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Julie Bindel on surrogacy. September 8th, 2023
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Revisiting Reprotech: Firestone and the Question of Technology
Sarah Franklin
If any single argument is associated with The Dialectic of Sex, it is Firestone’s claim that women will only be freed from the tyranny of biology through new reproductive technologies. This is not an inaccurate attribution—artificial reproduction was central to Firestone’s manifesto and the first demand of her “alternative system” is “the freeing of women from the tyranny of their reproductive biology by every means available” including the “more distant solutions based on the potentials of modern embryology.” She argued that artificial reproduction is necessary to seize control of human fertility and overthrow the tyranny of the nuclear family.
[T]he elimination of sexual classes requires the revolt of the underclass (women) and the seizure of control of reproduction: not only the full restoration to women of ownership in their own bodies, but also their (temporary) seizure of control of human fertility—the new population biology as well as all the institutions of childbearing and childrearing . . . The reproduction of the species by one sex for the benefit of both would be replaced by (at least the option of) artificial reproduction: children would be born to both sexes equally, or independently of either . . . The tyranny of the biological family would be broken.
At the same time it is striking how this single aspect of her 245-page “case for feminist revolution” has become almost synonymous with both Firestone and her influence on feminism, and it is noticeable how often formulaic summaries of Firestone’s argument are offered as a reproach to other feminists. As Juliet Mitchell writes in one of the more recent critiques of Firestone, published in 2004,
[M]any texts of second wave feminism of which Shulamith Firestone’s (1971) The Dialectics [sic.] of Sex was, perhaps, only the most far-reaching, proclaimed that women would only be free from oppression when freed from childbirth. Firestone’s argument . . . was made entirely within the terms of the ideology [she was critiquing]: women were mothers, women were oppressed, not to be oppressed meant not to be mothers or, at most, only part-time mothers. It was this thinking [that] led to [the feminist] demand for women to be child-free or birth-free as in Firestone’s account.
The prominence of her radical take on reproduction in many accounts of Firestone’s work reflects, in part, the extensive debate and division among feminists concerning new techniques of assisted conception that have developed over the past fifty years, and the rapid expansion of in-vitro fertilization (IVF) technology. In the 1980s and 1990s an enormous feminist literature was generated in response to the development of IVF—much of it critical of various aspects of what is now known as reproductive biomedicine, but little of it influential in public debate or policy formation.
Retrospectively, Firestone is often read as symptomatic of feminist failure, on this and other fronts, as if her attention to reproductive technology was historically prescient, but analytically misguided. Firestone was famously controversial in her insistence that “Pregnancy is barbaric”—even though she prefaced this view (which she shared with Simone de Beauvoir and other prominent feminist activists including Germaine Greer) by stating that childbirth should remain a choice (and that it was the option to use the technology, not the technology “itself” that would enable women to participate more equitably in childrearing). Despite her careful qualifications about both maternity and technology, however, the famous Firestone fallacy appears primarily to circulate as a cautionary tale against all manners of theoretical errors—from technological determinism and biological essentialism to 1970s feminist political naiveté.
In the mid-1980s Maria Mies characterized the dangers of the “technocratic illusion many feminists pursue in the wake of Shulamith Firestone” in a typically hyperbolic account of Firestone’s argument:
They think the new reproductive technology and genetics could, if they were in the control of women be used for finally abolishing men (by cloning them off). These women not only fail to realize that economic/political and military power is not in the hands of Lesbians . . . . Ultimately, all these arguments are based on a biologistic interpretation of a historical and social relationship. They are without doubt going in the direction of racist and fascist thinking.
Like too many other indignant and unscholarly interlocutors, Mies overlooks the care, intelligence, and skepticism with which Firestone repeatedly qualified her arguments about technology, reproduction, and maternity. The famous feminist fallacy version of Firestone also requires that we forget her repeated proviso that without a revolutionary transformation of society’s views of gender, kinship, and marriage new reproductive technologies would be more likely to further subordinate women than to liberate them (“to envision it in the hands of the present powers is to envision a nightmare,” she cautioned). As Debora Halbert points out in a more careful reading of The Dialectic of Sex on the question of technology,
Firestone clearly articulated that the problem is not reproductive technology but the underlying sex-roles that it may or may not reproduce . . . Technology alone will not liberate women and men, instead there must be a transformation in the way sex-roles are understood, a transformation that can only take place if technology is used to give women choices other than childrearing.
In the wake of the thirtieth birthday of the first IVF baby, Louise Brown, and the subsequent births of more than 5 million IVF children worldwide, Firestone’s invocation of a technological solution to the “barbaric” fact of childbirth and the widespread circulation of this claim as a means of discrediting both her arguments and those of radical feminism more broadly deserve to be carefully reconsidered. It is not enough simply to point out that Firestone insisted that technology alone can never “liberate” social relations. Such a response leaves unanswered the question of why she has been so often portrayed as saying that it can.
Ironically, the common misreading of Firestone on this point only confirms one of her manifesto’s central claims—that the “dialectic of sex” cannot even be fully comprehended in a society in which questioning its a priori status is so counter-intuitive as to appear “insane.”
It thus remains important to ask what the positioning of Firestone as a naïve technological determinist and the frequent chastisement of (an oversimplified version of) her claim that new reproductive technologies could bring about women’s liberation reveals about the evolution of feminist debate over reproduction and technology? What does that debate look like forty years In this chapter I suggest that the future imagined by Firestone still offers a more viable and credible vision of socially responsible technological development than many of today’s pro and anti technology prescriptions, and that its sophistication and prescience, along with other parts of her manifesto, can only be properly appreciated whei the negative conditions of social and political understanding she anticipated and described are less powerful than they are today.
Far from signifying the naïve “[19]70s feminist” utopianism with which they are commonly equated, Firestone’s arguments about technology have stood the test of time, and have usefully been developed further in the work of Donna Haraway, Evelyn Fox Keller, Ruth Hubbard, Anne Fausto-Sterling, and many other prominent scholars within feminist science studies. In the following reading of Firestone on the question of technology I suggest we do read her as flawed and as “failed,” but that this is both a necessary condition of the well-known contradictions that inevitably beset the feminist movement more broadly, and that they are what Firestone told us to expect (and why). Taking a cue from Haraway’s successor manifesto (for cyborgs, 1985), I propose an ironic and indicative reading of Firestone, pointing out that she is one of the few feminists to take the emerging science of reproductive biology, and its clinical implications for humans, seriously across a range of issues including birth control as well as fertility technologies (which is what she meant by the “new population biology”). I conclude, somewhat speculatively, with some post-Firestone predictions of my own.
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Guia 🗺️
Compreendendo Shulamith Firestone e as interpretações incorretas de suas ideias por Sarah Franklin
Revisitando Reprotech: Firestone e a Questão da Tecnologia
As Dialéticas da Tecnologia
Biofuturismo
Controle reprodutivo
Reprodução Cibernética
Direitos Reprodutivos, Novas Tecnologias Reprodutivas
Conclusão: Re-evolução
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Visiting the archive of early feminist transphobia, anti-porn activism, and opposition to reprotech (specifically around gestational surrogacy), I proposed that these were peripheral, reactive formations within feminist history that shared two key traits. Firstly, conservative morality: their truncated critique of commodification leads them to exceptionalise corporeal, often racialised ‘dirty’ work (hustling, turning tricks, remaking sex/gender, or gestating a baby for someone else) as profane. Secondly, and relatedly: technophobia. The presence of technological ‘assistance’ or artifice – in a pregnancy, a prostitute’s self-presentation and/or trans women’s flesh – is inorganic; ‘cyborg’, if you will. Since the ‘80s, these feminists have sided resolutely against Donna Haraway’s contaminated, mutant, border-defying techno-animal. They stand instead with deep ecology’s mythic ‘goddesses’ in gynocentric celebration of autochthonous naturalness, ‘female creativity’, and ‘holistic’ sexuality. Under the guise of fighting capitalism and patriarchy, I concluded, these interrelated intellectual projects encrypt profoundly bourgeois, xenophobic and anti-‘femme’ ideas.
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Global Sperm Bank Market Size, Share & Growth is Projected to Reach USD 5,970.0 Million by 2027 | BlueWeave
An increasing number of infertility issues among men and women resulting from unhealthy lifestyles is driving the growth of the global sperm bank market. Furthermore, the growing awareness of assisted reproductive technology (ART) is anticipated to boost market growth.
A study recently conducted by the strategic consulting and market research firm BlueWeave Consulting revealed that global sperm bank market was worth USD 4,654.0 million in 2020 and is projected to reach USD 5,970.0 million by 2027 at a CAGR of 4.0% during the forecast period (2021-2027). The global sperm bank market is being driven by factors such as the rising number of miscarriages worldwide, technological advancements in sperm storage, and rising awareness of infertility issues, as well as advances in cryopreservation.
Growing fertility tourism favoring the global sperm bank market
The demand for semen analysis services has increased significantly due to the growing fertility tourism trend in countries like Spain, Denmark, Czech Republic, and India. According to the data released by the National Association for Fertility Problems, Spain accounted for more than 40% of total European fertility tourism. Spain's 307 public and private clinics performed 138,553 IVF cycles and 36,463 artificial inseminations in 2016. India is also fast emerging as one of the hottest fertility tourism spots around the world. India has 500 legal fertility clinics, of which 350 offer surrogacy services. Approximately 5% of Indian couples opt for fertility services in India, while 70% of surrogacy cases are from foreign clients and 25% are from non-resident Indians and persons of Indian origin. As countries lift travel restrictions after the COVID-19, fertility tourism is expected to recover steadily and drive the growth of the global sperm bank market during the forecast period.
Increasing prevalence of miscarriages driving the growth of the global sperm bank market
Having a miscarriage is unfortunate for anyone involved, and the number of women experiencing miscarriages is high. According to Cleveland Clinic, almost 10-20% of pregnant women undergo miscarriage. Miscarriages can occur due to several reasons, such as infection, hormonal irregularities, uterine abnormalities, radiation, severe kidney issues, and thyroid disease.
Tommy's, a registered charity in England, Wales, and Scotland, reports that 1 in every four women experiences a miscarriage, and one in every hundred women experiences recurrent miscarriages (three or more in a row). Despite this, more than six in ten women who experience a recurrent miscarriage achieve a successful pregnancy. The encouraging stat shows that techniques like IVF, IUI, and others have significantly helped people conceive. As more and more people become aware of the miracles of IVF, IUI, and other similar techniques, the demand for sperm and sperm bank is likely to propel the growth of the global sperm bank market.
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High cost of the procedures Impeding the growth of the global sperm bank market
The high costs associated with procedures such as in vitro fertilization (IVF), intrauterine insemination (IUI), and other similar procedures are a major hindrance to the growth of the global sperm bank market. According to the American Society of Reproductive Medicine, the average cost of an IVF cycle in the US is USD 12,40. This figure varies greatly based on the patient's location, amount of medication administered, and the number of cycles performed. According to the WHO, 1 in 4 couples in developing countries has infertility issues. The high cost of these techniques and other similar techniques means that most people in developing nations cannot afford such procedures, which hinders the market’s growth.
In-Vitro Fertilization accounted for the largest share in the global sperm bank market in 2020
Global sperm bank market can be grouped into intracervical insemination, intrauterine insemination, in-vitro fertilization, and others, based on insemination techniques. Among these segments, in-vitro fertilization (IVF) dominated the global sperm bank market with largest market share in 2020. In-Vitro fertilization is the most common procedure, with an average pregnancy success rate of 27.3% of all cycles. With the advancement of technology and techniques, success rates are increasing among all age groups. In-vitro fertilization has received a large market share in the global sperm bank market due to this factor.
Global Sperm Bank Market: Regional insights
Global sperm bank market is divided into the Asia-Pacific (APAC), North America, Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East & Africa regions based on regions. North America dominated the global sperm bank market in 2020 and accounted for the largest market share. North America's large share of the global sperm bank market is primarily due to many people in the region suffering from fertility issues. According to the Centers for Disease Control, 12% of women in the US have difficulty getting pregnant or carrying a child to term, and 10% of couples cannot conceive after two years of unprotected sex. According to the Centers for Disease Control, 6.1 million women between the age of 15-44 face difficulties getting pregnant or staying pregnant, and 36.5% of adults in the US are suffering from obesity. North America has taken a significant share of the global sperm bank market because of the large number of its people suffering from fertility issues, increasing prevalence of obesity, strong healthcare infrastructure, the presence of major market players, and high awareness of the infertility issue.
COVID-19 Impact on Global Sperm Bank Market
One of the few markets that saw increased demand during the lockdown phase was the global sperm bank market. The supply, however, was insufficient due to lockdown restrictions and disruptions in the value chain. According to The Fertility Partnership, one of the largest fertility specialists in the UK, the number of UK donors has declined by 66% since the pandemic. Since March 2020, patients waiting to get sperm donations have been unable to find donors due to a shortage of suitable donors and sperm. COVID-19 caused a significant decrease in the number of assisted reproductive technologies (ARTs) worldwide in 2020. UK and Sweden are on the verge of sperm shortages, and the scenario is expected to continue in 2021.
The Leading Players Operating in the Global Sperm Bank Market are California Cryobank, Cryos International, Fairfax Cryobank Inc., European Sperm Bank, Androcryos, CSG-BIO, Cryobio, NW Cryobank., Indian Spermtech, New England Cryogenic Centre, Seattle Sperm Bank, London Sperm Bank, Baby Quest Cryobank Pvt. Ltd., ReproTech Limited, Semovo, Generate Life Sciences and others. Companies operating in the global sperm bank market constantly strive to increase their market share by increasing awareness, launching new facilities, enhancing existing technologies, or launching new methods and techniques. As a result of low awareness and a small percentage of suitable individuals, Zhejiang Sperm Bank appealed to the public to donate sperm, facing a severe sperm shortage.
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Data Bridge Market Research has provides the Qualitative and informative knowledge by adding titled “Reprographic Paper Market by By Weight (<30 GSM, 30-90 GSM, 91-120 GSM, 121-180 GSM, 180 GSM), Finish Type (Glazed, Finished), Product Type (Taped, Untaped), Application (Catalogues, Magazines, Architectural Designs, Others) Analysis and Forecast, 2020 – 2027”. Reprographic paper market will expected to reach a market value of USD 89.75 million while growing at a rate of 2.80% for the forecast period of 2020 to 2027. Reprographic paper market report analyses the growth, which is beneficial for Xerox and other office printings.
Few of the leading organizations’ names are listed here- Domtar Corporation, NIPPON PAPER INDUSTRIES CO., LTD., Sappi Papier Holding GmbH, Reprotech Co. Ltd., ASIAN REPROGRAPHICS PVT. LTD., Devraj Reprographic Industries, Aaditiya Aswin Paper Mills Pvt Ltd, among other domestic and global players.
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Succinct Description of the Market:
Reprographic paper is a type of paper used for photocopying and computer printing equipment, while used for daily purpose as well as for presentations and engineering drawings. These types of papers are available in untapped and taped sheets or rolls of different sizes as per the requirement of the customer and are suitable for digital printers.
Increasing demand of copying material, adoption of different methods of copying, surging growth of retail sector, rising number of educational and non-educational institutions, advancement of graphics industry leads to more demand of catalogues and booklets are some of the factors that will accelerate the growth of the reprographic paper market in the forecast period of 2020-2027. On the other hand, increasing demand of blueprints in construction industry and surging research activities will further create new and ample opportunities for the growth of reprographic paper market in the above mentioned forecast period.
East availability of product substitutes, introduction of digital forms and e-commerce are acting as a market restraint for the growth of reprographic paper market in the above mentioned forecast period.
Reprographic Paper Market Country Level Analysis
Reprographic paper market is analysed and market size, volume information is provided by country weight, product type, finish type and application as referenced above.
The countries covered in the reprographic paper market report are U.S., Canada and Mexico in North America, Germany, France, U.K., Netherlands, Switzerland, Belgium, Russia, Italy, Spain, Turkey, Rest of Europe in Europe, China, Japan, India, South Korea, Singapore, Malaysia, Australia, Thailand, Indonesia, Philippines, Rest of Asia-Pacific (APAC) in the Asia-Pacific (APAC), Saudi Arabia, U.A.E, Israel, Egypt, South Africa, Rest of Middle East and Africa (MEA) as a part of Middle East and Africa (MEA), Brazil, Argentina and Rest of South America as part of South America.
North America dominates the reprographic paper market due to the increasing adoption of advanced technologies. Asia-Pacific region is expected to hold the largest growth rate due to the growing number of educational and non-educational institutions and surging business activities.
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Guide🗺️
Understanding Shulamith Firestone and the incorrect interpretations of her ideas by Sarah Franklin
Revisiting Reprotech: Firestone and the Question of Technology
The Dialectics of Tech
Biofuturism
Reproductive Control
Cybernetic Reproduction
Reproductive Rights, New Reproductive Technologies
Conclusion: Reevolution
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Revisitando Reprotech: Firestone e a Questão da Tecnologia
Sarah Franklin
Se algum único argumento está associado à Dialética do Sexo, é a afirmação de Firestone de que as mulheres só serão libertadas da tirania da biologia através de novas tecnologias reprodutivas. Isso não é uma atribuição incorreta - a reprodução artificial foi central no manifesto de Firestone e a primeira demanda de seu "sistema alternativo" é "a libertação das mulheres da tirania de sua biologia reprodutiva por todos os meios disponíveis", incluindo as "soluções mais distantes baseadas nos potenciais da embriologia moderna". Ela argumentou que a reprodução artificial é necessária para assumir o controle da fertilidade humana e derrubar a tirania da família nuclear.
A eliminação das classes sexuais requer a revolta da classe subordinada (mulheres) e a tomada de controle da reprodução: não apenas a total restauração às mulheres da propriedade sobre seus próprios corpos, mas também sua tomada temporária do controle da fertilidade humana - a nova biologia populacional, bem como todas as instituições de reprodução e criação de filhos... A reprodução da espécie por um sexo para benefício de ambos seria substituída pela, opção pelo menos, da reprodução artificial: crianças nasceriam igualmente para ambos os sexos, ou independentemente de qualquer um... A tirania da família biológica seria quebrada.
Ao mesmo tempo, é impressionante como esse único aspecto de seu "caso para a revolução feminista" de 245 páginas se tornou quase sinônimo tanto de Firestone como de sua influência no feminismo, e é notável com que frequência resumos formulaicos do argumento de Firestone são oferecidos como uma crítica a outras feministas. Como Juliet Mitchell escreve em uma das críticas mais recentes a Firestone, publicada em 2004,
muitos textos do feminismo da segunda onda dos quais a Dialética de Sexo de Shulamith Firestone (1971) foi, talvez, apenas o mais abrangente, proclamaram que as mulheres só seriam livres da opressão quando libertadas do parto. O argumento de Firestone foi feito inteiramente dentro dos termos da ideologia que ela estava criticando: as mulheres eram mães, as mulheres eram oprimidas, não ser oprimida significava não ser mãe ou, no máximo, ser mãe em tempo parcial. Foi esse pensamento que levou à demanda feminista para que as mulheres fossem livres de crianças ou livres de parto, como no relato de Firestone.
A proeminência de sua visão radical sobre reprodução em muitos relatos do trabalho de Firestone reflete, em parte, o extenso debate e divisão entre as feministas sobre novas técnicas de concepção assistida que se desenvolveram ao longo dos últimos cinquenta anos, e a rápida expansão da tecnologia de fertilização in vitro (FIV). Nos anos 1980 e 1990, uma enorme literatura feminista foi gerada em resposta ao desenvolvimento da FIV - grande parte dela crítica de vários aspectos do que agora é conhecido como biomedicina reprodutiva, mas pouco influente no debate público ou na formação de políticas.
Retrospectivamente, Firestone muitas vezes é lida como sintomática do fracasso feminista, nesse e em outros aspectos, como se sua atenção à tecnologia reprodutiva fosse historicamente perspicaz, mas analiticamente equivocada. Firestone era famosamente controversa em sua insistência de que "A gravidez é bárbara", mesmo que ela tenha qualificado essa visão (que ela compartilhava com Simone de Beauvoir e outras proeminentes ativistas feministas, incluindo Germaine Greer) afirmando que o parto deveria permanecer uma escolha (e que era a opção de usar a tecnologia, não a tecnologia "em si", que permitiria às mulheres participar de forma mais equitativa na criação dos filhos). Apesar de suas qualificações cuidadosas sobre maternidade e tecnologia, no entanto, o famoso equívoco de Firestone parece circular principalmente como uma lição de precaução contra todas as formas de erros teóricos - desde o determinismo tecnológico e o essencialismo biológico até à ingenuidade política do feminismo dos anos 1970.
Nos meados dos anos 1980, Maria Mies caracterizou os perigos da "ilusão tecnocrática que muitas feministas perseguem na esteira de Shulamith Firestone" em um relato tipicamente hiperbólico do argumento de Firestone:
Elas pensam que a nova tecnologia reprodutiva e a genética poderiam, se estivessem sob controle das mulheres, ser usadas para finalmente abolir os homens (clonando-os). Essas mulheres não percebem que o poder econômico/político e militar não está nas mãos de Lésbicas... Em última instância, todos esses argumentos são baseados em uma interpretação biologicista de uma relação histórica e social. Elas estão, sem dúvida, indo na direção do pensamento racista e fascista.
Como muitos outros interlocutores indignados e não acadêmicos, Mies negligencia o cuidado, inteligência e ceticismo com os quais Firestone repetidamente qualificou seus argumentos sobre tecnologia, reprodução e maternidade. A versão famosa do equívoco feminista de Firestone também exige que esqueçamos sua repetida ressalva de que, sem uma transformação revolucionária nas visões da sociedade sobre gênero, parentesco e casamento, novas tecnologias reprodutivas seriam mais propensas a subordinar ainda mais as mulheres do que a libertá-las ("enxergá-la nas mãos dos poderes atuais é enxergar um pesadelo", ela alertou). Como aponta Debora Halbert em uma leitura mais cuidadosa da Dialética do Sexo sobre a questão da tecnologia,
Firestone claramente articulou que o problema não é a tecnologia reprodutiva, mas os papéis de gênero subjacentes que ela pode ou não reproduzir... A tecnologia por si só não liberará mulheres e homens, em vez disso, deve haver uma transformação na forma como os papéis de gênero são compreendidos, uma transformação que só pode ocorrer se a tecnologia for usada para dar às mulheres escolhas além da criação dos filhos.
Após o trigésimo aniversário do nascimento do primeiro bebê concebido por FIV, Louise Brown, e os subsequentes nascimentos de mais de 5 milhões de crianças concebidas por FIV em todo o mundo, a evocação de Firestone de uma solução tecnológica para o "bárbaro" fato do parto e a circulação generalizada dessa afirmação como meio de desacreditar tanto seus argumentos quanto os do feminismo radical de forma mais ampla merecem ser cuidadosamente reconsiderados. Não basta apenas apontar que Firestone insistiu que a tecnologia sozinha nunca pode "libertar" as relações sociais. Essa resposta deixa sem resposta a questão de por que ela foi tantas vezes retratada como dizendo que pode.
Ironicamente, a interpretação equivocada comum sobre Firestone neste ponto apenas confirma uma das reivindicações centrais de seu manifesto - que a "dialética do sexo" não pode sequer ser totalmente compreendida em uma sociedade na qual questionar seu status a priori é tão contra-intuitivo a ponto de parecer "insano".
Assim, continua sendo importante perguntar o que a posição de Firestone como uma determinista tecnológica ingênua e o frequente castigo de (uma versão simplista) de sua afirmação de que as novas tecnologias reprodutivas poderiam trazer a libertação das mulheres revelam sobre a evolução do debate feminista sobre reprodução e tecnologia? Como é esse debate quarenta anos depois? Como as compreensões feministas sobre reprodução, libertação e tecnologia mudaram e como podemos refletir sobre essas mudanças? Neste capítulo eu sugiro que o futuro imaginado por Firestone ainda oferece uma visão mais viável e credível de desenvolvimento tecnológico socialmente responsável do que muitas das prescrições pró e anti-tecnologia de hoje, e que sua sofisticação e previsão, juntamente com outras partes de seu manifesto, só podem ser devidamente apreciadas quando as condições negativas de compreensão social e política que ela previu e descreveu forem menos poderosas do que são hoje.
Longe de significar o utopismo feminista ingênuo dos anos 70 com o qual são frequentemente equiparadas, os argumentos de Firestone sobre tecnologia resistiram ao teste do tempo e foram úteis desenvolvidos ainda mais no trabalho de Donna Haraway, Evelyn Fox Keller, Ruth Hubbard, Anne Fausto-Sterling e muitos outros estudiosos proeminentes dentro dos estudos feministas da ciência. Na leitura seguinte de Firestone sobre a questão da tecnologia, sugiro que a leiamos como falha e “fracassada”, mas que isso seja tanto uma condição necessária das conhecidas contradições que inevitavelmente afligem mais amplamente o movimento feminista, e que são o que Firestone nos disse para esperar (e por quê). Seguindo o manifesto sucessor de Haraway (para ciborgues, 1985), eu proponho uma leitura irônica e indicativa de Firestone, apontando que ela é uma das poucas feministas a levar a sério a emergente ciência da biologia reprodutiva e suas implicações clínicas para os humanos, incluindo uma variedade de questões que envolvem controle de natalidade e tecnologias de fertilidade (que é o que ela queria dizer com a “nova biologia da população”). Concluo, de maneira um pouco especulativa, com algumas previsões pós-Firestone.
#Shulamith Firestone#Cyberfeminismo#Tecnologias reprodutivas#Sarah Franklin#feminismo radical#Teoria feminista
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In-vitro Fertilization Devices
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Table of Content
Global In-vitro Fertilization Devices Market Research Report 2021 1 In-vitro Fertilization Devices Overview 1.1 Product Overview and Scope of In-vitro Fertilization Devices 1.2 In-vitro Fertilization Devices Segment by Types 1.2.1 Global Sales Market Share of In-vitro Fertilization Devices by Type in 2015 1.2.2 Type I 1.2.3 Type II 1.2.4 Type III 1.3 In-vitro Fertilization Devices Segment by Applications 1.3.1 Application 1 1.3.2 Application 2 1.3.3 Application 3 1.4 In-vitro Fertilization Devices Market by Regions 1.4.1 North America Status and Prospect (2011-2021) 1.4.2 China Status and Prospect (2011-2021) 1.4.3 Europe Status and Prospect (2011-2021) 1.4.4 Japan Status and Prospect (2011-2021) 1.4.5 India Status and Prospect (2011-2021) 1.4.6 Southeast Asia Status and Prospect (2011-2021) 1.5 Global Market Size (Value and Volume) of In-vitro Fertilization Devices (2011-2021) 1.5.1 Global In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales and Revenue (2011-2021) 1.5.2 Global In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales and Growth Rate (2011-2021) 1.5.3 Global In-vitro Fertilization Devices Revenue and Growth Rate (2011-2021)
2 Global In-vitro Fertilization Devices Market Competition by Manufacturers 2.1 Global In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales and Share by Manufacturers (2015 and 2016) 2.2 Global In-vitro Fertilization Devices Revenue and Share by Manufacturers (2015 and 2016) 2.3 Manufacturers In-vitro Fertilization Devices Manufacturing Base Distribution and Product Type 2.4 Competitive Situation and Trends 2.4.1 Expansions 2.4.2 New Product Launches 2.4.3 Acquisitions 2.4.4 Other Developments
3 Global In-vitro Fertilization Devices Analysis by Region 3.1 Global In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales, Revenue and Market Share by Region (2011-2021) 3.1.1 Global In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales Market Share by Region (2011-2021) 3.1.2 Global In-vitro Fertilization Devices Revenue Market Share by Region (2011-2021) 3.2 North America 3.2.1 North America In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales, Revenue and Price (2011-2021) 3.2.2 North America In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales, Revenue and Growth Rate (2011-2021) 3.3 Europe 3.3.1 Europe In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales, Revenue and Price (2011-2021) 3.3.2 Europe In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales, Revenue and Growth Rate (2011-2021) 3.4 China 3.4.1 China In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales, Revenue and Price (2011-2021) 3.4.2 China In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales, Revenue and Growth Rate (2011-2021) 3.5 Japan 3.5.1 Japan In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales, Revenue and Price (2011-2021) 3.5.2 Japan In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales, Revenue and Growth Rate (2011-2021) 3.6 India 3.6.1 India In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales, Revenue and Price (2011-2021) 3.6.2 India In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales, Revenue and Growth Rate (2011-2021) 3.7 Southeast Asia 3.7.1 Southeast Asia In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales, Revenue and Price (2011-2021) 3.7.2 Southeast Asia In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales, Revenue and Growth Rate (2011-2021)
4 Global In-vitro Fertilization Devices Analysis by Type 4.1 Global In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales, Revenue, Market Share and Growth Rate by Type (2011-2021) 4.1.1 Global In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales and Market Share by Type (2011-2021) 4.1.2 Global In-vitro Fertilization Devices Revenue, Market Share and Growth Rate by Type (2011-2021) 4.2 Type I Sales, Revenue, Price and Growth (2011-2020) 4.3 Type II Sales, Revenue, Price and Growth (2011-2020) 4.4 Type III Sales, Revenue, Price and Growth (2011-2020)
5 Global In-vitro Fertilization Devices Market Analysis by Application 5.1 Global In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales and Market Share by Application (2011-2021) 5.2 Major Regions In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales by Application in 2015 and 2016 5.2.1 North America In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales by Application 5.2.2 Europe In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales by Application 5.2.3 China In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales by Application 5.2.4 Japan In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales by Application 5.2.5 India In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales by Application 5.2.6 Southeast Asia In-vitro Fertilization Devices Sales by Application
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References
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D.R. Beeson, P.K. Jennings, W. Kramer; Offspring Searching for Their Sperm Donors: How Family Type Shapes the Process. Hum Reprod 2011; 26 (9): 2415-2424.
Dyer, C. (2003). Egg or sperm donation children will be entitled to more information. BMJ : British Medical Journal, 326(7383), 240.
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This Reprographic Paper Market research report helps the management of a firm in planning by providing accurate and up- to-date information about the demands, customer’s changing tastes, attitudes, preferences, buying intentions etc. It lends a hand to establish correlative relationship between the product brand and consumers’ needs and preferences. Also, the defects in the existing product can be discovered and the required corrective steps to improve the product can be taken.
The well-established Key players in the market are: Domtar Corporation, NIPPON PAPER INDUSTRIES CO., LTD., Sappi Papier Holding GmbH, Reprotech Co. Ltd., ASIAN REPROGRAPHICS PVT. LTD., Devraj Reprographic Industries, Aaditiya Aswin Paper Mills Pvt Ltd, among other domestic and global players.
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What ideas and concepts are covered in the report?
– The assessments accounted by all the zones and the market share registered by each region is mentioned in the report.
– The study sums up the product consumption growth rate in the applicable regions along with their consumption market share.
– Data regarding the Reprographic Paper Industry market consumption rate of all the provinces, based on applicable regions and the product types is inculcated in the report.
Region-based analysis of the Reprographic Paper Industry market:
– The Reprographic Paper Industry market, with regards to provincial scope is segmented into USA, Europe, Japan, China, India, and South East Asia. The report also includes information regarding the products use throughout the topographies.
Reprographic Paper Market Trends | Industry Segment by Weight (<30 GSM, 30-90 GSM, 91-120 GSM, 121-180 GSM, 180 GSM), Finish Type (Glazed, Finished), Product Type (Taped, Untaped), Application (Catalogues, Magazines, Architectural Designs, Others), Country (U.S., Canada, Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, Rest of South America, Germany, France, Italy, U.K., Belgium, Spain, Russia, Turkey, Netherlands, Switzerland, Rest of Europe, Japan, China, India, South Korea, Australia, Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, Philippines, Rest of Asia-Pacific, U.A.E, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, South Africa, Israel, Rest of Middle East and Africa), Industry Trends and Forecast to 2027
Market Analysis and Insights: Global Reprographic Paper Market
Reprographic paper market will expected to reach a market value of USD 89.75 million while growing at a rate of 2.80% for the forecast period of 2020 to 2027. Reprographic paper market report analyses the growth, which is beneficial for Xerox and other office printings.
Reprographic paper is a type of paper used for photocopying and computer printing equipment, while used for daily purpose as well as for presentations and engineering drawings. These types of papers are available in untapped and taped sheets or rolls of different sizes as per the requirement of the customer and are suitable for digital printers.
Increasing demand of copying material, adoption of different methods of copying, surging growth of retail sector, rising number of educational and non-educational institutions, advancement of graphics industry leads to more demand of catalogues and booklets are some of the factors that will accelerate the growth of the reprographic paper market in the forecast period of 2020-2027. On the other hand, increasing demand of blueprints in construction industry and surging research activities will further create new and ample opportunities for the growth of reprographic paper market in the above mentioned forecast period.
East availability of product substitutes, introduction of digital forms and e-commerce are acting as a market restraint for the growth of reprographic paper market in the above mentioned forecast period.
Reprographic Paper Market Country Level Analysis
The countries covered in the reprographic paper market report are U.S., Canada and Mexico in North America, Germany, France, U.K., Netherlands, Switzerland, Belgium, Russia, Italy, Spain, Turkey, Rest of Europe in Europe, China, Japan, India, South Korea, Singapore, Malaysia, Australia, Thailand, Indonesia, Philippines, Rest of Asia-Pacific (APAC) in the Asia-Pacific (APAC), Saudi Arabia, U.A.E, Israel, Egypt, South Africa, Rest of Middle East and Africa (MEA) as a part of Middle East and Africa (MEA), Brazil, Argentina and Rest of South America as part of South America.
North America dominates the reprographic paper market due to the increasing adoption of advanced technologies. Asia-Pacific region is expected to hold the largest growth rate due to the growing number of educational and non-educational institutions and surging business activities.
Some of the Major Highlights of TOC covers:
Reprographic Paper Industry Regional Market Analysis
– Reprographic Paper Industry Production by Regions
– Global Reprographic Paper Industry Production by Regions
– Global Reprographic Paper Industry Revenue by Regions
– Reprographic Paper Industry Consumption by Regions
Reprographic Paper Industry Segment Market Analysis (by Type)
– Global Reprographic Paper Industry Production by Type
– Global Reprographic Paper Industry Revenue by Type
– Reprographic Paper Industry Price by Type
Reprographic Paper Industry Segment Market Analysis (by Application)
– Global Reprographic Paper Industry Consumption by Application
– Global Reprographic Paper Industry Consumption Market Share by Application (2014-2019)
Reprographic Paper Industry Major Manufacturers Analysis
– Reprographic Paper Industry Production Sites and Area Served
– Product Introduction, Application and Specification
– Reprographic Paper Industry Production, Revenue, Ex-factory Price and Gross Margin (2014-2019)
– Main Business and Markets Served
Get Access To TOC Covering 200+ Topics at https://www.databridgemarketresearch.com/toc/?dbmr=global-reprographic-paper-market
At the Last, Reprographic Paper industry report focuses on data sources, viz. primary and secondary sources, market breakdown and data triangulation, market size estimation, research programs, and design, research approach and methodology, and the publisher’s disclaimer.
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