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Born a Crime by Trevor Noah

Apartheid

Apartheid- a word that is often spoken of throughout South African history, a word shadowed by darkness and discrimination. The apartheid-era completely separated blacks from whites while also establishing different racial groups depending on hair type, skin color, homeland and also determined their social and political rights, education and economic status (History).

South Africa has dealt with white domination since the colonization, as author Mokgethi Motlhabi states, “black resistance to white domination and subjugation is not a new development. Nor did it begin with the apartheid regime in 1948. In fact, resistance to white domination in South Africa began right from the start of colonialism” (Motlhabi, 1984, p.3).

Reading Trevor Noah’s, Born A Crime: Stories From a South African Childhood, the author dives deeper into the era of apartheid. Growing up as a biracial South African and telling the tales of him and his mother living day-to-day during the darkest times of South African history, Noah brings humor, tragedy, and defiance in this 285-page memoir.  

                                   Photo retrieved from EDTimes

A Chameleon in a Bloodless Revolution

Having a black, Xhosa mother and a white, German/Swiss father meant Trevor was a mixed-race, during a time where it wasn’t legal for a black woman to be with a white man- he was born a crime.

Being raised by a single mother, Noah and his mom became the ultimate team, trying to bend the rules of apartheid by doing anything they could to hide the fact that he was born into a mixed family. Noah’s mom sometimes had to pretend to be his maid when they were walking in public in hopes to disguise the fact they were related to avoid the police from taking him away.

Due to the different racial groups, as the regime fell it resulted in all of the groups turning on one another. Noah referred to this as the ‘Bloodless Revolution’ because “very little white blood was spilled. Black blood ran in the streets” (Noah, 2016, p.12). The division among racial groups not only meant you were to only stick with your group and live in the same communities, but it also meant you would speak the same languages. South Africa had 11 official languages, “language brings with it an identity and a culture, or at least the perception of it. A shared language says, ‘we’re the same’” (Noah, 2016, p.49). Noah often referenced Nelson Mandela and his inspirational quotes with one being, “if you talk to a man in a language he understands, that goes to his head. If you talk to him in his language, that goes to his heart” (Noah, 2016, p.236). Because of the language barriers, all black South Africans believed they were different, separating them not only physically but by language as well. Noah’s stories coincide with Naomi Tutu, the daughter of the first Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town. In an article written by Amanda Amsel about Tutu, she states, “despite the fact whites were the minority, they quickly seized power and started enforcing racial segregation on all aspects of life, from buses to schools to where people could live” (Amsel, 2011). 

Noah was brought up much different than many of the other black South Africans around him, rather than learning only his home language his mother, Patricia, taught him 6 of the languages. He soon learned that to bridge the race gap, he had to learn to be a chameleon, “my color wouldn’t change, but I could change your perception of my color. If you spoke to me in Zulu, I replied to you in Zulu” (Noah, 2016, p.56). Growing up in South Africa, the English language is the language of money, if you knew it, you immediately had a leg up on other South Africans. His mother made sure he spoke English as his first language, but he realized that he not only had to become a chameleon through language but would also have to adapt to different lifestyles in order to make a living for him and his mother.

Noah speaks of living in the hood, where it was normal to hustle to make money. Selling anything you could get your hands on- a pair of Air Jordan’s, headphones, an electric razor- you didn’t know where it came from, but no one asked any questions, if it brought you money that’s all that mattered. But he found that selling pirated CDs was where the real business was. He spoke of crime in a different light than what many people do stating, “the hood made me realize that crime succeeds because crime does the one thing the government doesn’t do: crime cares. Crime is grassroots. Crime looks for the young kids who need support and a lifting hand. Crime gets involved in the community. Crime doesn’t discriminate” (Noah, 2016, p.209). In order to be successful during this time, Noah knew he had to find a niche wherever possible. From selling pirated CDs he began making his own, moving on to taking minibusses around towns to DJ, making a name for himself. As his stories change from speaking of when he was 7, to when he was 10, back to when he was only a little boy, to his teenage years, it is evident that every event in his life was just another stepping stone to the man he has become today.

                                   Photo retrieved from NYTimes

“For My Mother. My First Fan”

Being an autobiography, Noah’s stories throughout the entire book often included his mother, dedicating the book to her- “For my mother. My first fan. Thank you for making me a man.” His stories flip flop between his own childhood while also highlighting many of the hardships his mother faced while she was growing up in South Africa and continuing those hardships while raising a child all on her own. He describes her as “the problem child, a tomboy, stubborn, defiant” and speaks of how she was a free spirit and wanted to ensure that her own child would not grow up the same ways she did- restricted to do whatever she wanted (Noah, 2016, p.64). Her humor, determination, and strength were admirable qualities that Noah reinforced throughout the book.

His stories have an underlying message, although highlighting his own defiance against being a mixed South African child in a world where you needed to identify as part of an established group by government, his mother was the powerful force that helped him overcome the division that was brought upon him during apartheid, she brought him freedom during a time that no one thought could exist. His life lessons were the result of his mother’s struggles.

His mother engraved in him life lessons that he often repeated throughout his stories. When he spoke of the stories she told of her childhood he reflects on how she never fully sat him down to give him much detail, “my mom told me these things so that I’d never take for granted how we got to where we were, but none of it ever came from a place of self-pity. ‘Learn from your past and be better because of your past, but don’t cry about your past. Life is full of pain. Let the pain sharpen you, but don’t hold on to it’” (Noah, 2016, p.66). She loved going to church and every Sunday, he and his mother would get in the car even if there were riots in the streets- a result of all of the groups turning on one another- she would still inch the car forward, having no fear. He admires the fact she was so determined to not repeat her past, beginning with his name. The name Trevor has no connection to the Xhosa culture, where you are to name your child something with a deeper meaning (SAHistory). He speaks of her own name, Patricia Nombuyiselo Noah, “she who gives back” and he speaks of how that is exactly what she did for him. Teaching him English, reading to him, teaching him all of the lessons of The Bible, she even signed up for subscriptions to get other books in the mail as well. Her wit, stubbornness, and generosity never faded throughout his tales.

The stories Trevor Noah shares along with his mother’s own experiences take us through multiple different times in history, the apartheid era, Mandela coming to power and South Africa becoming a democracy- erasing the lines of division. Noah’s tales relate to author Federico Finchelstein in his book, From Fascism to Populism in History, when he states, “history combines evidence with interpretation. Ideal types ignore chronology and the centrality of historical processes. Historical knowledge requires accounting for how the past is experienced and explained through narratives of continuities and change over time” (Finchelstein, p.1, 2017). Trevor Noah and his mother exemplify the continuities and changes that South Africa has faced under apartheid rule.

                                  Photo retrieved from SAPeople

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The Fight Against Apartheid

This collage is inspired by the apartheid movements that were and still are very present in South Africa. Apartheid completely separated whites and blacks, the collage depicts Nelson Mandela (bottom left) and Julius Malema (middle) and their determinism to end apartheid. The backdrop is the South African flag to resemble unity as well as having the constitution as a main focus to highlight the change that had occurred in 1996, two years after the country became a democracy. The collage also depicts signs protesting to end apartheid and xenophobia that are held by young black South African children. Along with the protests are signs with messages from the populist group, The Economic Freedom Fighters which state, “Honeymoon Is Over For White People In South Africa” as well as “A Revolutionary Must Become A Cold Killing Machine Motivated By Pure Hate” to resemble their determination to get back what was taken from black South Africans during the apartheid era.

Collage: The Fight Against Apartheid

South African History Online describes The Economic Freedom Fighters as believing “that economic freedom results when the people’s rights and freedom enable them to decide how to allocate their own economic resources for the development and upliftment of their own lives’ (SAHistory). The group is led by former African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) president, Julius Malema, who formed the group in 2013. The leader is known for taking a radical approach against the ruling party, the African National Congress. Malema is not the only political leader to voice his opinion on the current economic and inequality status of South Africans.

 BBC describes South Africa’s first black president, Nelson Mandela, a hero and is remembered as one of the greatest leaders the world has ever seen. His many efforts to end apartheid resulted in him being jailed for 27 years, through his determination and release in 1990, Mandela, along with F.W. de Klerk, abolished apartheid by signing a new constitution and three years later, South Africa held its first-ever election in which both the blacks and whites were allowed to vote (BBC). Although Mandela was the first to make a lasting impact on the country that had suffered greatly from inequality, his messages have now been passed along to the charismatic leader, Julius Malema. 

The Economic Freedom Fighters challenge the ANC and show no mercy doing so. The party often voices their views through communist ideals and has supported Malema due to his coarse language, popularity, and charisma. Along with his strong views against apartheid, Malema has been making headlines of talk about the violent xenophobic protests that have been present in South Africa. The leader has expressed his strong disagreement of this violence and has “cautioned EFF members against taking part in the xenophobic attacks, which he says are total madness” (SowetanLive). As author Bronwyn Harris writes in his article ‘Xenophobia: A new pathology for a new South Africa?’, “in the post-apartheid epoch, while people’s expectations have been heightened, a realization that delivery is not immediate has meant that the discontent and indignation are at their peak. People are more conscious of their deprivation than ever before…” (Harris, 2002). The rise of xenophobia has become more prominent with the ANC not fulfilling their promises of change. Julius Malema and the EFF will continue Nelson Mandela’s fight to end apartheid and voice the messages that he had worked towards to end the presence of inequality in the Rainbow Nation. 

Photo Sources:

Malema

Nelson Mandela

Bury Apartheid

Down with Xenophobia

The Constitution

Honeymoon is Over

A Revolutionary

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Nelson Mandela: The Hero of the Rainbow Nation

The former late first President of South Africa left more than just a political legacy behind, but an impact on the many black South Africans that make up a majority of the country’s population.  It wasn’t until 1994 when South Africa became a democracy that change began to occur.

The change was due to a man named Nelson Mandela, who was no stranger to the political sphere. Mandela was born in the Eastern Cape of South Africa, and it was at the young age of 12, when his father died, that Mandela knew he wanted to make his own contribution to help conquer the freedom that had been lost for his people (NelsonMandelaOrg).

Understanding the Complex Timeline of an African Hero

Mandela’s political career began when he joined the African National Congress (ANC) in 1944 which was the same time he helped form the ANC Youth League (ANCYL). During his rise to power in the ANCYL, Mandela was partially responsible for the more radical mass-based policy that the organization began to adapt. The ANCYL took matters into its own hands and began to challenge the leadership that was in place, contributing largely through nonviolent protests, strikes, and boycotts all against the apartheid government that had set policies under the National Party- the all-white governing party. The powerful protests resulted in ANC leaders being arrested and charged with treason and many other acts put the black South Africans lives at risk (SouthAfrica).

Mandela began a campaign in 1952, which went against six unjust laws of civil disobedience. The campaign resulted in him and 19 others being charged under the Suppression of Communism Act. This resulted in The Treason Trial. The Treason Trial occurred in 1956, a trial in Johannesburg which proceeded to arrest 156 people, including Mandela, in a raid and accusing them of treason (SAHistory).

Violence overpowered the protests in March of 1961 when 69 unarmed protestors were killed by police in Sharpeville. This put the country into a state of emergency, banning the ANC and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC).

After the trial, Mandela made plans to gather as many supporters for a national strike. After secretly visiting England to gain this support, he was arrested and charged with leaving the country without a permit as well as being accused of his efforts to incite workers to strike. Having to serve five years in prison, he was also faced with the death penalty. In 1964, Mandela and seven others accused of having a secret hideout in Johannesburg, were sentenced to life imprisonment. Throughout his time in prison, while being transferred multiple times, Mandela had become the face of the anti-apartheid movement and had gained a generous following even internationally, resulting in worldwide protests against the apartheid government (SAHistory).

It wasn’t until February of 1990, only 9 days after the unbanning of the ANC and the PAC, that Mandela was released from prison by F.W de Klerk, South Africa’s president at the time. Following his release, Mandela focused primarily on speaking to end white minority rule. As a reward for his many efforts, Mandela was elected ANC President in 1991.

                                  Photo retrieved from History.com

The Ruling of Mandela

Mandela proved his determination throughout the many years he was detained. As the president, Mandela immediately began working with F.W. de Klerk to abolish apartheid laws, unban political parties, and free the protestors that had been locked away (SAHistory). The two leaders worked within the system to reorder the frame of government by bringing change in a peaceful manner. As authors Betty Glad and Robert Blanton discuss in their article, F.W. de Klerk and Nelson Mandela: A Study in Cooperative Transformational Leadership, “to engage their followers to undertake the long and perilous journey to a better polity, transformational leaders must envisage a better future for the group of followers and undertake feats to show that they have the strength and commitment to realize that vision” (Glad & Blanton, 1997). Mandela proved time and time again that he was committed and had the strength to end apartheid and showed he would not accept defeat even after his 27 years in prison.

The biggest change that occurred with Mandela in power came in 1991 when two large pillars of the apartheid system were repealed, The Land Acts of 1913 and 1936 and the Population Registration Act, which was used to separate and classify all South Africans by race. The successes of ending the apartheid governing was highlighted when de Klerk and Mandela were awarded a Nobel Peace Prize for “the peaceful termination of the apartheid regime, and for laying the foundations for a new democratic South Africa” (NobelPrize).

In 1994, South Africa held its first-ever election that was open to all citizens. The election resulted in the ANC winning making Nelson Mandela the first democratically elected president of South Africa.

In his five years as President, Mandela created a long list of accomplishments. From signing in a new constitution, the Growth, Employment, and Redistribution (GEAR) policy was introduced to help the South African economy, and an expansion in South Africa’s defense strategies (SolidarityUS).

In 1999 Mandela retired from politics and later passed away in 2013, leaving behind a strong legacy.

                           Photo retrieved from DailyMaverick.com

This photo depicts the two powerful leaders: F.W. de Klerk and Nelson Mandela.

Media, Leadership & Power

While in power, Mandela gained his followers through his charisma and self-confidence. After overcoming the many obstacles he had faced in order to gain the title of President, it was obvious he was not afraid to take risks.  Similarly, F.W. de Klerk exemplified these many characteristics, which resulted in the two to become such successful leaders together.  

As discussed in author Rob Nixon’s article, Mandela, Messianism, and the Media, media played a part in getting Mandela’s messages to end apartheid out to the public, more so indirectly. In 1960, when Mandela and a few others from the ANC were put behind bars, the media went into a frenzy which, of course, brought a spotlight to the black South Africans that backed Mandela. Those who were against Mandela put a ban on any sort of media coverage of him, in doing so, they thought if he isn’t in the public eye, he would just become a memory. As Nixon states, “he was an international media colossus who, by age 71, had given just one interview” (Nixon, 1991, p.45). Rather than using the media, Mandela carried himself in a way that still voiced his rhetoric, “his social manner brought together, in disarming union, the militancy of the populist hero with the civility of his mission school training” (Nixon, 1991, p.45).

As Mandela rose to power, it exemplified what authors Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser describe as populism, “a thin-centered ideology that considers society to be ultimately separated into two homogeneous and antagonistic camps, “the pure people” versus “the corrupt elite” and which argues that politics should be an expression of the volonté générale (general will) of the people” (Mudde & Kaltwasser, 2017, p.6). For the people of South Africa, Mandela wanted justice for the black South Africans who had their freedom taken away from them while under the rule of the apartheid government. He saw that the only way to overcome this government and change the ways it ruled was to for the people to control it.

As author Carlo Ruzza explains in her article, Populism, migration, and xenophobia in Europe, “charismatic figures often extensively use communication strategies to build legitimacy for their representative claims (Ruzza, 2018, p.208). Nelson Mandela had the gift of charisma and even though he kept getting knocked down, he still prevailed.

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To view this Infographic in a more HD version please click here.

Footnotes: 

1. Britannica

2. EFF Online

3. The Atlantic

4. BBC.com

5.  Julius Malema and the Post-Apartheid Public Sphere

6. SA History

7. ANC1912

8. The African National Congress (ANC) Organization at the Grassroots

9. BBC.com

10. TheMediaOnline 

11. Reuters Institute

12. IT Web

13. Digital News Report

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What Happened to the ‘Rainbow Nation’?

The Demographics of South Africa 

Having one of the most diverse and complex populations in the world, South Africa has owned the title of being “the Rainbow Nation.” Of the 57.7 million South Africans, there are four major ethnic groups that make up the population; Black, white, Coloured, and Asian/Indian.

According to the 2011 census of South Africa, 2.1 million foreigners were recorded, although it has been estimated that about 5 million now occupy South Africa (Wikipedia, 2019). Word Elections stated that the 2011 Census of South Africa also recorded 41 million were ‘Black Africans’, 4.62 million were Coloured, 4.5 million were white, and 1.2 million were ‘Indian or Asian’ (WElections). South Africa was given the name “Rainbow Nation” by Archbishop Desmond Tutu, in 1994, to celebrate the end of the apartheid government. This name was used as a metaphor to unite the different races that occupied South Africa and had been once completely separated by apartheid (ExpatCapetown, 2019). Unfortunately, the recent xenophobic attacks the country has faced are putting a strain on the title of the ‘Rainbow Nation.’

                                  Photo retrieved from The Guardian

This photo depicts the recent xenophobic attacks in Johannesburg, South Africa.

The Rise of Xenophobia

Anti-immigration attacks have been making headlines this year, with the most recent attacks occurring in Johannesburg. An article by The Guardian discussed the recent xenophobic attacks that have put many lives at risk. Economic and political instability in Zimbabwe has driven many Zimbabweans to migrate to South Africa and many South African-owned shops in Nigeria have been under attack as well.  Native South Africans are showcasing their anger in the form of violence, which resulted in 11 deaths during the Johannesburg protests. Johannesburg is not the only town with reported incidents of violent outbursts. Two people were killed and more than 30 were arrested near Cape Town early this month, the attacks were aimed at foreign-owned shops (The Guardian, 2019). The attacks are occurring due to the belief that foreigners are to blame for the country’s social and economic sufferings. Local South Africans are angered by the unemployment rates that are believed to be caused by immigrants taking their jobs. In July 2019, it was recorded that the national unemployment rate stood at 29%, Quartz Africa stated that poor education levels and weak labor policies have also been to blame for the low economic rate and while South Africans have access to basic services, most foreigners have to provide for themselves (Quartz Africa, 2019). In many ways, these protests of anti-immigration resemble what authors Mudde and Kaltwasser describe as a social movement in their book, Populism: A Very Short Introduction. The authors describe social movements as being “described as informal networks (or “networks of networks”) characterized by a continuous engagement of individuals and political groups that have a clear adversary and seek to promote collective action in the pursuit of a common objective (Mudde & Kaltwasser, 2017, p. 46). Rather than stopping the violent outbreaks, democratic and traditional leaders have engaged in the anti-foreign rhetoric which has led to international criticism (The Washington Post, 2019).  

A Return of the Past

The significance of the recent attacks stem from the outbreak of violence towards immigrants in 2008. An article written by the Human Rights Watch explains the outcomes of the xenophobic attacks during this time stating that South Africa had lost 44 lives to violent attacks, 20,000 people were displaced, and many were injured and robbed of their property (Human Rights Watch, 2008). The attacks caused the South African population to question the government and the justice process. At this time many foreigners feared that reporting the violence directed at them to the police meant they were at risk of being deported. Government intervention was not only lacking in 2008 but has returned in the recent attacks of 2019.  Author Jason Hickel writes in his article, ”Xenophobia” in South Africa: Order, Chaos, and the Moral Economy of Witchcraft, the spread of violence soared through the media and headlines such as “South Africa Descends into Chaos” alongside very graphic images depicting the horror the immigrants were facing showcased the brutality of it all (Hickel, 2014, p.103). What makes the attacks significant is the way the local South Africans are using violence to go against the establishment, in hopes to use this as a way to voice their opinions towards foreigners being let into the country. Much like Federico Finchelstein’s, “What Is Populism in History?” he states, “change, in other words, would only come when the establishment was removed from power, and power was placed in the hands of the people (Finchelstein, 2017, p. 136). These recent attacks are the result of the little action that has been taken on xenophobic violence since the earlier occurrence that had broken the peace of the post-apartheid era.

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Julius Malema and The Economic Freedom Fighters

A South African populist group known as the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), formed in 2013 as a far-left political party. The party is led by a former president of the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL), Julius Malema (SAHistory).

                                         Photo retrieved from BBC.com

This photo depicts EFF leader, Julius Malema.

The Rise of Julius Malema

Julius Malema grew up in the northernmost province of South Africa known as Limpopo, where he was raised by his single mother. At the young of nine, Malemabegan his political career by joining the African National Congress’ Masupatsela movement where he was tasked with removing National Party posters that were being placed outside of police station for the first democratic elections in South Africa (TheSouthAfrican, 2019). Malema continued his career in politics and at the age of 14, where he was elected as chairsperson of the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL). He then went on to become the chair of the Congress of South African Students (COSAS), an anti-apartheid student organization in South Africa, in 1997. In 2001, he became a national chairman of the Congress Of South African Students (The Telegraph, 2011). It was in 2008, that solidified his position as a political leader.

Malema was elected president of the African National Congress Youth League in 2008 and quickly became a controversial figure. Malema began to show his populist views when allegations towards the ANC president at the time, Jacob Zuma, came to light (SAHistory). As Deborah Posel discusses in her writing, “Julius Malema and the post-apartheid public sphere,” Malema became a “ubiquitous presence in the national mass media, provoking emotive commentary and analysis in the press, on television and radio” (Posel, 2014, p.32). Malema was well-known for undressing the ghosts of the apartheid era by using his power and strong voice to command political attention. In both 2010 and 2011, he was found guilty of hate speech and had already been known to have offended women, white farmers, journalists, and his own political bosses (BBC, 2019).  

The Birth of The Economic Freedom Fighters

In 2011, Malema made headlines for being axed by the governing party. His controversial speeches and questionable comments resulted in him being suspended from the African National Congress for 5 years and was forced to step down from the position as the president of the ANC youth league (The Guardian, 2011). This only added fuel to the fire. After officially stepping down in 2012, Malema established the Economic Freedom Fighters party with one main goal in mind- to challenge the ANC in the upcoming election. Malema, taking on leadership of the group, brought his same propositions from the ANC to the EFF, voicing that the EFF would focus on communist ideals pushing for land expropriation for redistribution and nationalization of mines and banks in hopes of economic emancipation (Britannica, 2019). The group, in opposition of the ANC, wears a uniform of red overalls representing the solidarity of the country’s workers and laborers using the color red to represent both communism and blood of the laborers (The Atlantic, 2014).  Like the ideas proposed by authors Mudde and Kaltwasser in their book Populism: A Very Short Introduction, Malema can be described as a populist strongman, often using coarse language, popularity, and charisma to gain support (Mudde & Kaltwasser, 2017, p.66). Malema prides himself on representing the people and fighting for what was taken away from the black South Africans under the rule of the apartheid government. His group, the Economic Freedom Fighters, fits John Judis’ definition of populism in the article “Us vs. Them: the birth of populism” when he says, “leftwing populists champion the people against an elite or an establishment (Judis, 2016).

It didn’t take long for the far-left radical group to gain support from young adults, the unemployed, and the poor. Malema became known for his anti-government rhetoric, which grew his popularity in the media. As stated in an article by the South African Elections, “in less than ten years, Malema has gone from being a marginal political player to one of the most talked-about politicians in the country (The South African Elections, 2019).

Julius Malema: Populism in the Media

Being known as a controversial political leader, Julius Malema is no stranger when it comes to making headlines. It began when he was still part of the ANC and made comments threatening to kill those who opposed President Zuma, the president of the ANC at the time, who was under fire for corruption allegations. Malema also made many sexist comments towards a woman who had accused Zuma of rape (SA History). An article by the Daily Maverick uncovered Malema’s popularity in 2010 stating, “newspapers, websites, and TV stations display his face daily, the media and public alike are abuzz with his latest shenanigans” (Daily Maverick, 2010).

As a populist leader, Malema used his popularity in the media and applied it to the Economic Freedom Fighters platform. By promising violence, making threats, and showing no mercy, the Economic Freedom Fighters and Julius Malema are South African journalists' main target. The Daily Maverick discussed the EFF and Malema’s presence in journalism stating, “the role of a journalist, among very many others, is to test the things political leaders say against what they do” (Daily Maverick, 2019). The Economic Freedom Fighters are known for campaigning using social media platforms such as Instagram, Twitter, and Facebook. Starting from his role in the ANC, to being the leader of the EFF, Malema and his charismatic personality has filled the mass media of South Africa and even acquired him the public nickname ‘Juju’ (Posel, 2014, p.42). He has had multiple accusations against him regarding hate speech. In 2011, Malema was found guilty of hate speech towards the Afrikaans population of South Africa (The Telegraph, 2011). An article posted as recent as September 14thof this year by Times Live revealed that Malema was again accused of hate speech. On September 14th, the EFF leader tweeted a video paying tribute to former Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe. Included in the video was a quote from the late president, “the only white man you can trust is a dead white man.” After sharing the video, he proceeded to tweet again, “Stratcom #GUSHUNGO”, a phrase that refers to disinformation or dirty tricks under the apartheid government (Times Live, 2019). Malema’s hate speech controversies have led to the conversation of whether he is violating the right to freedom of expression under section 16 of the constitution. With his frequent involvement in the media, Julius Malema will keep using these platforms as a way to express the Economic Freedom Fighters efforts to overcome economic emancipation.

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Special Issue Brief

The Fight for Land

The Native Land Act of 1913 provided the legal framework of the division of white-owned land and black-owned land incorporating territorial segregation into legislation. The Act forcibly removed black families from their land, moving them to reserves for blacks and prohibited whites from selling land to blacks and vice versa (SAHistory, 2019). In 1950, the Group Areas Act was passed under the apartheid government which stated that racial groups were to live in different sections of urban areas, resulting in non-Whites from living in the most developed areas of South Africa (SAHistory, 2019).

Unfortunately, for the black South Africans, the legacy of apartheid is not something of the past. Of the 56 million citizens of South Africa, 41 million are black and 4.5 million are white. South Africa’s constitution, which was signed into law in 1996 by former president, Nelson Mandela, highlighted equal rights for all South African’s but land reform still remains a controversial topic (SA-Venues, 2019). As stated in the 2017 Land Audit Report, 72% of the land is owned by whites while only 4% is owned by blacks. South Africa’s Land Reform Crisis, written by Bernadette Atuahene, outlines the failed efforts of the African National Congress and land reformation while President Zuma was in power. As stated in the constitution, Section 25 gives existing property owners, who are primarily white, legal ownership to property, which was acquired under previous regimes, while black South Africans were promised land reform. This has resulted in whites keeping their land and blacks waiting for the ANC to redistribute the land they had promised. As Atuahenes states, “theft of land has come to symbolize the more extensive theft of wealth that occurred under colonialism and apartheid (Atuahene, 2011, p.123).

Since the end of apartheid, the ANC has been following a “willing-seller, willing-buyer” model- the government buys white-owned farms and redistributes them to blacks, but progress has been painfully slow (Reuters, 2019). In 2018, President Cyril Ramaphosa proposed a constitutional amendment that would expropriate and redistribute unused private land without compensation, this has led to much controversy and debate because whites argue that it is a violation of their constitutional rights. This resulted in Ramaphosa changing his address in February of 2019 due to the international fallout he had received from his first address (The South African, 2019). Land reformation has only fed into the issues of inequality that is still heavily present in South Africa.  

                                Photo retrieved from BBC.com

This photo depicts black South Africans voicing their opinions on land expropriation without compensation after President Ramaphosa proposed the new amendment in 2018.

What South Africans Fear Most

Due to the discriminatory laws black South Africans have faced, inequality is not only an issue in land ownership but also feeds into the issue of corruption. According to the 2018 International Property Rights Index, South Africa plunged more than any other country in the protection of property rights by dropping .652 points. This issue has become so large because of the outcomes South Africa has witnessed of their northern neighbor Zimbabwe. South Africans fear that if land seizures occur because of the new amendment President Ramaphosa is proposing, it will lead to violence, food shortages, and a ruined economy- all outcomes of the land seizures that occurred in Zimbabwe in the early 2000s (National Interest, 2018). For Zimbabwe, food production fell 60% within 10 years and the daily inflation rate averaged 98%. It was calculated that legalizing seizures of white farmland with no compensation had cost Zimbabwe more than $20 billion. It has been reported that there were 109 attacks and 15 murders on white farms, between the months of January and March of 2018, feeding into the fear of Ramaphosa’s amendment as it becomes more of a reality for South Africans (National Interest, 2018).

South Africa’s economy is still recovering since the presidency of Jacob Zuma from 2009 to 2018, with high unemployment rates estimated at 27 percent (Austrian Center, 2019). The fear of slowed productivity is also a concern if black farmers take back their land. Without having the proper skills to run a farm and taking land away from the knowledgeable white farmers could result in economic collapse and a drop in food production causing an inflation in price (BBC, 2013). This issue is drawing the attention of so many because it requires a change in the constitution that has not changed since 1996, meaning any decision made lies in the hands of the government.

The Impact of Growing Tensions

The controversy over who gets ownership of the land that was once home to black South Africans is not only affecting those who suffered from apartheid but all citizens of South Africa. White South Africans are now feeling the pressure from the possibility of land being expropriated without compensation, the government holds all of the responsibility in their hands depending on the decision they make. If they rule that the blacks will get the land back from the whites, it has the possibility to cause an even bigger divide between the races. As stated in a BBC article, black South African’s are now approaching the land reformation with anger because of the false hopes they have received from the ANC (BBC, 2019). The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) have put a spotlight on the issues of land ownership and are claiming the whites have stolen their land and are insisting they get it back (The Nation, 2019). As discussed in an article by The Atlantic, land being taken away from the white farmers can cause distrust in the government because they are being stripped of their rights. If land is taken from them, it will also strip them of their only resources to make a living (The Atlantic, 2019). The impact of land reformation over the past 25 years has allowed for apartheid to stay present in South Africa’s society and will continue to impact all citizens until a resolution is made.

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Media Landscape Brief

Overview of Media Use in South Africa

According to BBC News, “South Africa is a major media player” (BBC News). Due to the country’s history of apartheid, South African media was often censored. When apartheid came to an end in 1994, and a new constitution was established, every citizen was given freedom of the press and the media.

Naspers, a for-profit entertainment group, has been around since 1915 first functioning as a publisher and printer of newspapers and magazines showcasing the support of Afrikaner nationalism.  As the company expanded, it took on the role of a media company starting in 1985 after launching the first pay-TV system. Media24, part of Naspers, has become the country’s leading media company focusing on digital media, newspapers, magazines, ecommerce, book publishing, print, and distribution. Publishing more than 60 titles, Media24 also publishes South Africa’s top-selling newspaper, Daily Sun. 

As stated in the 2019 Edelman Trust Barometer Report, South Africa had a 54% internet penetration rate. What was also observed was the drastic increase of social media users which had grown by 5 million South Africans, with Facebook being the most used social media platform. LinkedIn, Instagram, Twitter, and Snapchat have also proven to be of South Africa’s more popular social media platforms. 

Research regarding South Africa’s media platforms states that South African Facebook users prefer to access Facebook through a cellphone or tablet. The South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) runs TV and radio in multiple languages making it more accessible for South Africans. Access to the internet is high in urban areas, and according to Freedom House, access is unrestricted. Unfortunately, the 2017 Affordability Drivers Index (ADI) rankings listed South Africa at 22nd of 53 countries and recorded that the country has some of the highest costs of mobile communication in Africa.

                          Photo retrieved from brandsouthafrica.com.

This photo depicts some of the many newspaper outlets published in South Africa.

Press Freedom and Challenges to Journalism

According to a Freedom House report from 2017,  South Africa’s press freedom status remains partly free, although journalists have faced many challenges in the past and still do today. On October 19, 1977, the apartheid legislation banned the World and Weekend World and Pro Veritate- two South African newspapers - due to their anti-apartheid publications. This day became known as Black Wednesday. Along with the banning of the two newspapers, 18 organizations of the black consciousness movement were also banned. These groups, according to Apartheid Museum, consisted of anti-apartheid activists, including the authors and editors of the World and Weekend World and Pro Veritate. The censorship that was occurring in South Africa in the 1980s and the dangers and pressures faced by journalists in Africa meant a change needed to occur, especially regarding media and the public. World Press Freedom Day, celebrated on May 3rd, marks the anniversary of the Windhoek Declaration. The Windhoek Declaration, which passed in 1991, is a statement of press freedom principles by African newspaper journalists.  The declaration stands for the development of a free, independent and pluralistic press. Following the passing of the Windhoek Declaration came the end of apartheid. In 1996, a new constitution was put into place protecting the right to freedom of expression and freedom of the press and other media. Unfortunately, South African journalists still face challenges. An article on City Press posted in 2019, discusses the threats journalists receive on a day-to-day basis. With the rise of social media being used by political parties, it has both advanced journalism but has also made it much easier for the spread of fake news.

Media and Populism

The South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) is one of the largest of South Africa’s state-owned enterprises, offering 19 radio stations along with 5 television broadcasts. The SABC has been accused of being influenced by the African National Congress and being used as their “mouthpiece” (BusinessLive). According to ITWeb, social media platforms are favored by the African National Congress and the Economic Freedom Fighters to campaign for votes. Both parties actively post updates urging citizens to vote on Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram. As of 2019, the Economic Freedom Fighters had a total of 743,955 Twitter followers and 476,778 Facebook followers while the ANC recorded 540,440 Facebook followers and 652,035 Twitter followers (ITWeb).

The Economic Freedom Fighters leader, Julius Malema, does not hold back when it comes to voicing his opinions on journalists on social media. Malema believes journalists are the enemy and believe they only want to silence him and the EFF. News24 reported that Malema denied allegations of hate speech after being brought to court, his strong views of journalists are due to his beliefs that their media platforms portray false political views of the EFF. As stated in the article Julius Malema and the post-apartheid public sphere, Malema became a “ubiquitous presence in the national mass media, provoking emotive commentary and analysis in the press, on television and radio, and many a heated exchange in the blogosphere” (Posel, 2013, p.32).

With the ease and availability of social media, the ANC and EFF have taken to social media platforms in hopes to gain a larger group of followers. The accessibility allows for these groups to campaign anywhere.

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Political Landscape Brief

A Brief History

Historically, South Africa has been one of the most economically developed countries. As of 2018, South Africa has elected a new President, Cyril Ramaphosa, following the impeachment of Jacob Zuma, a corrupt leader caught in scandals. South Africa has come under the influence of many different leaders since it was founded and colonized, it has become a democracy and the economy has flourished; in order to further understand the complexity of South Africa’s government, it is important to understand the political history.

Starting in the 1600s, Dutch settlers came to Cape Town sparking the colonization of South Africa. Throughout the 1600s into the 1800’s The Cape Colony was flip-flopping between being under Dutch rule and being under British rule, eventually leading to the Dutch settlers moving north. Dutch settlers became known as “the Boers.” With the competition of gaining territory between the Boers and the British eventually led to war in 1899- resulting in the British placing the white and black Dutch settlers into concentration camps. It wasn’t until 1902 that peace could be established under a treaty between the Boers and the British, but there was still a divide between the White administration and the Africans. New political bodies began to form including the Coloureds which was followed by the aftermath of the Great Depression and World War II which negatively impacted South Africa’s economy resulting in a higher prominence of racial discrimination. Apartheid, which translates to “separateness,” began to dominate the country after the Natives Land Act of 1913 was passed. Apartheid completely separated blacks from whites- they could not live in the same areas or use the same public facilities. The Land Act stated that whites could not buy land from the natives and the natives could not buy land from the whites, this resulted in devastation for the black farmers because it forbade them from working as sharecroppers on white-owned land.

In 1945, South Africa became a member of the United Nations. At this time, racial separation was at an all-time high and was dominating politics- completely eliminating the right for black South Africans to vote. The Population Regulation Act, which was passed in 1950, classified each South African citizen based on social and political rights, education and economic status. The population was now divided into three groups: ‘White’, ‘Black’, and ‘Coloured’. Classification such as hair type, skin color, language, diet, and homeland determined which group one belonged to. This divide separated black South Africans making it impossible for them to unify as one nationalist group.

Shortly after 1961, when the country declared itself a Republic, violent protests began against apartheid resulting in many deaths.  A shift did not occur until 1989, when F.W. de Klerk was declared president and released Nelson Mandela, the African National Congress leader who had been sentenced to life for protesting against racial discrimination, from jail. With the combined efforts from de Klerk and Mandela, a new constitution was passed in 1993 and a multiracial democracy was established with majority rule. After Mandela’s retirement in 1999, Thabo Mbeki was elected as president and leader of the ANC. Mbeki took on a sinking economy along with high crime rates. He was then replaced by the country’s fourth president, politician Jacob Zuma, who ran from 2009 to February of 2018 but was forced to resign due to controversy over charges of corruption.

                                   Photo retrieved from pixabay.com

 Nelson Mandela, the first black South African President of South Africa, is most well-known for bringing an end to racial segregation and being an activist for human rights.

The Rise of Populism

It wasn’t until Zuma that the rise of populism began to occur. Because of the many years black South Africans were deprived of their rights to vote, it had led to new expectations of the way the government would be run. Zuma left Ramaphosa picking up the pieces of a corrupt and economically struggling democracy. As recent as 2019, studies have shown that out of 19 of the biggest countries, Brazil and South Africa have the highest percentage of populists. Due to the political corruption South Africa has faced, citizens are looking for decisions to be made by the people rather than the elected leaders. The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), known as South Africa’s far-left political party, challenge the African National Congress (ANC) and focus mainly on solving corruption and enhancing economic stability for all. Former leader of the ANC, Julius Malema is now the main voice of the EFF and stands for the equality of black South Africans who still remain poor from the racial discrimination they had faced. The conflicting views of the EFF and ANC has caused an uproar in the media.  

Challenges Within South Africa’s Democracy

In the recent election, the weaknesses of South Africa’s democracy became more prominent. The growing frustrations of economic issues and social inequality is leading to a decreased support of the African National Congress. Recent analysis of South Africa’s democracy highlights the weak spots of the political culture because of the lack of support of democratic rule. The 2018 Democracy Index rated South Africa at a 5.00 for political culture, a category that measures how the country’s population perceives its democracy. The index labeled the country’s government a flawed democracy meaning there are problems in governance, an underdeveloped political culture and low levels of political participation. Like many democracies, South Africa’s democracy has failed to live up to its promises - a factor that plays into their weak political culture. Inequality has proven to be one of the main challenges in this democracy as well, especially with the ANC being the dominating party (Mattes), specifically racial and economic inequality. The ANC has been the topic of discussion with many allegations regarding the corruption the country is facing. Wealth inequality between the whites and blacks are beginning to cause disruption amongst the democracy.

As these weaknesses have become more present in 2019, South Africa is a hot topic in the media. This blog will follow South Africa’s politics and focus on how populism is portrayed in the media