#specifically thabo mbeki and jacob zuma

[himbo-blacksmith]

Eskom (South Africa's power generation & distribution company) has been On One for a few weeks. Or, rather, a few years. More than a decade, really.

Under Thabo Mbeki (called himself the African Thatcher), the state owned entity was forbidden from building more generation capacity in order to make space for the private sector to build generation capacity. During this period, a white paper was released showing that the company needed to add 24 GW of generation capacity, none of which should be coal powered. Rolling blackouts begin in 2007, a year before Mbeki is ousted as President.

Then, under Jacob Zuma (Currently under investigation for multiple corruption related cases), the company sought to build two of the world's largest coal burning power stations, which even international firms refused to undertake because the projects were doomed. Kusile and Medupi were begun in 2011, expected to finish construction in 2017. Neither are finished, and the units that are functioning on both power stations continuously break down and require expensive repairs. The company refuses to build renewable energy. During this period it goes into so much debt that it is at risk of defaulting, and it is only this ill-advised borrowing that allows for a handful of years without rolling blackouts.

Under Cyril Ramaphosa (Tries to be the New Deal Guy, ends up just being Jimmy Carter), the company has been trying desperately to recover from the debt crisis that Zuma's policies put it in. This would not be a problem if the company were just an organ of state, rather than a nominally independent state owned entity. Malcontent contractors have scored maintenance contracts worth millions of rands which they are not qualified for, leading to half-measures which result in breakdowns that require even more repairs, creating a feedback loop of perverse incentives to continue sabotaging infrastructure for ever more money.

We are finally investing in renewable energy, slowly, but things are being severely hampered by Minister for Mineral Resources & Energy Gwede Mantashe, who is widely rumoured to be bankrolled by coal barons. He also brought in a Turkish company that provides grey hydrogen power generation, the Karpowership, which was irregular and which would be environmentally detrimental in the harbour it would be docked in.

Essentially, due to a reduction in state capacity and political paralysis, local elites have been allowed to usurp the functions of state for their own profit. Like wolves nipping at the heels of a sick cow, these robber barons are profiting from the death spiral South Africa finds itself in. Only drastic and punitive action will stave off these scavengers, but due to the aforementioned political paralysis, no one is going to take that necessary action.

[shannonlight772]

Political Landscape Brief

A Brief History

Historically, South Africa has been one of the most economically developed countries. As of 2018, South Africa has elected a new President, Cyril Ramaphosa, following the impeachment of Jacob Zuma, a corrupt leader caught in scandals. South Africa has come under the influence of many different leaders since it was founded and colonized, it has become a democracy and the economy has flourished; in order to further understand the complexity of South Africa’s government, it is important to understand the political history.

Starting in the 1600s, Dutch settlers came to Cape Town sparking the colonization of South Africa. Throughout the 1600s into the 1800’s The Cape Colony was flip-flopping between being under Dutch rule and being under British rule, eventually leading to the Dutch settlers moving north. Dutch settlers became known as “the Boers.” With the competition of gaining territory between the Boers and the British eventually led to war in 1899- resulting in the British placing the white and black Dutch settlers into concentration camps. It wasn’t until 1902 that peace could be established under a treaty between the Boers and the British, but there was still a divide between the White administration and the Africans. New political bodies began to form including the Coloureds which was followed by the aftermath of the Great Depression and World War II which negatively impacted South Africa’s economy resulting in a higher prominence of racial discrimination. Apartheid, which translates to “separateness,” began to dominate the country after the Natives Land Act of 1913 was passed. Apartheid completely separated blacks from whites- they could not live in the same areas or use the same public facilities. The Land Act stated that whites could not buy land from the natives and the natives could not buy land from the whites, this resulted in devastation for the black farmers because it forbade them from working as sharecroppers on white-owned land.

In 1945, South Africa became a member of the United Nations. At this time, racial separation was at an all-time high and was dominating politics- completely eliminating the right for black South Africans to vote. The Population Regulation Act, which was passed in 1950, classified each South African citizen based on social and political rights, education and economic status. The population was now divided into three groups: ‘White’, ‘Black’, and ‘Coloured’. Classification such as hair type, skin color, language, diet, and homeland determined which group one belonged to. This divide separated black South Africans making it impossible for them to unify as one nationalist group.

Shortly after 1961, when the country declared itself a Republic, violent protests began against apartheid resulting in many deaths.  A shift did not occur until 1989, when F.W. de Klerk was declared president and released Nelson Mandela, the African National Congress leader who had been sentenced to life for protesting against racial discrimination, from jail. With the combined efforts from de Klerk and Mandela, a new constitution was passed in 1993 and a multiracial democracy was established with majority rule. After Mandela’s retirement in 1999, Thabo Mbeki was elected as president and leader of the ANC. Mbeki took on a sinking economy along with high crime rates. He was then replaced by the country’s fourth president, politician Jacob Zuma, who ran from 2009 to February of 2018 but was forced to resign due to controversy over charges of corruption.

                                   Photo retrieved from pixabay.com

 Nelson Mandela, the first black South African President of South Africa, is most well-known for bringing an end to racial segregation and being an activist for human rights.

The Rise of Populism

It wasn’t until Zuma that the rise of populism began to occur. Because of the many years black South Africans were deprived of their rights to vote, it had led to new expectations of the way the government would be run. Zuma left Ramaphosa picking up the pieces of a corrupt and economically struggling democracy. As recent as 2019, studies have shown that out of 19 of the biggest countries, Brazil and South Africa have the highest percentage of populists. Due to the political corruption South Africa has faced, citizens are looking for decisions to be made by the people rather than the elected leaders. The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), known as South Africa’s far-left political party, challenge the African National Congress (ANC) and focus mainly on solving corruption and enhancing economic stability for all. Former leader of the ANC, Julius Malema is now the main voice of the EFF and stands for the equality of black South Africans who still remain poor from the racial discrimination they had faced. The conflicting views of the EFF and ANC has caused an uproar in the media.  

Challenges Within South Africa’s Democracy

In the recent election, the weaknesses of South Africa’s democracy became more prominent. The growing frustrations of economic issues and social inequality is leading to a decreased support of the African National Congress. Recent analysis of South Africa’s democracy highlights the weak spots of the political culture because of the lack of support of democratic rule. The 2018 Democracy Index rated South Africa at a 5.00 for political culture, a category that measures how the country’s population perceives its democracy. The index labeled the country’s government a flawed democracy meaning there are problems in governance, an underdeveloped political culture and low levels of political participation. Like many democracies, South Africa’s democracy has failed to live up to its promises - a factor that plays into their weak political culture. Inequality has proven to be one of the main challenges in this democracy as well, especially with the ANC being the dominating party (Mattes), specifically racial and economic inequality. The ANC has been the topic of discussion with many allegations regarding the corruption the country is facing. Wealth inequality between the whites and blacks are beginning to cause disruption amongst the democracy.

As these weaknesses have become more present in 2019, South Africa is a hot topic in the media. This blog will follow South Africa’s politics and focus on how populism is portrayed in the media

[thefeedpost]

SPY BATTLES: Kasrils states he advised ANC concerning intrigues making use of spooks

Former intelligence minister Ronnie Kasrils says he feels “vindicated” by the report on the high-level review panel on the State Security Agency (SSA).

Kasrils, who served as intelligence minister from early 2004 until September 2008, said the report confirmed his warnings at the time that factional battles in the ANC, specifically around former president Jacob Zuma, were crippling the intelligence services.

Kasrils became minister just months before former president Thabo Mbeki fired Zuma as his deputy in 2004. Speaking to News24 on Monday, Kasrils said the intelligence services were central to Zuma’s “fight back” campaign, and that this began almost immediately after Zuma was sacked.

The report, released on Saturday by President Cyril Ramaphosa, details how the intelligence services were used to advance Zuma’s interests. It shows how the intelligence services operated outside the bounds of the law to achieve political ends, misusing funds along the way and illegally spying on civil society groups, unions and the media.

The genesis of this abuse is “about 2005”, according to the report. This was in the infancy of Kasrils’ tenure. Kasrils, as well as Zuma and other former intelligence ministers, are not mentioned by name in the report. But they are alluded to, as they are described by their years in office.

The report talks about how the “growing politicisation and factionalisation” of the intelligence services began with the emergence of divisions in the ANC “from about 2005”. It also mentions a task team set up by the minister of intelligence in 2005 (Kasrils), to look into “intelligence legislation and other prescripts”, the recommendations of which were “unevenly implemented”.

‘I feel that I’m vindicated by this report’

The report says that, had those changes been implemented, the SSA might not be in the state it is in today.

But Kasrils says he was stymied at every turn, when he tried to turn things around at the embattled intelligence services. He says a number of legislative changes he had wanted to make, which would have overturned apartheid-era legislation and brought problematic legislation in line with the Constitution, were blocked by a “pro-Zuma” Portfolio Committee on Intelligence in Parliament.

READ IN FULL: High-Level Review Panel on the SSA

Politically, Kasrils says he was seen as someone who was merely trying to defend Mbeki, and was not believed when he sounded alarm bells about the abuse of the intelligence services for factional reasons.

“I feel that I’m vindicated by this report… I faced the biggest challenge of my career, from what I saw happening from 2005, and I paid for it dearly, (thanks to) these people assuming I was just there to protect Mbeki. The Zuma crowd totally closed me out… I resigned in principle,” he said.

Kasrils said it was important to analyse what the pro-Zuma forces were doing from about 2005 to understand what had happened.

“Zuma and his forces were fighting back from his dismissal. And the first area they used was the intelligence services. It took me about six months to get on to it… But I wasn’t believed. When I sounded the warnings, the (alliance partners) didn’t want to hear the truth.”

He said the report contained “outstanding insight and analysis”, adding that it reflected the problems he had faced. He congratulated Ramaphosa for making the report public.

‘What I saw were very big problems’

As far back as 2005, there were allegations that members of the National Intelligence Agency were spying on political opponents, which became known as the hoax email saga, and there were at least two more investigations into problems within the intelligence community. One of these – the Matthews Commission – is mentioned several times in the SSA report.

“What I saw were very big problems, like the (hoax) email saga, which led to my axing of members of the National Intelligence Agency. We had a very thorough Inspector General of Intelligence report which I had commissioned, and which was put into public domain in March 2006. Far-reaching recommendations were then taken up (stemming from) the Matthews Commission report. I sought to act against the politicisation of the intelligence community, which I found from the word go, and tried to tighten things up.

ALSO READ: Zuma says SSA report was written by ‘apartheid spies’

“I came up against the problems, which then multiplied, and created the basis for the new president (Zuma) and the people he appointed to carry on in the worst possible way.”

Zuma has responded to the report in a tweet, in which he denied being interviewed by the commission and issued a dark warning about “opening a can of worms”.

I have never been asked any questions by this committee. This committee has 2 well known Apartheid spies. I’ve never sold out nor written letters to the SB. I feel nothing when Apartheid spies call me corrupt. I hope people are not opening a can of worms which they might regret

— Jacob G Zuma (@PresJGZuma) March 10, 2019

The post SPY BATTLES: Kasrils states he advised ANC concerning intrigues making use of spooks appeared first on TheFeedPost.

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[politicoscope]

Julius Malema Biography and Profile

New Post has been published on https://www.politicoscope.com/julius-malema-biography-and-profile/

Julius Malema Biography and Profile

Julius Malema (Julius Sello Malema) was born on 3 March 1981, in Seshego, Limpopo, and raised by a single mother who worked as a domestic worker in Seshego Township. He went to Mohlakaneng High School in Limpopo. Malema began his political career at a young age. He joined the Masupatsela (Trailblazers), a movement of the African National Congress (ANC) at the age of nine, where, according to Malema, their main task was to remove National Party posters placed outside police stations. At the age of 14 Malema was elected as both chairperson of the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) branch in Seshego and the regional chair in 1995. Two years later in 1997, he became the chair of the Congress of South African Students (COSAS) for the Limpopo province. In 2001, he was elected as the national president of COSAS.

Julius Malema

Malema was elected as president of the ANCYL in April 2008, in a close race at a national conference held in Bloemfontein. The election – and the conference – was characterised by what Malema himself later described as “unbecoming conduct”. [i] Allegations of irregularities in the polling procedure saw the conference adjourned shortly after the election results were announced. It was resumed only in late June, when Malema’s election was officially accepted. He mentioned in an interview on Radio 702 that he would go to parliament only when he is “a shiny polished diamond.”

Public image Malema is known for his controversial, socio-political statements and has become a frequent target for lampooning. In 2003, as head of COSAS, Malema said in a statement that the student union would do anything, including “burning the prison she is locked in, to prevent the jailing of Winnie Madikizela-Mandela. In June 2008, he made international headlines by vowing that the Youth League would take up arms if the prosecution of Jacob Zuma for alleged fraud and corruption continued. In an address to a Youth Day rally in Thaba Nchu, which Zuma attended, Malema said, “Let us make it clear now: we are prepared to die for Zuma. Not only that, we are prepared to take up arms and kill for Zuma.? The remark drew widespread condemnation and complaints. The ANC partially distanced itself from the statement the following day.

Former Archbishop Desmond Tutu called on Malema to apologise, and complaints were laid with the South African Human Rights Commission by several opposition political parties, the General Council of the Bar of South Africa and other individuals. The complaints were settled by an agreement between Malema and the Commission, facilitated by Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, that he would never use the word “kill” in a public statement again. Official opposition party the Democratic Alliance (DA) said it would continue to insist that Malema be criminally prosecuted, for incitement to commit a crime, despite the agreement.

In January 2009, Malema suggested to a group of Cape Peninsula University of Technology students that the woman who accused ANC president Jacob Zuma of rape had a “nice time” with him because in the morning she had “requested breakfast and taxi money“. Public and media reaction was severe. Cape Times columnist John Scott suggested facetiously that Malema be elected to parliament: “Young Julius has views about females that should not just be restricted to university campuses and other platforms where women don’t have the right of immediate reply.” In February 2009, Malema was criticized by his own party when he mocked Education Minister Naledi Pandor for having what he termed “a fake American accent.” He subsequently apologised directly to her after being instructed to do so by the ANC.

In February 2009, Malema stated the following regarding Zuma’s corruption charges: “If he is so corrupt and he must be punished, let the voters do that […]. Why do you want to subject him to the hands of the few, the judiciary, the judges and the media? Leave it to the voters, 23 000 000 must decide whether Zuma becomes president or not ”” not the judges”. Malema later told students at Walter Sisulu University, in East London, that his role in making controversial statements was that of a decoy, to “distract” the opposition while Zuma “sprinted to the Union Buildings” in the 2009 elections.

In 2010, Malema visited Zimbabwe whilst President Zuma was trying to mediate between parties who contested that nation’s 2008 election. He was accused of praising and pledging support for the dictatorial rule of President Robert Mugabe, who lost the election but refused to hand over power forcing the opposition into a coalition. The South African government has been at pains to show that it has not taken sides in the conflict. Zuma, who had previously supported the youth leader, criticised him publicly when Malema contradicted Zuma’s foreign policy approach in Zimbabwe and for destroying the fragile balance that Zuma is trying to create inside the Zimbabwean Unity Government. Zuma described his behaviour as “totally out of order” and warned that action would be taken against him. Malema fired back, condemning the President for criticizing him in public.

Inside the ANC Tripartite Alliance, Malema sparked tensions with the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), by proposing the nationalisation of mines. According to the SACP and COSATU, Malema’s calls for nationalisation were unacceptable, as he was trying to enrich himself in the process. The fights that followed caused serious questions regarding the unity of the ruling alliance consisting of the ANC, Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the South African Communist Party (SACP). Malema’s blatant militarism has won him a degree of popularity with the poor and frustrated masses, which form the largest percentage of the country’s voters.

Corruption Allegations In July 2011, the City Press newspaper, alleged in its report that a secret family trust of which Malema was the sole trustee may explain how he was able to bankroll his lavish lifestyle. The report alleged that the Ratanang Family Trust, named after Malema’s five-year-old son, was registered at the Office of the Master of the High Court in Pretoria on 13 May 2008, five weeks after he was elected president of the ANCYL. The paper further claimed that several senior politicians, companies, mayors, contractors and municipal managers deposited “thousands” into the account in exchange for Malema facilitating deals and pushing their agenda. For instance, one claim was that R200 000 was deposited into Malema’s account in exchange for facilitating a successful tender bid. When he turned to the South Gauteng High Court to block the City Press from publishing the story, his bid was quashed. He also responded by criticising the media for enquiring into his wealth, stating that his money was nobody’s business.

Media reports spawned responses from various sections of society calling for an investigation. According to a report on 25 July 2011 in the Times Live, COSATU general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi added his voice to the growing calls for Malema to be investigated following allegations by newspaper reports that he had created a secret trust fund into which businessmen and politicians paid thousands of rand to get him to use his influence on their behalf. Vavi called on the ANC ethics committee, police and the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) to investigate Malema. The South African Communist Party (SACP) also backed COSATU in calling for an investigation onto Malema’s financial affairs. In addition, Afriforum – an Afrikanner advocacy group – laid criminal charges of corruption against Malema at Brooklyn police station in Pretoria while the Democratic Alliance (DA) called on the Public Protector to investigate him. However, the ANCYL said Malema’s trust fund was ‘above board’ and Malema has since continued to defend himself and his trust fund. Malema was re-elected as president of the ANCYL in June 2011 at the 24th ANCYL Conference held at Gallagher Estate in Johannesburg.

Disciplinary hearings and suspension from the ANC On 16 August 2011, the ANC served charges to Julius Malema and Floyd Shivabmu, the spokesperson for the ANCYL. [ii] Both were charged with “various violations of the ANC Constitution, including bringing the ANC into disrepute through utterances and statements in Botswana and sowing division in the ranks of the ANC.” The disciplinary hearings were then set to start on 30 August. At the hearing on 30 August, Malema’s representatives raised some preliminary points with regards to the charges brought against him:

The representatives argued that some in the National Disciplinary Committee (NDC) were prejudiced against Malema and had shown disregard to issues advocated by the ANC Youth League, particularly on the nationalisation of the mines and expropriation of land without compensation. The NDC turned down the application “on the grounds that insufficient facts had been advanced to show bias or a perception of bias on the part of these three members.”

Reports noted that Malema had been charged with the following:

Causing serious divisions in the party by saying the departure of former President, Thabo Mbeki, had left a vacuum in African leadership. The party argued that the statement undermined President Jacob Zuma. Malema’s representation put forth that the charge should have been that Malema had caused divisions in the ANC specifically by undermining Zuma.

Bringing the party into disrepute with the league’s call for regime change in Botswana. The representation argued a case of consistency saying that different leaders within the ANC had made statements about other countries i.e. Swaziland and Zimbabwe, but no action had been taken against them .

Barging into a meeting of ANC officials. The leadership of the Youth League was expected to deny this and argue instead that ANC Secretary General, Gwede Mantashe had indicated to them that said they could go see the officials if there was something they wanted to raise [vii];

Calling White people “criminals” who had taken land from Blacks by force. The comment was made during a pre-election rally in Kimberley in May 2011. The Mail & Guardian quoted an unnamed senior ANC leader who said that Malema’s reference to Whites as criminals had been discussed in the ANC national executive committee, with no one suggesting that Malema be charged. To do so now was disingenuous, it was suggested.

While the hearing was proceeding, an estimated 3 000 ANCYL supporters made their way to Luthuli House on the day. Visibly disgruntled with the charges brought against their leaders by the ANC, the supporters chanted, toyi-toyied and burnt the ANC flag and t-shirts bearing President Zuma’s face, while clashing with the police. Malema subsequently brought a further application to have all the charges dropped entirely, which was dismissed by the NDC on 2 September. However, proceedings came to a halt on Thursday 6 October 2011, when Malema was hospitalized in ward F at a private hospital in Polokwane – a ward where patients with stress, high blood pressure and chest problems are treated. [xi] On 10 November 2011 Malema was found guilty on several charges, including bringing the ANC into disrepute and sowing divisions within the party. He was however found not guilty on separate charges of inciting hatred and racism. The NDC recommended that he be removed from his position as leader of the youth league and that his ANC membership be suspended for five years.

Founding of the EFF (Economic Freedom Fighters) Malema’s suspension from the ANC caused many analysts to conclude that it spelt the end of his political career, as he was dependent on the tradition and the history of the ANC to support his agenda and being excluded from the ANC would mean that he was very much isolated. [xiii] This would not prove to be the case, as Malema and Shivambu – who was also suspended for three years – vowed to continue their fight against the inability of the government to establish domestic and international policies beneficial to the development of South Africa. They were to do this by establishing a political party of their own, namely the Economic Freedom Fighters launched on 10 July 2013. At the press conference Malema maintained that the party had devised a definitively different plan to that of opposition parties, such as Agang South Africa. It included the nonnegotiable principles of land expropriation and nationalization of mines, both without compensation.

Criticisms The party has received some criticism since its inception. In October 2013, Theunis Botha, the leader of the Christian Democratic Party (CDP) stated that the launch of the EFF represented a step back for democracy: “Julius Malema has with the launch of the EFF taken democracy in South Africa back many years. The EFF’s Marxist rhetoric and its banners calling for whites in the country to be driven from the land was a reminder of the dark years.” [xv] The National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA) has also criticized the party with regards to Julius Malema’s history as a tenderpreneur, the party’s military command structure as well as a lack of clarity on the ideology of socialism within the party. [xvi] The party has also come under criticism from the Democratic Alliance (DA) for inciting violence on campuses, by using violent and divisive language to communicate with students, during the Rhodes Must Fall and Fees Must Fall university protests in 2015 and 2016.

Election to parliament and the Pay Back the Money Campaign Following the fourth democratic National Elections in 2014, the EFF obtained 25 seats in the National Assembly, after having secured 6.35 percent of the national votes. [xviii] At the first sitting of parliament EFF members caused a stir among other parliamentarians when they arrived in uniforms which represented the “working class”, said Hlengiwe Maxon: “This is the dress of domestic workers, holding up her red apron. We are trying to tell people that we are from the Economic Freedom Fighters, we are here for the workers and the poor. We are sending a message to say that the Parliament for the people is not a Parliament for the elite. So the workers at home, when they see us dressed like this, they will know they are represented.”

Julius Malema

In another sitting of parliament in August 2014, Julius Malema questioned the president with regards to his response to the Public Protector’s report on the security upgrades made at his Nkandla residence. The EFF then demanded the president to tell the parliament “when he was planning on paying back the money he used for the Nkandla upgrades”, implying that he benefitted improperly from it. This caused a chorus of protests from other members of parliament, specifically those representing the ANC. The speaker failed to restore order to the house and asked that the EFF be escorted out of the house. [xx] The EFF continued to demand accountability from the president through the Pay Back the Money Campaign in 2015. In August, the party took the matter up with the Constitutional Court, to force President Zuma to implement the recommendations of the Public Protector, Thuli Madonsela. [xxi] On 31 March 2016, the Constitutional Court ruled that the president failed to uphold, defend and respect the Constitution and was ordered to pay back the money. The National Treasury has been given 60 days to determine the amount that must be paid back, after which he will be given 45 days to do so.

Malema officially obtained his BA Degree in Political Leadership and Citizenship from the University of South Africa (UNISA) on 30 March 2016, at a graduation ceremony held on the Pretoria campus.

Julius Sello Malema Biography and Profile (SA History/Politicoscope)

[politicoscope]

Julius Malema Biography and Profile

New Post has been published on https://www.politicoscope.com/julius-malema-biography-and-profile/

Julius Malema Biography and Profile

Julius Malema (Julius Sello Malema) was born on 3 March 1981, in Seshego, Limpopo, and raised by a single mother who worked as a domestic worker in Seshego Township. He went to Mohlakaneng High School in Limpopo. Malema began his political career at a young age. He joined the Masupatsela (Trailblazers), a movement of the African National Congress (ANC) at the age of nine, where, according to Malema, their main task was to remove National Party posters placed outside police stations. At the age of 14 Malema was elected as both chairperson of the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) branch in Seshego and the regional chair in 1995. Two years later in 1997, he became the chair of the Congress of South African Students (COSAS) for the Limpopo province. In 2001, he was elected as the national president of COSAS.

Julius Malema

Malema was elected as president of the ANCYL in April 2008, in a close race at a national conference held in Bloemfontein. The election – and the conference – was characterised by what Malema himself later described as “unbecoming conduct”. [i] Allegations of irregularities in the polling procedure saw the conference adjourned shortly after the election results were announced. It was resumed only in late June, when Malema’s election was officially accepted. He mentioned in an interview on Radio 702 that he would go to parliament only when he is “a shiny polished diamond.”

Public image Malema is known for his controversial, socio-political statements and has become a frequent target for lampooning. In 2003, as head of COSAS, Malema said in a statement that the student union would do anything, including “burning the prison she is locked in, to prevent the jailing of Winnie Madikizela-Mandela. In June 2008, he made international headlines by vowing that the Youth League would take up arms if the prosecution of Jacob Zuma for alleged fraud and corruption continued. In an address to a Youth Day rally in Thaba Nchu, which Zuma attended, Malema said, “Let us make it clear now: we are prepared to die for Zuma. Not only that, we are prepared to take up arms and kill for Zuma.? The remark drew widespread condemnation and complaints. The ANC partially distanced itself from the statement the following day.

Former Archbishop Desmond Tutu called on Malema to apologise, and complaints were laid with the South African Human Rights Commission by several opposition political parties, the General Council of the Bar of South Africa and other individuals. The complaints were settled by an agreement between Malema and the Commission, facilitated by Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, that he would never use the word “kill” in a public statement again. Official opposition party the Democratic Alliance (DA) said it would continue to insist that Malema be criminally prosecuted, for incitement to commit a crime, despite the agreement.

In January 2009, Malema suggested to a group of Cape Peninsula University of Technology students that the woman who accused ANC president Jacob Zuma of rape had a “nice time” with him because in the morning she had “requested breakfast and taxi money“. Public and media reaction was severe. Cape Times columnist John Scott suggested facetiously that Malema be elected to parliament: “Young Julius has views about females that should not just be restricted to university campuses and other platforms where women don’t have the right of immediate reply.” In February 2009, Malema was criticized by his own party when he mocked Education Minister Naledi Pandor for having what he termed “a fake American accent.” He subsequently apologised directly to her after being instructed to do so by the ANC.

In February 2009, Malema stated the following regarding Zuma’s corruption charges: “If he is so corrupt and he must be punished, let the voters do that […]. Why do you want to subject him to the hands of the few, the judiciary, the judges and the media? Leave it to the voters, 23 000 000 must decide whether Zuma becomes president or not ”” not the judges”. Malema later told students at Walter Sisulu University, in East London, that his role in making controversial statements was that of a decoy, to “distract” the opposition while Zuma “sprinted to the Union Buildings” in the 2009 elections.

In 2010, Malema visited Zimbabwe whilst President Zuma was trying to mediate between parties who contested that nation’s 2008 election. He was accused of praising and pledging support for the dictatorial rule of President Robert Mugabe, who lost the election but refused to hand over power forcing the opposition into a coalition. The South African government has been at pains to show that it has not taken sides in the conflict. Zuma, who had previously supported the youth leader, criticised him publicly when Malema contradicted Zuma’s foreign policy approach in Zimbabwe and for destroying the fragile balance that Zuma is trying to create inside the Zimbabwean Unity Government. Zuma described his behaviour as “totally out of order” and warned that action would be taken against him. Malema fired back, condemning the President for criticizing him in public.

Inside the ANC Tripartite Alliance, Malema sparked tensions with the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), by proposing the nationalisation of mines. According to the SACP and COSATU, Malema’s calls for nationalisation were unacceptable, as he was trying to enrich himself in the process. The fights that followed caused serious questions regarding the unity of the ruling alliance consisting of the ANC, Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the South African Communist Party (SACP). Malema’s blatant militarism has won him a degree of popularity with the poor and frustrated masses, which form the largest percentage of the country’s voters.

Corruption Allegations In July 2011, the City Press newspaper, alleged in its report that a secret family trust of which Malema was the sole trustee may explain how he was able to bankroll his lavish lifestyle. The report alleged that the Ratanang Family Trust, named after Malema’s five-year-old son, was registered at the Office of the Master of the High Court in Pretoria on 13 May 2008, five weeks after he was elected president of the ANCYL. The paper further claimed that several senior politicians, companies, mayors, contractors and municipal managers deposited “thousands” into the account in exchange for Malema facilitating deals and pushing their agenda. For instance, one claim was that R200 000 was deposited into Malema’s account in exchange for facilitating a successful tender bid. When he turned to the South Gauteng High Court to block the City Press from publishing the story, his bid was quashed. He also responded by criticising the media for enquiring into his wealth, stating that his money was nobody’s business.

Media reports spawned responses from various sections of society calling for an investigation. According to a report on 25 July 2011 in the Times Live, COSATU general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi added his voice to the growing calls for Malema to be investigated following allegations by newspaper reports that he had created a secret trust fund into which businessmen and politicians paid thousands of rand to get him to use his influence on their behalf. Vavi called on the ANC ethics committee, police and the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) to investigate Malema. The South African Communist Party (SACP) also backed COSATU in calling for an investigation onto Malema’s financial affairs. In addition, Afriforum – an Afrikanner advocacy group – laid criminal charges of corruption against Malema at Brooklyn police station in Pretoria while the Democratic Alliance (DA) called on the Public Protector to investigate him. However, the ANCYL said Malema’s trust fund was ‘above board’ and Malema has since continued to defend himself and his trust fund. Malema was re-elected as president of the ANCYL in June 2011 at the 24th ANCYL Conference held at Gallagher Estate in Johannesburg.

Disciplinary hearings and suspension from the ANC On 16 August 2011, the ANC served charges to Julius Malema and Floyd Shivabmu, the spokesperson for the ANCYL. [ii] Both were charged with “various violations of the ANC Constitution, including bringing the ANC into disrepute through utterances and statements in Botswana and sowing division in the ranks of the ANC.” The disciplinary hearings were then set to start on 30 August. At the hearing on 30 August, Malema’s representatives raised some preliminary points with regards to the charges brought against him:

The representatives argued that some in the National Disciplinary Committee (NDC) were prejudiced against Malema and had shown disregard to issues advocated by the ANC Youth League, particularly on the nationalisation of the mines and expropriation of land without compensation. The NDC turned down the application “on the grounds that insufficient facts had been advanced to show bias or a perception of bias on the part of these three members.”

Reports noted that Malema had been charged with the following:

Causing serious divisions in the party by saying the departure of former President, Thabo Mbeki, had left a vacuum in African leadership. The party argued that the statement undermined President Jacob Zuma. Malema’s representation put forth that the charge should have been that Malema had caused divisions in the ANC specifically by undermining Zuma.

Bringing the party into disrepute with the league’s call for regime change in Botswana. The representation argued a case of consistency saying that different leaders within the ANC had made statements about other countries i.e. Swaziland and Zimbabwe, but no action had been taken against them .

Barging into a meeting of ANC officials. The leadership of the Youth League was expected to deny this and argue instead that ANC Secretary General, Gwede Mantashe had indicated to them that said they could go see the officials if there was something they wanted to raise [vii];

Calling White people “criminals” who had taken land from Blacks by force. The comment was made during a pre-election rally in Kimberley in May 2011. The Mail & Guardian quoted an unnamed senior ANC leader who said that Malema’s reference to Whites as criminals had been discussed in the ANC national executive committee, with no one suggesting that Malema be charged. To do so now was disingenuous, it was suggested.

While the hearing was proceeding, an estimated 3 000 ANCYL supporters made their way to Luthuli House on the day. Visibly disgruntled with the charges brought against their leaders by the ANC, the supporters chanted, toyi-toyied and burnt the ANC flag and t-shirts bearing President Zuma’s face, while clashing with the police. Malema subsequently brought a further application to have all the charges dropped entirely, which was dismissed by the NDC on 2 September. However, proceedings came to a halt on Thursday 6 October 2011, when Malema was hospitalized in ward F at a private hospital in Polokwane – a ward where patients with stress, high blood pressure and chest problems are treated. [xi] On 10 November 2011 Malema was found guilty on several charges, including bringing the ANC into disrepute and sowing divisions within the party. He was however found not guilty on separate charges of inciting hatred and racism. The NDC recommended that he be removed from his position as leader of the youth league and that his ANC membership be suspended for five years.

Founding of the EFF (Economic Freedom Fighters) Malema’s suspension from the ANC caused many analysts to conclude that it spelt the end of his political career, as he was dependent on the tradition and the history of the ANC to support his agenda and being excluded from the ANC would mean that he was very much isolated. [xiii] This would not prove to be the case, as Malema and Shivambu – who was also suspended for three years – vowed to continue their fight against the inability of the government to establish domestic and international policies beneficial to the development of South Africa. They were to do this by establishing a political party of their own, namely the Economic Freedom Fighters launched on 10 July 2013. At the press conference Malema maintained that the party had devised a definitively different plan to that of opposition parties, such as Agang South Africa. It included the nonnegotiable principles of land expropriation and nationalization of mines, both without compensation.

Criticisms The party has received some criticism since its inception. In October 2013, Theunis Botha, the leader of the Christian Democratic Party (CDP) stated that the launch of the EFF represented a step back for democracy: “Julius Malema has with the launch of the EFF taken democracy in South Africa back many years. The EFF’s Marxist rhetoric and its banners calling for whites in the country to be driven from the land was a reminder of the dark years.” [xv] The National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA) has also criticized the party with regards to Julius Malema’s history as a tenderpreneur, the party’s military command structure as well as a lack of clarity on the ideology of socialism within the party. [xvi] The party has also come under criticism from the Democratic Alliance (DA) for inciting violence on campuses, by using violent and divisive language to communicate with students, during the Rhodes Must Fall and Fees Must Fall university protests in 2015 and 2016.

Election to parliament and the Pay Back the Money Campaign Following the fourth democratic National Elections in 2014, the EFF obtained 25 seats in the National Assembly, after having secured 6.35 percent of the national votes. [xviii] At the first sitting of parliament EFF members caused a stir among other parliamentarians when they arrived in uniforms which represented the “working class”, said Hlengiwe Maxon: “This is the dress of domestic workers, holding up her red apron. We are trying to tell people that we are from the Economic Freedom Fighters, we are here for the workers and the poor. We are sending a message to say that the Parliament for the people is not a Parliament for the elite. So the workers at home, when they see us dressed like this, they will know they are represented.”

Julius Malema

In another sitting of parliament in August 2014, Julius Malema questioned the president with regards to his response to the Public Protector’s report on the security upgrades made at his Nkandla residence. The EFF then demanded the president to tell the parliament “when he was planning on paying back the money he used for the Nkandla upgrades”, implying that he benefitted improperly from it. This caused a chorus of protests from other members of parliament, specifically those representing the ANC. The speaker failed to restore order to the house and asked that the EFF be escorted out of the house. [xx] The EFF continued to demand accountability from the president through the Pay Back the Money Campaign in 2015. In August, the party took the matter up with the Constitutional Court, to force President Zuma to implement the recommendations of the Public Protector, Thuli Madonsela. [xxi] On 31 March 2016, the Constitutional Court ruled that the president failed to uphold, defend and respect the Constitution and was ordered to pay back the money. The National Treasury has been given 60 days to determine the amount that must be paid back, after which he will be given 45 days to do so.

Malema officially obtained his BA Degree in Political Leadership and Citizenship from the University of South Africa (UNISA) on 30 March 2016, at a graduation ceremony held on the Pretoria campus.

Julius Sello Malema Biography and Profile (SA History/Politicoscope)

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Julius Malema Biography and Profile

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Julius Malema Biography and Profile

Julius Malema (Julius Sello Malema) was born on 3 March 1981, in Seshego, Limpopo, and raised by a single mother who worked as a domestic worker in Seshego Township. He went to Mohlakaneng High School in Limpopo. Malema began his political career at a young age. He joined the Masupatsela (Trailblazers), a movement of the African National Congress (ANC) at the age of nine, where, according to Malema, their main task was to remove National Party posters placed outside police stations. At the age of 14 Malema was elected as both chairperson of the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) branch in Seshego and the regional chair in 1995. Two years later in 1997, he became the chair of the Congress of South African Students (COSAS) for the Limpopo province. In 2001, he was elected as the national president of COSAS.

Julius Malema

Malema was elected as president of the ANCYL in April 2008, in a close race at a national conference held in Bloemfontein. The election – and the conference – was characterised by what Malema himself later described as “unbecoming conduct”. [i] Allegations of irregularities in the polling procedure saw the conference adjourned shortly after the election results were announced. It was resumed only in late June, when Malema’s election was officially accepted. He mentioned in an interview on Radio 702 that he would go to parliament only when he is “a shiny polished diamond.”

Public image Malema is known for his controversial, socio-political statements and has become a frequent target for lampooning. In 2003, as head of COSAS, Malema said in a statement that the student union would do anything, including “burning the prison she is locked in, to prevent the jailing of Winnie Madikizela-Mandela. In June 2008, he made international headlines by vowing that the Youth League would take up arms if the prosecution of Jacob Zuma for alleged fraud and corruption continued. In an address to a Youth Day rally in Thaba Nchu, which Zuma attended, Malema said, “Let us make it clear now: we are prepared to die for Zuma. Not only that, we are prepared to take up arms and kill for Zuma.? The remark drew widespread condemnation and complaints. The ANC partially distanced itself from the statement the following day.

Former Archbishop Desmond Tutu called on Malema to apologise, and complaints were laid with the South African Human Rights Commission by several opposition political parties, the General Council of the Bar of South Africa and other individuals. The complaints were settled by an agreement between Malema and the Commission, facilitated by Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, that he would never use the word “kill” in a public statement again. Official opposition party the Democratic Alliance (DA) said it would continue to insist that Malema be criminally prosecuted, for incitement to commit a crime, despite the agreement.

In January 2009, Malema suggested to a group of Cape Peninsula University of Technology students that the woman who accused ANC president Jacob Zuma of rape had a “nice time” with him because in the morning she had “requested breakfast and taxi money“. Public and media reaction was severe. Cape Times columnist John Scott suggested facetiously that Malema be elected to parliament: “Young Julius has views about females that should not just be restricted to university campuses and other platforms where women don’t have the right of immediate reply.” In February 2009, Malema was criticized by his own party when he mocked Education Minister Naledi Pandor for having what he termed “a fake American accent.” He subsequently apologised directly to her after being instructed to do so by the ANC.

In February 2009, Malema stated the following regarding Zuma’s corruption charges: “If he is so corrupt and he must be punished, let the voters do that […]. Why do you want to subject him to the hands of the few, the judiciary, the judges and the media? Leave it to the voters, 23 000 000 must decide whether Zuma becomes president or not ”” not the judges”. Malema later told students at Walter Sisulu University, in East London, that his role in making controversial statements was that of a decoy, to “distract” the opposition while Zuma “sprinted to the Union Buildings” in the 2009 elections.

In 2010, Malema visited Zimbabwe whilst President Zuma was trying to mediate between parties who contested that nation’s 2008 election. He was accused of praising and pledging support for the dictatorial rule of President Robert Mugabe, who lost the election but refused to hand over power forcing the opposition into a coalition. The South African government has been at pains to show that it has not taken sides in the conflict. Zuma, who had previously supported the youth leader, criticised him publicly when Malema contradicted Zuma’s foreign policy approach in Zimbabwe and for destroying the fragile balance that Zuma is trying to create inside the Zimbabwean Unity Government. Zuma described his behaviour as “totally out of order” and warned that action would be taken against him. Malema fired back, condemning the President for criticizing him in public.

Inside the ANC Tripartite Alliance, Malema sparked tensions with the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), by proposing the nationalisation of mines. According to the SACP and COSATU, Malema’s calls for nationalisation were unacceptable, as he was trying to enrich himself in the process. The fights that followed caused serious questions regarding the unity of the ruling alliance consisting of the ANC, Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the South African Communist Party (SACP). Malema’s blatant militarism has won him a degree of popularity with the poor and frustrated masses, which form the largest percentage of the country’s voters.

Corruption Allegations In July 2011, the City Press newspaper, alleged in its report that a secret family trust of which Malema was the sole trustee may explain how he was able to bankroll his lavish lifestyle. The report alleged that the Ratanang Family Trust, named after Malema’s five-year-old son, was registered at the Office of the Master of the High Court in Pretoria on 13 May 2008, five weeks after he was elected president of the ANCYL. The paper further claimed that several senior politicians, companies, mayors, contractors and municipal managers deposited “thousands” into the account in exchange for Malema facilitating deals and pushing their agenda. For instance, one claim was that R200 000 was deposited into Malema’s account in exchange for facilitating a successful tender bid. When he turned to the South Gauteng High Court to block the City Press from publishing the story, his bid was quashed. He also responded by criticising the media for enquiring into his wealth, stating that his money was nobody’s business.

Media reports spawned responses from various sections of society calling for an investigation. According to a report on 25 July 2011 in the Times Live, COSATU general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi added his voice to the growing calls for Malema to be investigated following allegations by newspaper reports that he had created a secret trust fund into which businessmen and politicians paid thousands of rand to get him to use his influence on their behalf. Vavi called on the ANC ethics committee, police and the Special Investigating Unit (SIU) to investigate Malema. The South African Communist Party (SACP) also backed COSATU in calling for an investigation onto Malema’s financial affairs. In addition, Afriforum – an Afrikanner advocacy group – laid criminal charges of corruption against Malema at Brooklyn police station in Pretoria while the Democratic Alliance (DA) called on the Public Protector to investigate him. However, the ANCYL said Malema’s trust fund was ‘above board’ and Malema has since continued to defend himself and his trust fund. Malema was re-elected as president of the ANCYL in June 2011 at the 24th ANCYL Conference held at Gallagher Estate in Johannesburg.

Disciplinary hearings and suspension from the ANC On 16 August 2011, the ANC served charges to Julius Malema and Floyd Shivabmu, the spokesperson for the ANCYL. [ii] Both were charged with “various violations of the ANC Constitution, including bringing the ANC into disrepute through utterances and statements in Botswana and sowing division in the ranks of the ANC.” The disciplinary hearings were then set to start on 30 August. At the hearing on 30 August, Malema’s representatives raised some preliminary points with regards to the charges brought against him:

The representatives argued that some in the National Disciplinary Committee (NDC) were prejudiced against Malema and had shown disregard to issues advocated by the ANC Youth League, particularly on the nationalisation of the mines and expropriation of land without compensation. The NDC turned down the application “on the grounds that insufficient facts had been advanced to show bias or a perception of bias on the part of these three members.”

Reports noted that Malema had been charged with the following:

Causing serious divisions in the party by saying the departure of former President, Thabo Mbeki, had left a vacuum in African leadership. The party argued that the statement undermined President Jacob Zuma. Malema’s representation put forth that the charge should have been that Malema had caused divisions in the ANC specifically by undermining Zuma.

Bringing the party into disrepute with the league’s call for regime change in Botswana. The representation argued a case of consistency saying that different leaders within the ANC had made statements about other countries i.e. Swaziland and Zimbabwe, but no action had been taken against them .

Barging into a meeting of ANC officials. The leadership of the Youth League was expected to deny this and argue instead that ANC Secretary General, Gwede Mantashe had indicated to them that said they could go see the officials if there was something they wanted to raise [vii];

Calling White people “criminals” who had taken land from Blacks by force. The comment was made during a pre-election rally in Kimberley in May 2011. The Mail & Guardian quoted an unnamed senior ANC leader who said that Malema’s reference to Whites as criminals had been discussed in the ANC national executive committee, with no one suggesting that Malema be charged. To do so now was disingenuous, it was suggested.

While the hearing was proceeding, an estimated 3 000 ANCYL supporters made their way to Luthuli House on the day. Visibly disgruntled with the charges brought against their leaders by the ANC, the supporters chanted, toyi-toyied and burnt the ANC flag and t-shirts bearing President Zuma’s face, while clashing with the police. Malema subsequently brought a further application to have all the charges dropped entirely, which was dismissed by the NDC on 2 September. However, proceedings came to a halt on Thursday 6 October 2011, when Malema was hospitalized in ward F at a private hospital in Polokwane – a ward where patients with stress, high blood pressure and chest problems are treated. [xi] On 10 November 2011 Malema was found guilty on several charges, including bringing the ANC into disrepute and sowing divisions within the party. He was however found not guilty on separate charges of inciting hatred and racism. The NDC recommended that he be removed from his position as leader of the youth league and that his ANC membership be suspended for five years.

Founding of the EFF (Economic Freedom Fighters) Malema’s suspension from the ANC caused many analysts to conclude that it spelt the end of his political career, as he was dependent on the tradition and the history of the ANC to support his agenda and being excluded from the ANC would mean that he was very much isolated. [xiii] This would not prove to be the case, as Malema and Shivambu – who was also suspended for three years – vowed to continue their fight against the inability of the government to establish domestic and international policies beneficial to the development of South Africa. They were to do this by establishing a political party of their own, namely the Economic Freedom Fighters launched on 10 July 2013. At the press conference Malema maintained that the party had devised a definitively different plan to that of opposition parties, such as Agang South Africa. It included the nonnegotiable principles of land expropriation and nationalization of mines, both without compensation.

Criticisms The party has received some criticism since its inception. In October 2013, Theunis Botha, the leader of the Christian Democratic Party (CDP) stated that the launch of the EFF represented a step back for democracy: “Julius Malema has with the launch of the EFF taken democracy in South Africa back many years. The EFF’s Marxist rhetoric and its banners calling for whites in the country to be driven from the land was a reminder of the dark years.” [xv] The National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa (NUMSA) has also criticized the party with regards to Julius Malema’s history as a tenderpreneur, the party’s military command structure as well as a lack of clarity on the ideology of socialism within the party. [xvi] The party has also come under criticism from the Democratic Alliance (DA) for inciting violence on campuses, by using violent and divisive language to communicate with students, during the Rhodes Must Fall and Fees Must Fall university protests in 2015 and 2016.

Election to parliament and the Pay Back the Money Campaign Following the fourth democratic National Elections in 2014, the EFF obtained 25 seats in the National Assembly, after having secured 6.35 percent of the national votes. [xviii] At the first sitting of parliament EFF members caused a stir among other parliamentarians when they arrived in uniforms which represented the “working class”, said Hlengiwe Maxon: “This is the dress of domestic workers, holding up her red apron. We are trying to tell people that we are from the Economic Freedom Fighters, we are here for the workers and the poor. We are sending a message to say that the Parliament for the people is not a Parliament for the elite. So the workers at home, when they see us dressed like this, they will know they are represented.”

Julius Malema

In another sitting of parliament in August 2014, Julius Malema questioned the president with regards to his response to the Public Protector’s report on the security upgrades made at his Nkandla residence. The EFF then demanded the president to tell the parliament “when he was planning on paying back the money he used for the Nkandla upgrades”, implying that he benefitted improperly from it. This caused a chorus of protests from other members of parliament, specifically those representing the ANC. The speaker failed to restore order to the house and asked that the EFF be escorted out of the house. [xx] The EFF continued to demand accountability from the president through the Pay Back the Money Campaign in 2015. In August, the party took the matter up with the Constitutional Court, to force President Zuma to implement the recommendations of the Public Protector, Thuli Madonsela. [xxi] On 31 March 2016, the Constitutional Court ruled that the president failed to uphold, defend and respect the Constitution and was ordered to pay back the money. The National Treasury has been given 60 days to determine the amount that must be paid back, after which he will be given 45 days to do so.

Malema officially obtained his BA Degree in Political Leadership and Citizenship from the University of South Africa (UNISA) on 30 March 2016, at a graduation ceremony held on the Pretoria campus.

Julius Sello Malema Biography and Profile (SA History/Politicoscope)

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Why corruption isn’t just regarding Zuma and also the Guptas

Corruption in South Africa isn’t simply a matter of bad morals or weak law enforcement. It’s embedded in processes of class formation – specifically, the formation of new black elites. This means corruption is primarily a matter of politics and the shape of the economy.

In a recently published paper, I attempt to shed fresh light on the unconvincing narratives that have been presented in the media, NGOs and academic circles about the events of the past 10 years.

These narratives generally depict events as a struggle between two opposing forces. On the one side are a network of politicians, officials, brokers and businessmen centred on former President Jacob Zuma and the Gupta family. All are bent on looting, state capture and self-enrichment. On the other are a band of righteous politicians and citizens. This group is seen as drawing together the “old” ANC, activists, “good” business and citizens in general. They are intent on rebuilding institutions and good governance, the rule of law, international credibility and fostering growth and development.

I argue that a much deeper set of social forces underlies and shapes the struggles within the governing party, the African National Congress (ANC), and the society more broadly. These political struggles are inseparable from struggles over the shape of the economy.

Limited access

The primary process to change the economy has been the drive to accelerate the emergence of new black elites. But institutional interventions, such as black economic empowerment, have been insufficient.

Already, during the Thabo Mbeki period as well as the presidency of Nelson Mandela, an alternative informal political economic system was emerging at national, provincial and local levels. Through this, networks of state officials, ambitious entrepreneurs as well as small time operators, were rigging tenders or engaging in other kinds of fraud so as to sustain or establish businesses, or simply to finance self-enrichment.

Because of a number of factors there was little alternative for channelling the aspirations and burning sense of injustice of black elites and would be elites in post-apartheid South Africa. These factors include the property clause in the Constitution, the conservative strategies adopted by the ANC government and the fact that large corporations and white owned businesses dominated the economy.

This means that opportunities are few, demand is high and competition is fierce. In this context, the state is where people who are locked out are most likely to gain some access.

This links to the issue of violence. The emergence of new elite classes is often a ferociously contested, ugly and violent affair. South Africa is no different from many other post-colonial countries – or indeed the histories of the Euro-American elites that currently dominate the globe.

In South Africa this violence takes the form of burning down homes and state facilities, intimidation, assault, the deployment of the criminal-justice system to protect some and target others, and, increasingly, assassination.

I argue that this set of practices constitutes an informal political economic system. By a system I don’t mean a structure which is centrally coordinated or planned. What I’m referring to is a pervasive and decentralised set of interlocking networks that reinforce and compete with one another in mutually understood ways, and include the use of violence as a strategic resource.

Former South African president Jacob Zuma in court on corruption charges. EPA-EFE/Rogan Ward / Pool

This system preceded Zuma’s presidency, and extended far beyond the Zuma-Gupta network. The recent revelations about corruption at the Zondo commission into state capture, VBS mutual bank or in the book, How to steal a city by Crispian Olver, make this abundantly clear.

It should also be abundantly clear that the informal political-economic system necessarily entangles President Cyril Ramaphosa’s core network of institution builders.

Ramaphosa’s challenge

Ramaphosa’s key challenge is to build a stable coalition within the ANC so as to embark on his project of institution building. His trajectory, and the future shape of corruption in South Africa, will be determined by the character of the coalition he can forge – or that will be forced on him – among party barons within the ANC.

For the purpose of building institutions and attracting investment, it will be necessary to establish as stable a coalition as possible. This means it will have to be a broad coalition. One thing is sure: the coalition will include corrupt figures. It already does. The informal system of patronage politics will remain pervasive.

Even so, Ramaphosa’s power is precarious in the ANC. The odds are stacked against success in establishing stability. For the medium-term the trajectory of politics is likely to be characterised by multiple contestations over material opportunities, political power and symbolic representation. This will give rise to an increasingly volatile, unstable and violent political space.

To return, then, to the prevailing narrative and its misreading of the politics of corruption.

Deep structural issues

The problem with the narrative is that it assumes it’s possible simply to remove some “rotten apples”“, and it sets standards Ramaphosa cannot possibly match.

Perhaps, though, it is a useful fiction for the mobilisation of civil society, journalists and judges, which at the very least may contribute to containing corruption?

There is some validity in this. Yet it fails to direct attention to the deep structural issues which give rise to corruption as an aspect of class formation.

The only long-term and stabilising solution would be to draw into the formal system some of the purposes of the informal system. This would require a much more fundamental redistribution of assets and wealth, which could be deployed in the large-scale formation of a new black business class, primarily located in manufacturing and agriculture, as well as to fixing the education crisis. The result would be the formation of professional, scientific and technical middle classes.

This kind of solution will not emerge from the Ramaphosa administration, which is much more fixed on reproducing the policies of the Mbeki era. The problem is that these were what created the opportunity for the rise of Zuma in the first place.

– Karl von Holdt is senior researcher at Society Work and Politics Institute at the University of the Witwatersrand.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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