#slovak national theatre

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Filip Manca | Raphael Schuster | Slovak National Theatre

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Filip Manca - Slovak National Theatre Ballet - photo by naz_studi0

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Giorgio Perego (Italian) - Slovak National Theatre

Photo: Vitalii Zahynailo

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Czech Radio (Cesky rozhlas) has suspended its ties with its Slovak counterpart STVR for an indefinite period of time over mounting fears of political meddling and interference in the Slovak public service broadcaster’s operations, the Sme daily reported on Monday.

A Czech Radio spokesman described the “forced demise” earlier this year of predecessor RTVS, and the creation, effective since July, of STVR in its stead as the “first step towards the nationalisation of the [Slovak] public broadcaster”, whose independence and impartiality now hang by a thread, the Slovak daily reported.

In July, Czech Radio head Rene Zavoral said he would have to wait to see “if the new [STVR] organisation will defend the principles of an independent, impartial and objective public service media” before deciding on whether or not to continue his organisation’s cooperation with its Slovak counterpart.

Czech Television (Ceska televize) is also closely monitoring developments in Slovakia’s media sphere, according to the investigative outlet Hlidacipes.org.

According to Sme, the Slovak public broadcaster is already facing increased political pressure and interference, with, among other instances of undue meddling, STVR management blocking a live interview with Matej Drlicka, the former head of the Slovak National Theatre recently dismissed by Culture Minister Martina Simkovicova, and instead airing a recording of it.

The move by Czech Radio will take off the Slovak airwaves its reporters who, until now, had helped cover foreign news in countries where RTVS did not have any or enough correspondents, including in geopolitical hotspots like Ukraine or the Middle East. All exchanges of news content will also end.

“Slovak Radio covers its foreign news from several sources, so it will continue to fully inform about events from the mentioned areas,” STVR responded, claiming the move doesn’t change anything in its long-term cooperation with its Czech counterparts.

The turmoil in Slovakia’s media sector is part of wider assault by the government of Robert Fico on the country’s institutions and judicial system since it won back power in last year’s parliamentary election. The three-party coalition, which includes the extreme-right Slovak Nationalist Party (SNS), appears determined to undermine the rule of law in the country, which is expected to bring it into conflict with the EU, in much the same way as the Hungarian government of Viktor Orban has found itself.

The Slovak government’s Act on Public Broadcasting, a controversial reform passed in June which gave the government greater oversight and control over the public broadcaster’s board, had already sparked large protests by the opposition, civil society and cultural sector. These have stepped up since the new culture minister, a divisive, hard-right, Russia-friendly former presenter put forward by the SNS, began driving the Fico government’s cultural and media power-grab.

Thousands of people protested on Monday in Bratislava against Simkovicova’s decision to fire, on dubious managerial grounds, Alexandra Kusa, the director of the Slovak National Gallery, as well as Drlicka of the Slovak National Theatre – both respected cultural figures in the country and abroad.

Another demonstration is planned on Tuesday evening against what is widely perceived as Fico’s increasingly authoritarian crackdown on free speech and his Orban-style attempts to put cultural institutions and public media organisations under political control.

Prominent Czech artists also penned an open letter criticising the ongoing “purge” in Slovakia’s cultural sector, vowing to come together to create a network offering jobs and positions in the Czech Republic for Slovak colleagues affected by the changes or forced out.

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Olga Chelpanova and Vlacheslav Krut in Rudolf Nureyev's "Swan Lake", Slovak National Theatre

Photographer Juraj Zilincar

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Dutch State Visit to Slovak Republic - Day 2

To thank President Čaputová for her hospitality, the royal couple hosts a concert at the Slovak National Theatre. March 8, 2023.

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10 SURPRISINGLY Expensive Items Only Found in Slovakia!

Discover Slovakia in style as we introduce you to the pinnacle of luxury accommodations and experiences! Begin your journey at the exquisite Grand Hotel Kempinski High Tatras, where opulence meets breathtaking views. Immerse yourself in high-end experiences, from the VIP box at the Slovak National Theatre to cruising in a classic Aston Martin DB6 and adorning the Princely Tiara. Indulge in…

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Thousands protest in Bratislava over sacking of national theatre and gallery heads

euronews. By Euronews with EBUPublished on 13/08/2024 – 10:33 GMT+2•Updated 10:55 Slovakia’s hard-right Culture Minister Martina Šimkovičová dismissed the directors of the Slovak National Theatre and Slovak National Gallery last week. Thousands gathered in Bratislava on Monday to protest the recent dismissals of the heads of a swathe of cultural institutions in Slovakia by the country’s culture…

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On Monday, August 12, 2024, thousands of people gathered in Bratislava, Slovakia to protest the recent dismissals of several cultural institution heads by Slovakia's culture minister. Organized by Otvorená Kultura, the protest titled Protest na obranu kultúry 12. 8. 2024 saw around 9,000 demonstrators rally in front of the Slovak National Theatre and the Námestie SNP. (part 1)

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Eastern Europe Explored: From Prague to Budapest

Eastern Europe, a region brimming with history, stunning architecture, and rich cultural heritage, beckons Bangladeshi travelers to embark on a journey through its enchanting cities. From the medieval charm of Prague to the vibrant heart of Budapest, this adventure promises to create unforgettable memories and reveal breathtaking sights.

The Journey Begins: From Dhaka to Prague

Begin your journey with a flight from Dhaka to Prague, the capital of the Czech Republic. With convenient layover options in Doha, Dubai, or Istanbul, reaching Prague is easier than you might think. Once in Prague, you'll be captivated by its fairy-tale ambiance and historical treasures. Explore Prague Castle, one of the largest ancient castles in the world, and stroll across the iconic Charles Bridge, adorned with statues that tell stories of the past. The Old Town Square, with its Astronomical Clock and Gothic architecture, is a must-visit. Delight in traditional Czech cuisine, such as hearty goulash and sweet trdelník, and immerse yourself in the city's rich musical heritage by attending a classical concert at the Prague National Theatre. To complete your Prague experience, consider a scenic cruise on the Vltava River or a day trip to the picturesque towns of Český Krumlov or Kutná Hora.

Vienna: The Imperial City

From Prague, a scenic train ride will transport you to Vienna, Austria’s majestic capital. Vienna is a city of imperial grandeur, where history and culture blend seamlessly. Visit Schönbrunn Palace, the opulent former summer residence of the Habsburgs, and marvel at the architectural splendor of St. Stephen’s Cathedral. Explore the Hofburg Palace, the former winter residence of the imperial family, and indulge in Viennese culinary delights such as Wiener Schnitzel and the delectable Sachertorte. Vienna is also renowned for its music; don't miss the opportunity to attend a performance at the Vienna State Opera, one of the world’s most esteemed opera houses. For a different perspective, take a leisurely cruise on the Danube River or explore the serene Vienna Woods, where hiking and wine tours await.

Bratislava: A Hidden Gem

A short train journey from Vienna will bring you to Bratislava, the charming capital of Slovakia. Bratislava is a hidden gem, offering a mix of medieval history and modern vibrancy. Explore Bratislava Castle, which provides stunning views of the city and the Danube River. Wander through the cobbled streets of the Old Town, discovering landmarks such as St. Martin’s Cathedral. Savor Slovak cuisine with traditional dishes like bryndzové halušky, and explore the local markets for unique crafts and souvenirs. Take a stroll along the riverfront or venture to Devin Castle, a historic fortress that stands as a testament to Slovakia’s rich history.

Budapest: The Pearl of the Danube

The final leg of your journey takes you to Budapest, Hungary’s vibrant capital. A scenic train ride from Bratislava will lead you to this captivating city, where history and modernity coexist harmoniously. Explore the historic Buda Castle, perched on a hill with panoramic views of the city, and admire the impressive Neo-Gothic Parliament Building. Visit St. Stephen’s Basilica, a magnificent church that stands as a symbol of Hungarian pride. Hungarian cuisine is a treat for the senses, with dishes like goulash and chimney cake to savor. Relax in the famous thermal baths of Széchenyi or Gellért, and enjoy a cruise on the Danube River to see Budapest’s beauty from the water. Don’t miss the chance to experience the city's unique ruin bars, which offer a lively and eclectic nightlife.

The Return Journey

As your journey through Eastern Europe comes to an end, reflect on the diverse experiences and unforgettable memories. The rich history, stunning architecture, and vibrant cultures of Prague, Vienna, Bratislava, and Budapest will inspire future travels and leave a lasting impression.

Conclusion

Eastern Europe, with its blend of historical charm and modern vibrancy, offers a remarkable adventure for Bangladeshi travelers. From the enchanting streets of Prague to the lively atmosphere of Budapest, this journey through the heart of Europe promises to be an unforgettable experience.

Plan Your Eastern European Adventure with Roomchai Limited Roomchai Limited offers customized travel packages tailored for Bangladeshi travelers. With seamless logistics, personalized itineraries, and exceptional service, Roomchai Limited ensures a memorable journey through Eastern Europe. Let us handle the details while you immerse yourself in the wonders of Prague, Vienna, Bratislava, and Budapest. Explore with Roomchai Limited and embark on an adventure of a lifetime.

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Adrian Szelle | Slovak National Theatre | Photo by Marian Furnica

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Filip Manca - Slovak National Theatre Ballet

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Filip Manca - Slovak National Theatre Ballet

Photo by Naz_studio

[mariacallous]

A ‘guest’ appearance by a right-wing politician at a local arts festival, who ordered attendees to remove children from what he called a ‘perverted’ play, would normally make for an amusing anecdote were it not indicative of a wider trend in Fico’s Slovakia.

On August 18, the state secretary of Slovakia’s Environment Ministry, Stefan Kuffa, stood up in front of an audience at an open-air theatre in the tiny northern village of Mala Frankova, interrupting a performance by actors from the Kosice National Theatre. Witnessed by an editor at the local newspaper Zamagurske noviny, this government representative of the ultra-nationalist Slovak National Party (SNS) then began to berate members of the audience for bringing their children to a “perverted” play, Little Gem by Irish playwright Elaine Murphy, and ordered the parents to take them home.

“It's unbelievable. It doesn't matter whether someone liked the show or not. If you like, you can stay; if not, you can go. But we can't have people coming here to a small village, flashing lights [on a limousine] paid for with state money, displaying brute strength,” the local editor, Lukas Marhefka, said in a video posted on Facebook.

This scene, which played out like a dystopian farce, actually captures well the current state of affairs in Slovakia: a mixture of authoritarian intimidation, attempts at free-style censorship, no open communication from officials in the aftermath.

Normally, summer in Slovakia is what local media refer to as the “cucumber season”: the country’s parliament has a two-month vacation, and it often seems as though the government and president follow suit. In other words, politics tends to be rather boring and quiet. This year, it was anything but.

In July and August, Robert Fico’s government – a nationalist-populist coalition of the Smer, Hlas and SNS parties – took control of the public service TV and radio broadcaster; the justice minister released from jail a former special prosecutor, Dusan Kovacik, who had been convicted of taking a bribe to help a mafia boss stay out of prison during a previous Fico government; and Culture Minister Martina Simkovicova, a pro-Russian internet TV personality, caused uproar in the arts sector after dismissing the directors of two of the nation’s most prominent cultural institutions for no apparent reason.

If the last few months and promises by officials are anything to go by, Slovakia is in for a troubling fall season, with several new legislative proposals in the works aimed at limiting citizens’ freedom of speech and expression, and restricting their rights to information and free assembly.

Two steps closer to autocracy

Only three months since the shocking assassination attempt on the prime minister, political pressure can be seen impinging on multiple levels of public life – from local municipalities firing employees for “not sharing the opinion of the town’s magistrate”, to ministers sacking the legally appointed managers of important state institutions, to former prosecutors of high level crimes and corruption being investigated and demoted, down to artists being interrogated by the police for organising a petition calling for a minister’s resignation.

Over the summer months, there have been several reports of rising censorship at STVR (formerly RTVS), the new public service broadcaster under the control of the government. In the weeks since the takeover, several high-profile reporters have left the broadcaster in an effort to avoid the rising editorial interference and censorship.

Miro Frindt, a long-time presenter at RTVS and its news channel :24, decided to resign after the nominees of the SNS party took control of the Culture Ministry.

“I had expected that they would replace the director of RTVS, as they did in the past. But they went even further, destroyed RTVS completely and built a new medium, STVR, with an even stronger state influence,” Frindt tells BIRN. “There are several mechanisms that turned a public institution into a state one. It doesn’t matter what the new law actually says, it matters how the processes are set. And they are set up for a complete political takeover of television.”

Kristina Chrenkova, a foreign news reporter at Slovak Radio, part of STVR, echoes the fears of many about the turn to censorship. “I think that people are starting to be more cautious with the topics they cover, with the things they say in public. We are not getting any explicit instructions of course, but you can see that they’re not happy if you express any concerns,” Chrenkova says.

Her work on the international desk has been made significantly more difficult by the decision of their colleagues at Czech Radio to withdraw cooperation out of concerns for journalistic freedom at STVR. Besides the foreign correspondents that contributed regular reports from geopolitical hotspots like Ukraine or Middle East, the Slovak public broadcaster also lost the opportunity to talk to foreign policy experts and analysts from Czech Radio.

Peace and ‘normalisation’ of society

The purge of personnel in the public sector is merely a symptom of deeper changes taking place in Slovakia, experts warn.

First, the government took control of all law enforcement and judicial institutions, save for the (for now) independent courts. A new law closed the Special Prosecutor’s Office, which had been responsible for prosecuting organised crime, extremism and corruption, demoting all the specialised experienced prosecutors to common regional offices. The government also took control of the Judicial Council, which effectively controls the judiciary in the country. And effective from September 1, it dissolved the National Criminal Agency (NAKA), responsible for investigating high-level criminality, which Stefan Hamran, a former police chief, criticised as an attempt to remove inconvenient officers and weaken special units, specifically those targeting high-profile figures involved in public finance corruption.

“In this case it’s not really so important that Fico’s government is intimidating people, that some people are starting to be afraid, that it’s all very vulgar and primitive, especially in the culture sector. There are much more worrying things happening in the Judicial council, NAKA, Special Prosecution, Special Court, Supreme Court, General Prosecution, SIS [intelligence agency], the police in general – they’ve subjugated all these forces completely,” Michal Vasecka, a sociologist and director of the Bratislava Policy Institute, tells BIRN.

“If Slovakia were trying to get into the EU today, it would never be accepted. It might get a similar rating as, say, Serbia,” he adds.

After the latest controversial steps of the government brought tens of thousands of people onto the streets of Bratislava on August 13, coalition leaders began calling for new regulations on public gatherings, citing the need to limit the “vulgar language” being used.

Ironically, it was actually current government members who had been encouraging the vilest language during their own anti-government protests not so long ago when they were in opposition, targeting migrants (neo-Nazi LSNS party), COVID-19 restrictions (LSNS, Smer, SNS), and the former president Zuzana Caputova or Igor Matovic’s cabinet members (Smer, SNS, Hlas).

“It’s a restriction on freedom of speech,” Vasecka says of the new proposals to regulate public gatherings. “After all, we can argue that our long-term experience with political manifestations, protests, participation organised by civil society have always been very peaceful, for over 35 years, contrary to many other countries.”

In a series of legislative changes dubbed Lex attentat (“Law assassination”) at the end of June, the government already limited the right to assemble by forbidding public protests from being held closer than 50 metres to residences of government officials, the president or other state institutions. Lex atentat II, which is already in the works, should extend those measures even further.

“We don’t want to limit freedom of speech, but we want to limit the spread of hate,” explained Tibor Gaspar, an MP of the ruling Smer party, using as an example the chant for “Robert Fico to jail” heard at previous anti-government protests.

Experts, as well as opposition politicians, keep referring back to the term “normalisation”, the period following the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968 during which the authorities clamped down on the opposition, civil society and critics by means of persecution, censorship and intimidation.

“In everyday life, this ‘normalisation’ demonstrated itself in the moderation of the social dynamic: instilling fear in people, making them stop caring about public affairs. In this sense, ‘normalisation’ is really powerful – it is an attempt to discourage people so much that they retreat to their homes, holiday cottages, and stop caring,” explains Vasecka, saying he is sure this is already happening in Slovakia today.

No information, no problems

The Slovak government is now turning its attention towards ways to limit public access to information.

SNS, which is in charge of the Culture Ministry, announced it wants people to pay if they request an “excessive amount” of information from public institutions. “The legislative change is in reaction to the long-term problems created in cases where public officials are overwhelmed by frequent or excessive requests for access to information,” SNS legislators wrote in their proposal, which should be discussed in September.

In the meantime, a group of Slovak NGOs has been fighting another attempt to limit public access to information, this time coming from the Hlas-led Interior Ministry.

“Using a critical infrastructure law, they wanted to change the law about classified information, introducing a new term, ‘limited information’. This could be any information regarding a public institution that could endanger the trustworthiness of the institution ‘in particular’,” says Lubomir Danko, a former police investigator who now works for the Stop Corruption Foundation.

Since this proposal was submitted via a traditional legal process, activists and the public were able to submit comments. Significant public pressure, including a collective comment signed by 15,000 people, seems to have had an effect and forced the Interior Ministry to amend its proposal. Even so, the NGOs are still trying to get the ministry to change the term “internal affairs” of the state from the definition, which could give the government wide latitude to hide a range of information from the public.

Fico’s government members, especially from the SNS party, are becoming increasingly creative in finding ways to limit free expression in multiple areas.

In late August, SNS legislators said they would propose a law to order all state-owned buildings to fly a Slovak and EU flag, banning all others. The opposition sees this as a clear attempt to ban the rainbow flag of the LBGTQ+ community from state institutions. Moreover, the same legislators want to ban any information relating to “non-traditional sexual orientations or gender identities” from schools, essentially banning educators from providing any information about LGBTQ+ issues or modern sex education.

“They don’t do it because of a deep ideology or refined geopolitical strategy about redirecting Slovakia,” argues Vasecka about the motivations for Fico’s government, which often mimics ideas coming out of Russia and Hungary rather than the West. “[Fico] has started ruling the country not just in an authoritarian way, but in a truly autocratic way. Just like [Viktor] Orban in Hungary, Fico too has become a ruler with unlimited power,” he says.

“What is surprising, however, is the speed with which Fico is taking control. What Robert Fico has reached in merely ten months since the [last general] elections, Orban reached after maybe three terms in office,” he adds.

Speaking at the Globsec Forum 2024 in Prague on August 30, Michal Simecka, leader of the opposition party Progresivne Slovensko (Progressive Slovakia), said the government and Fico in particular wants to make political debate in the country all about culture wars, LGBT issues and gender. “Fico wants to create permanent cultural conflict and polaristaion because that’s the way he stays in the majority. But it’s a trap – we need to tell voters that this does nothing to make peoples’ lives better,” Simecka said.

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Hviezdoslavovo Námestie - Bratislava, Slovakia

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Dutch State Visit to Slovak Republic - Day 2

To thank President Čaputová for her hospitality, the royal couple hosts a concert at the Slovak National Theatre. March 8, 2023.