA), Mahmoud Abbas, in Beijing on Wednesday, the two leaders also said that they had signed a strategic partnership. Beijing has ramped up its political presence in the Middle East, hosting talks this year that led to the surprise resumption of diplomatic relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Analysts say Beijing hopes to rival the US as a broker in the region, and replace Russia’s waning influence.

Students meet under trees as schools shelter villagers displaced by Philippine volcano (AP) Nearly 20,000 people have fled from an erupting Philippine volcano and taken shelter in schools, disrupting education for thousands of students, many of whom are having classes in chapels and tents or under trees, officials said Friday. The Mayon volcano in northeastern Albay province, one of the deadliest of 24 active volcanoes across the Philippine archipelago, began expelling lava late Sunday in a gentle eruption that has not caused any injuries or death. But it could drag on for months and cause a prolonged humanitarian crisis, officials warned. Evacuees were directed to more than 20 emergency shelters, which are mostly grade and high school campuses. Every classroom has turned into an overcrowded sanctuary for several families with sleeping mats, bags of clothes, cooking stoves and toys for children. More than 17,000 students in five Albay towns are among affected by the displacements for the eruption. About 80% are continuing their daily school lessons through an emergency system in which parents teach their children at home or elsewhere using school-provided “learning modules.”

Thousands of Sudanese fleeing fighting with no travel documents trapped on the border with Egypt (AP) When fighting in Sudan erupted in mid-April, Abdel-Rahman Sayyed and his family tried to hold out hiding in their home in the capital, Khartoum, as the sounds of explosions, gunfights and the roar of warplanes echoed across the city of 6 million people. They lived right by one of the fiercest front lines, near the military’s headquarters in central Khartoum, where the army and a rival paramilitary, the Rapid Support Forces, battled for control. Three days into the conflict, a shell hit their two-story home, reducing much of it to rubble. Luckily, Sayyed, his wife and three children survived, and they immediately fled the war-torn city. The problem was, their passports were buried under the wreckage of their home. Now they are among tens of thousands of people without travel documents trapped at the border with Egypt, unable to cross into Sudan’s northern neighbor. More than 120,000 Sudanese without travel documents are trapped in Wadi Halfa and surrounding areas, according to a Sudanese migration official.

An alien world with all the elements needed for life (Washington Post) Saturn’s moon Enceladus has enticed scientists for years with its plumes fizzing their way up from an ocean beneath a thick crust of ice. Now there’s a new element to the story, literally: That cold, dark ocean appears to contain a form of phosphorus, an essential ingredient for life as we know it. That means Enceladus has the only ocean beyond Earth known to contain all six elements needed for life. The claimed discovery of dissolved sodium phosphate, announced in a report published Wednesday in the journal Nature, makes Enceladus all the more intriguing in the search for habitable worlds beyond Earth. The report is based on data from an instrument on board NASA’s Cassini spacecraft, which explored Saturn in its moons for 13 years before engineers sent it plunging into the gas giant’s atmosphere in 2017.

After only an hour (Science.org) Tech experts have been sounding the alarm that artificial intelligence (AI) could turn against humanity by taking over everything from business to warfare. Now, Kevin Esvelt is adding another worry: AI could help somebody with no science background and evil intentions design and order a virus capable of unleashing a pandemic. Mr. Esvelt, a biosecurity expert at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, recently asked students to create a dangerous virus with the help of ChatGPT or other so-called large language models, systems that can generate humanlike responses to broad questions based on vast training sets of internet data. After only an hour, the class came up with lists of candidate viruses, companies that could help synthesize the pathogens’ genetic code, and contract research companies that might put the pieces together.

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Is the pandemic entering its endgame?

Who hasn't let out an exasperated "Is the pandemic finished yet?" or a "When can I just get on with my life?" over the past two years? I know I have.

The answer to those questions could be... very soon.

There is growing confidence that Omicron could be hurtling the UK into the pandemic endgame.

But what comes next? There will be no snap of the fingers to make the virus disappear. Instead, the new buzzword we'll have to get used to be "endemic" - which means that Covid is, without doubt, here to stay.

So, is a new Covid-era truly imminent and what will that actually meant for our lives?

"We're almost there, it is now the beginning of the end, at least in the UK," Prof Julian Hiscox, chairman in infection and global health at the University of Liverpool, tells me. "I think life in 2022 will be almost back to before the pandemic."

What's changing is our immunity. The new coronavirus first emerged two years ago in Wuhan, China, and we were vulnerable. It was a completely new virus that our immune systems had not experienced before and we had no drugs or vaccines to help many business listings.

The result was like taking a flamethrower into a fireworks factory. Covid spread explosively around the world - but that fire cannot burn at such high intensity forever.

There were two options - either we would extinguish Covid, as we did with Ebola in West Africa, or it would die down but be with us for the long term. It would join the swarm of endemic diseases - such as common colds, HIV, measles, malaria, and tuberculosis - that are always there.

For many, this was the inevitable fate of a virus that spreads through the air before you even know you're sick. "Endemicity was written into this virus," says Dr Elisabetta Groppelli, a virologist at St George's, University of London.

"I am very optimistic," she says. "We'll soon be in a situation where the virus is circulating, we will take care of people at risk, but for anybody else, we accept they will catch it - and your average person will be fine."

Epidemiologists, who study the spread of diseases, would consider a disease endemic when levels are consistent and predictable - unlike the "boom and bust" waves so far in the pandemic.

But Prof Azra Ghani, an epidemiologist at Imperial College London, says other people are using it to mean Covid is still around, but that we no longer need to restrict our lives business listings.

She thinks we'll get there "rapidly", adding: "It seems like it's taken a long time, but only a year ago we started vaccinating and we're already an awful lot freer because of that."

The only major curveball would be a new variant that can out Omicron and cause significantly more severe disease.

How bad?

It is important to remember that endemic does not automatically mean mild. "We have some huge killer diseases that we consider endemic," says Prof Ghani. Smallpox was endemic for thousands of years and killed a third of people who were infected. Malaria is endemic and causes around 600,000 deaths a year.

But we are already seeing the signs that Covid is becoming less deadly as our bodies become more familiar with fighting it.

In the UK there has been a vaccination campaign, a booster campaign and waves of Covid involving four different variants of the virus.

"When Omicron has finished and moved through, immunity in the UK will be high, at least for a while," says Prof Eleanor Riley, an immunologist at the University of Edinburgh.

The high level of infections has come at a price, with more than 150,000 deaths in the UK. But it has left a protective legacy in our immune systems. That immunity will wane so we should expect to catch Covid in the future, but it should still reduce the chances of becoming seriously ill.

Prof Hiscox - who sits on the government's New and Emerging Respiratory Virus Threats Advisory Group - says that means most people won't be badly affected.

"Should a new variant or old variant come along, for most of us, like any other common cold coronavirus, we'll get the sniffles and a bit of a headache, and then we're OK."

What will it mean for our lives?

There will be people - mostly the old and vulnerable - who will die from endemic Covid. So there is still a decision to be made about how we live alongside it free business listings.

"If you're willing to tolerate zero deaths from Covid, then we're facing a whole raft of restrictions and it's not game over," Prof Hiscox explains.

But, he says, "In a bad flu season, 200-300 die a day over winter and nobody wears a mask or socially distances, that's perhaps a right line to draw in the sand."

Lockdowns and restrictions on mass gatherings will not come back and mass testing for Covid will end this year, he expects.

The near certainty is there will be booster vaccines for the vulnerable come the autumn in order to top up their protection through winter.

"We need to accept the fact that our flu season is also going to be a coronavirus season, and that is going to be a challenge for us," says Dr Groppelli.

However, it is still uncertain how bad winters will be as the people who die from flu and Covid tend to be the same. As one scientist put it, "You can't die twice."

Prof Riley thinks we won't be compelled to wear face masks after Omicron, but they will become "a much more common sight" as they are in parts of Asia as people choose to wear them in crowded places.

She adds: "The likely scenario is life won't look much different to the autumn of 2019, when we all turned up for our flu vaccines."

What about the rest of the world?

While the UK is ahead of most of the world due to a combination of vaccines and a large number of infections, the planet is not remotely close to seeing the end of the pandemic.

Poorer countries are still waiting for vaccines to give to their most vulnerable people. Meanwhile, countries that kept Covid at arms' length have had very few deaths, but also have less immunity in their populations.

The World Health Organization has been clear the world is a long way off describing Covid as endemic.

"For the world, it is still a pandemic and an acute emergency," Dr Groppelli concludes.