#political oppression in Zimbabwe

[easy-edible]

Being Gay is African: A Historical Perspective

The assertion that homosexuality is a Western concept is a myth largely propagated by colonial influences and the import of Christianity. Historically, African cultures have recognized and included various forms of same-sex relationships and identities, which have only been obscured by later colonial and religious narratives.

Contemporary Conflicts and Historical Evidence

During his visit to Africa in 2015, US President Barack Obama highlighted the legal discrimination against LGBT individuals. In Kenya, he emphasized the importance of treating all individuals equally, irrespective of their differences. Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta responded by asserting that Kenyan culture does not accept homosexuality. This sentiment is not unique and has been echoed by other African leaders such as Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe, Goodluck Jonathan of Nigeria, and Yoweri Museveni of Uganda. However, historical evidence contradicts these assertions.

Historical Examples of Homosexuality in Africa

Ancient and Pre-Colonial Evidence

Yoruba Language: The Yoruba language has a term, "adofuro," which describes someone who engages in anal sex. This term, which predates colonial influence, indicates an awareness of homosexual behavior.

Azande Warriors: In the 19th century, the Azande people of Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo practiced same-sex relationships where warriors would marry young men due to the scarcity of women. These relationships were socially accepted and included rituals and formal marriage customs​ (Face2Face Africa)​.

King Mwanga II of Buganda: King Mwanga II of Uganda openly engaged in homosexual relationships with his male servants before the advent of Christian missionaries who brought condemnation​ (JSTOR Daily)​.

Ancient Egypt: Paintings and records suggest that Nyankh-Khnum and Knum-Hotep, royal servants in ancient Egypt, may have had a homosexual relationship. These men were depicted in affectionate poses and shared a tomb, highlighting the acceptance of their relationship within their society​ (AfricaOTR)​.

Meru Community in Kenya: The Mugawe, religious leaders among the Meru, often dressed in women's clothes and married men. This role was not just accepted but integrated into the spiritual and social fabric of the community​ (AfricaOTR)​.

Anthropological Insights

Marc Epprecht, a historian, documents various forms of same-sex relationships across Africa that were ignored or misinterpreted by early Western anthropologists. These relationships ranged from love affairs to ritualistic practices. For example, among the Imbangala of Angola, same-sex relationships were part of ritual magic. Similarly, in South Africa, temporary "mine marriages" were formed among men working in mines during colonial times​ (JSTOR Daily)​.

The Influence of Christianity and Colonialism

The rise of fundamental Christianity, heavily influenced by American televangelists since the 1980s, has significantly shaped the contemporary African stance on homosexuality. Many Africans argue that homosexuality is against Biblical teachings, yet the Bible itself is not part of African historical culture. This adoption of a Western religious framework to argue against homosexuality demonstrates a significant cultural shift influenced by colonialism.

The Political Use of Homophobia

Populist homophobia has become a political tool in many African countries. Politicians gain votes by promoting anti-gay sentiments, creating an environment where hatred and violence against LGBT individuals are not only accepted but encouraged. This has led to severe consequences, such as corrective rapes in South Africa and oppressive laws across the continent.

Reclaiming African Heritage

To combat the dangerous narrative that homosexuality is un-African, it is crucial to retell and reclaim African history. African culture historically celebrated diversity and promoted acceptance, including various sexual orientations and gender identities. By acknowledging and teaching this true history, we can foster a more inclusive and equitable society.

Reaffirming our commitment to historical accuracy and cultural inclusivity is essential. True African heritage is one of acceptance and recognition of all its members, regardless of their sexuality.

[ptseti]

Winnie Madikizela-Mandela is remembered as ‘Nelson Mandela’s wife.’ That is only one part of her legacy. Winnie Mandela was a freedom fighter and organiser who was in many ways, more uncompromising than Nelson. Winnie, too, was a political prisoner during the struggle, including a brief sentence she served while pregnant. Her position was that African people must free themselves by any means necessary. Winnie was unwavering on oppressed peoples having a right to use revolutionary violence in the face of colonial exploitative violence. This led to a growing distance between her and the African National Congress (ANC) during the 1990s. She also believed that land in Azania (a name to describe parts of southern Africa, including South Africa) and Zimbabwe must be redistributed to African peoples. Winnie spoke out at a time when Nelson Mandela felt the need to compromise on the land question, which has led to perpetual inequality and prolonged settler colonialism.

In her own words, ‘I have a good relationship with Mandela. But I am not Mandela’s product. I am the product of the masses of my country and the product of my enemy.’

In this 29 November 1993 lecture given at Kean College in New Jersey (USA), Pan-Africanist and former Nation of Islam leader Khalid Muhammad railed against Nelson and expressed his support for Winnie.

[hurgablurg]

Palestine and it's armed resistance isn't a homogeneous blob. Are there inslamic fundamentalists and antisemitic right-wingers in there? Definitely. But outnumbering them in the active fight at this very moment (right wingers prefer to have their battles fought by other people before swooping in as "heroes") are socialists, anarchists, and the 'politically neutral' who are just tired of being pushed around, people who have hit their breaking point.

This website was all for Ukraine's resistance against Russia's imperialism, but within those battle lines were nationalists, fascists, and hate groups. Does their involvement mean that Ukrainians' fight is illegitimate?

Their "innocent Israeli" opponents just beyond the apartheid fences are veterans of the IDF who after their "tour of duty" were told to go settle other people's land.

And yeah, that's the problem with having compulsory military service and then giving them all guns - your "civilians" are all reserve combatants and are therefore legitimate military targets. The only people who cried for the white nationalist freaks being ousted from their failed state within Zimbabwe through the 50's-70's were other white nationalists. You can't claim innocence when the established government is telling everyone over a young age threshold to go kill the "rebels and terrorists".

The only innocent Israelis are the ones far back beyond the frontlines who've been blasted with propaganda since before they were born and excused from military service (and even then, only the people who aren't selling arms or penning policy, as part of that oppressive system). Those children writing mocking messages for Palestinians on missiles didn't do that because "jews are naturally inclined to evil and cruelty" or some antisemitic bullshit like that. Their government encouraged them to do that. They need to be deprogrammed like anyone else raised in an environment like that.

Violence is a neutral force. Violence is how things are accomplished and colonialist tyranny is overthrown and established systems of power are challenged and threatened. It's who commits that violence and how that matters.

[psychotrenny]

This sort of tweet really annoys me with its how, despite it's supposedly "progressive" viewpoint, it distorts and mangles actual history in order to create a neater narrative that actually weakens one's ability to understand and therefore change the world

Like Apartheid South African and Contemporary Israel have a lot in common; both are white supremacist apartheid Settler States that are intimately tied to and heavily supported by international Imperialist Capitalism (as headed by the USA). They also enjoyed friendly relations with each other and regularly shared ideas and technology, so you have active mutual influence on top of natural convergent evolution. Comparison, as well as contrast, between each regime is a useful way to understand how these sorts of systems function. And yes, observing past trends in one system can help us predict the future of another

But like South Africa and Israel also have a vast number of differences; from their specific relationship with future designs for the peoples they oppressed, to the state of their regional neighbours as well as the overall extent to which other imperialists were willing to openly support them. And these differences in circumstance lead to significant differences in policy.

Like the fact of the matter is this tweet is incredibly misleading; it implies the Apartheid regime of South Africa somehow went berserk in the final years of it's existence when like this political intervention in their northern neighbours had been South African policy since the 1960s. Even before the independence of Angola or Zimbabwe (as well as Mozambique) the South African government had invested considerable sums of money and manpower into propping up the Portuguese and Rhodesian White Settler regimes against the pressure of Anti-Imperial Socialist resistance movements. After the end of Portuguese rule in Africa in 1974 (as their colonial wars drove them bankrupt and exacerbated domestic problems to the point that the Fascist regime found itself overthrown by a Leftist military coup) the South Africans then switched to supporting armed movements of local reactionaries and compradors like UNITA in Angola (which already had a long history of collaboration with the Portuguese) and later RENAMO in Mozambique (whose initial formation was one of the Rhodesian CIO's last significant achievements).

South African attempts to overthrow the Angolan revolutionary government, launching several major offensives with their own ground troops alongside their UNITA puppets while offering plentiful supply, funding and air support to UNITA outside of this, had been policy for as long as there was an Angolan Revolutionary Government to overthrow. And while their had less luck finding useful allies to destabilise Zimbabwe, their cross-border raids were simply an extension of their previous support for Rhodesia. Meanwhile their violations of Zambian sovereignty also were a consistent policy dating back to the 60s due to the Zambian Socialist government's mostly consistent support for the Anti-Imperial resistance movements of Southern Africa. While a deterioration of their relationship with Botswana was a later development, this was mainly a result of political pressure from both other African nations and their own citizens for the Bourgeoisie Botswanan government to stop collaborating with South Africa and to tolerate the presence of anti-apartheid fighters in their territory.

The whole "set-up a puppet government in Namibia" is the most misleading part of all. It implies that Namibia was some sort of independent nation they tried to subvert, and not a colonised territory they outright occupied (de facto since 1922, de jure since 1946; either way since before even the formal inauguration of nation-wide Apartheid in 1948). The attempts to set up a puppet government in Nambia were a direct de-escalation of South African involvement in the territory, prompted by the costly resistance offered by SWAPO and their Angolan Allies. Like if anything the very last years of Apartheid saw a de-escalation of South Africa's aggressive foreign policy, as the social and economic costs of their multiple intense wars had weakened the country and brought the regime close and closer to collapse while even among the Afrikaner Conservatives there was a growing recognition that some sort of compromise with Black Africa was necessary to secure any sort of survival.

And like there were very real material reasons for this, such as the lesser extent of open US support or the inherent contradiction of keeping the indigenous Africans as an oppressed pool of cheap labour which Israel avoided by tending towards outright genocide of Palestinians. It's not like the South African Apartheid regime was morally any better than Israel, just materially different. But these differences must be remembers if we want any chance of actually understanding the situation, instead of just mechanistically applying 1:1 comparisons because it makes an easier story. The nuances of Southern Africa must be appreciated if we want to truly appreciate the history of human struggle against oppression; we can't reduce it to a footnote on whatever conflict it's currently popular to perform activism for.

[presscafeworld]

Mbuya Nehanda: Spirit Medium, Revolutionary Leader, and Zimbabwean National Icon

Abstract Mbuya Nehanda (also known as Nehanda Charwe Nyakasikana) is a revered figure in Zimbabwean history, embodying the confluence of spirituality and resistance against colonial oppression. As a spirit medium and leader of the First Chimurenga (1896–1897), Nehanda’s influence transcended her death, propelling her to the status of a national symbol in Zimbabwe's anti-colonial struggles. This paper explores her life, leadership, and legacy, analyzing the historical and spiritual significance of Nehanda in both the First Chimurenga and subsequent liberation movements. Drawing on feminist historiography, post-colonial theory, and spiritual anthropology, this article critically examines how Nehanda’s memory has been mobilized in the shaping of Zimbabwe’s national identity, with an emphasis on her enduring legacy in the contemporary sociopolitical landscape.

Keywords: #MbuyaNehanda, #ZimbabweHistory, #FirstChimurenga, #ColonialResistance, #AfricanSpirituality, #NationalIcon, #ZimbabweanIndependence, #FeministHistory, #PostColonialStudies

Introduction

Mbuya Nehanda Charwe Nyakasikana remains one of the most significant historical figures in Zimbabwe's liberation narrative. Revered as both a spirit medium (svikiro) and a revolutionary leader, she became the embodiment of indigenous resistance against British colonialism during the First Chimurenga, also known as the First War of Liberation (1896–1897). Her role in leading the Shona people against colonial forces, her subsequent trial, and execution by hanging in 1898 established her as a martyr of the nationalist struggle. 📜

This article seeks to explore Nehanda's life and her central role in anti-colonial resistance. Beyond her leadership during the First Chimurenga, we delve into the symbolic and spiritual significance attributed to Nehanda, tracing how her legacy has been mobilized in the Second Chimurenga (1966–1979) and Zimbabwe’s post-independence national identity. Through academic and historical lenses, this paper examines her influence, highlighting her roles as a revolutionary, a feminist icon, and a national hero. #ColonialHistory #AfricanResistance

Mbuya Nehanda: The Historical and Spiritual Figure

Early Life and Spiritual Calling

Born in the mid-19th century as Charwe Nyakasikana, Mbuya Nehanda is believed to have been the medium of the revered ancestral spirit, Nehanda. In Shona cosmology, ancestral spirits (mhondoro) guide and protect the people, particularly in matters of leadership, justice, and warfare. As a medium, Nehanda was regarded not merely as a religious figure but as the spiritual and political authority for the Shona people.

Her spiritual leadership coincided with a period of significant colonial incursion. The British South Africa Company, under Cecil John Rhodes, was aggressively expanding its control over what was then known as Southern Rhodesia (modern-day Zimbabwe). The British imposition of hut taxes, forced labor, and land seizures ignited resentment among the indigenous population. It was against this backdrop that Mbuya Nehanda emerged as one of the primary leaders of the First Chimurenga, a revolt aimed at expelling the colonial powers. #SpiritualLeadership #AntiColonialism

The First Chimurenga and Nehanda’s Role

Mbuya Nehanda’s role in the First Chimurenga was not only spiritual but also political. Alongside other spirit mediums like Sekuru Kaguvi, she mobilized the Shona and Ndebele people to resist British encroachment. Oral traditions recount how Nehanda provided prophetic guidance and inspired the fighters to resist colonial forces with determination, assuring them of victory. Her influence was such that the British authorities saw her as a direct threat to their colonial project.

In 1896, the First Chimurenga broke out, with coordinated attacks against British settlers and colonial installations. Nehanda was instrumental in organizing the insurgency, using her authority as a spirit medium to legitimize the rebellion. According to historical accounts, Nehanda led the resistance in the Mazowe Valley, where many of the fiercest battles took place. Despite initial successes, the rebellion was eventually suppressed by the British, largely due to superior weaponry and reinforcements from South Africa. #ChimurengaHistory #RevolutionaryLeader

Capture, Trial, and Execution

Following the defeat of the First Chimurenga, Mbuya Nehanda and other leaders were captured by British forces. She was tried for the murder of Native Commissioner Henry Pollard, whom she had allegedly ordered to be killed as part of the resistance efforts. During her trial, Nehanda maintained her defiance, refusing to convert to Christianity or acknowledge British sovereignty. Her famous prophetic words, "Mapfupa angu achamuka" ("My bones shall rise"), have since been interpreted as a forewarning of the eventual resurgence of the liberation struggle.

Nehanda was executed by hanging in 1898, but her martyrdom only served to cement her place in Zimbabwean history as a symbol of resistance. Her death marked the end of the First Chimurenga, but her legacy as a spiritual leader and revolutionary figure continued to inspire future generations. #Martyrdom #ResistanceIcon

The Legacy of Mbuya Nehanda in the Second Chimurenga

Symbol of Resistance in the 20th Century

Mbuya Nehanda’s legacy did not end with her death. Her role in the First Chimurenga became a rallying point for the nationalist movements that emerged in the mid-20th century, particularly during the Second Chimurenga (1966–1979), which ultimately led to Zimbabwe's independence. The Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) and the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU), the two primary liberation movements, invoked Nehanda’s spirit as a source of inspiration and legitimacy for their cause.

Her famous prophecy, “My bones shall rise,” became a slogan for the fighters, symbolizing the unbroken spirit of resistance against colonial domination. Nehanda's image and name were invoked in guerrilla warfare, and many liberation fighters believed they were spiritually guided by her in their quest for independence. #SecondChimurenga #ZimbabweIndependence

Nehanda in Post-Independence Zimbabwe

After Zimbabwe gained independence in 1980, Mbuya Nehanda was canonized as a national hero, with monuments, streets, and public buildings named in her honor. She became a symbol of the Zimbabwean struggle for freedom, representing not only the fight against colonialism but also the resilience and strength of African womanhood. Feminist scholars have since highlighted Nehanda's role as a pioneering figure in the intersection of gender, spirituality, and politics.

Mbuya Nehanda’s spirit and legacy continue to play a vital role in Zimbabwe's national consciousness. Statues of Nehanda have been erected in Harare, and her image is often depicted in public art, murals, and commemorative events. In 2021, the government unveiled a statue of Nehanda in the capital, symbolizing her enduring influence in Zimbabwean history. #NationalHero #ZimbabweLegacy

Feminist Interpretations of Mbuya Nehanda

Nehanda as a Feminist Icon

The role of Mbuya Nehanda has been revisited by feminist scholars who argue that her leadership in the First Chimurenga challenges the conventional gender norms of her time. As a woman leading a predominantly male military resistance, Nehanda subverted the colonial-imposed patriarchal structures, asserting herself as a spiritual and political authority. Her leadership underscores the critical role that women played in anti-colonial movements, not only in Zimbabwe but across Africa.

Feminist historiography has emphasized Nehanda’s importance in reconfiguring African gender dynamics, particularly in how her spiritual authority allowed her to transcend gender boundaries. In this light, Nehanda has been reclaimed as a symbol of women’s empowerment and resistance to both colonialism and patriarchy. #FeministIcon #WomenInResistance

The Intersection of Gender, Spirituality, and Politics

Nehanda’s role as a spiritual medium and political leader represents a unique intersection of gender, spirituality, and resistance. Her position as a medium gave her access to a form of power that was both religious and political, allowing her to mobilize people not just through military means but through a shared spiritual belief system. This duality challenges Western notions of secular and religious authority, presenting a more integrated worldview in which spirituality and politics are inseparable. #SpiritualAuthority #PostColonialFeminism

Conclusion

Mbuya Nehanda’s legacy as a revolutionary leader, spiritual icon, and national hero continues to shape Zimbabwe’s historical and political landscape. Her life and martyrdom serve as a powerful reminder of the role that spirituality, gender, and resistance have played in Africa’s anti-colonial struggles. From the First Chimurenga to the present day, Nehanda remains a symbol of Zimbabwean identity, resilience, and the enduring fight for justice. #Resilience #ColonialResistance

Her legacy is a testament to the enduring power of indigenous African belief systems in shaping political movements and fostering a collective sense of identity and purpose. As a symbol of Zimbabwean nationalism and feminist resistance, Mbuya Nehanda continues to inspire new generations in the ongoing struggle for social justice and equality. #Justice #NehandaLegacy

References

Beach, D.N. (1990). A Zimbabwean History: Oral Traditions of the First Chimurenga. London: Heinemann.

Ranger, T.O. (1967). Revolt in Southern Rhodesia 1896-7: A Study in African Resistance. Heinemann.

Schmidt, E. (1992). *Peasants, Traders, and Wives: Shona Women and Peasants, Traders, and Wives: Shona Women and the Gender Dynamics of Colonialism in Zimbabwe, 1890–1939. Heinemann.

Bhebe, N. (1979). The Ndebele and the 1896-1897 Rebellions. Longman.

Schmidt, E. (1991). Patriarchy, Capitalism, and the Colonial State in Zimbabwe. Signs, 16(4), 732-756.

Lan, D. (1985). Guns & Rain: Guerrillas & Spirit Mediums in Zimbabwe. James Currey Publishers.

Hofmeyr, I. (1994). We Spend Our Years as a Tale That is Told: Oral Historical Narrative in a South African Chiefdom. James Currey.

Mlambo, A. S. (2014). A History of Zimbabwe. Cambridge University Press.

Moyo, S. & Yeros, P. (2005). Reclaiming the Land: The Resurgence of Rural Movements in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Zed Books.

Bourdillon, M. F. C. (1976). The Shona Peoples: An Ethnography of the Contemporary Shona, with Special Reference to Their Religion. Mambo Press.

Schmidt, H. (1997). Colonialism and Resistance in Zimbabwe: An African Voice. Indiana University Press.

Chitando, A. (2005). In the Name of Jesus! Healing in the Age of Neo-Pentecostalism: The Case of Zimbabwe. Africa Development, 30(3), 97-111.

Ndlovu-Gatsheni, S. J. (2009). Do 'Zimbabweans' Exist? Trajectories of Nationalism, National Identity Formation and Crisis in a Postcolonial State. Peter Lang.

Ranger, T. O. (1985). Peasant Consciousness and Guerrilla War in Zimbabwe: A Comparative Study. University of California Press.

Mazrui, A. A. (2005). The African State as a Political Refugee: Institutional Collapse, Civil Strife, and Human Rights in Zimbabwe. International Journal of African Studies, 38(2), 147-174.

Mbuya Nehanda in Popular Culture and Collective Memory

Mbuya Nehanda’s legacy extends beyond academic discourse and political rhetoric into the realm of popular culture, where she remains an enduring figure in Zimbabwean collective memory. Throughout the decades, artists, musicians, poets, and filmmakers have drawn on Nehanda’s life and story as a source of creative inspiration. Her image as a revolutionary and spiritual leader has been immortalized in literature, film, and visual arts, often serving as a metaphor for resilience, resistance, and the undying quest for freedom.

Visual Representation and Public Monuments

Public monuments dedicated to Mbuya Nehanda have proliferated since Zimbabwe's independence in 1980, culminating in the construction of a large statue of her in the heart of Harare in 2021. This statue, unveiled by the Zimbabwean government, was intended as a tribute to her role in the nation's liberation history, symbolizing the unbroken spirit of Zimbabwean resistance. Such monuments serve not only as sites of memory but also as markers of national identity. 📸

Statues and memorials are important tools in the cultivation of national heritage, particularly for postcolonial states that seek to emphasize indigenous histories over colonial legacies. For Zimbabwe, Nehanda represents the fusion of anti-colonial resistance with spiritual authority, encapsulating the country's struggle for self-determination. #PublicMemory #NehandaStatue #NationalHeritage

Nehanda in Zimbabwean Literature

Zimbabwean writers have also contributed significantly to the cultural memory of Mbuya Nehanda. Novels such as Yvonne Vera’s Nehanda (1993) explore the intersection of spirituality, gender, and resistance through the lens of Nehanda’s life. In Vera’s work, Nehanda is depicted as a mythic figure who transcends time and space, embodying the collective aspirations of the Zimbabwean people. Vera’s novel is particularly significant for its feminist reimagining of Nehanda, situating her as both a revolutionary and a figure of spiritual regeneration.

Other works, including short stories and plays, have also reinterpreted Nehanda’s life and legacy, often highlighting the ways in which her story serves as an allegory for Zimbabwe’s broader struggles against oppression and colonialism. Such literary works have ensured that Nehanda remains an integral part of Zimbabwe’s cultural and political discourse. 📚 #ZimbabweanLiterature #CulturalIcons

Mbuya Nehanda and Contemporary Political Discourse

Nehanda’s Invocation in Political Rhetoric

In Zimbabwean political discourse, Mbuya Nehanda’s legacy is frequently invoked by political leaders, particularly by those within the ruling ZANU-PF party. The party, which traces its roots to the liberation movement, often draws on the imagery and symbolism of the First Chimurenga to bolster its claims to legitimacy and historical continuity. As a result, Nehanda has been appropriated as a political symbol, with her image being used to emphasize the ruling party’s role in Zimbabwe’s liberation and post-independence governance. 🗣️

This political appropriation has not been without controversy. Critics argue that the ruling party's repeated invocation of Nehanda’s legacy is a means of consolidating power and deflecting attention from current governance failures. Despite this, the enduring power of Nehanda’s image in political rhetoric demonstrates her lasting influence on Zimbabwean political culture. #PoliticalSymbolism #LegacyAndPolitics

Contested Legacies: Nehanda and Gender Politics

While Mbuya Nehanda has been celebrated as a national hero, her legacy is also contested, particularly within feminist circles. Although her leadership in the First Chimurenga represents a powerful example of women’s agency in anti-colonial movements, the postcolonial state has often sidelined the contributions of women in favor of a more male-dominated narrative of liberation.

Feminist scholars have critiqued this erasure, arguing that while Nehanda’s symbolic importance is acknowledged, the broader contributions of women to Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle have been downplayed in official histories. This critique is part of a wider feminist project aimed at recovering and reclaiming the roles of women in African resistance movements. 👩🏽‍🦱 #FeministCritique #GenderAndResistance

Spirituality and Resistance: The Enduring Influence of African Belief Systems

Nehanda’s Role in African Spirituality

Nehanda’s role as a spirit medium was central to her leadership in the First Chimurenga, and her legacy continues to resonate within African spiritual practices today. In Shona cosmology, the mhondoro spirits are considered guardians of the land, mediating between the living and the dead, and ensuring that the social and political order is maintained. Nehanda, as the medium of one of these spirits, embodied a form of spiritual authority that was inseparable from her political leadership. 🕊️

The belief in Nehanda’s spiritual presence has persisted in postcolonial Zimbabwe. Many people continue to believe that her spirit watches over the nation, guiding it in times of crisis. This belief in ancestral spirits, and in Nehanda in particular, reflects a broader African worldview in which the spiritual and the political are deeply intertwined. #AfricanSpirituality #CulturalHeritage

Spiritual Resistance in the Context of Colonialism

Nehanda’s leadership during the First Chimurenga exemplifies how African spiritual traditions were mobilized as forms of resistance against colonialism. The invocation of ancestral spirits in the struggle against European imperialism was not unique to Zimbabwe; across Africa, spirit mediums played crucial roles in resisting colonial encroachments, blending spiritual and political authority.

By drawing on these indigenous belief systems, African leaders like Nehanda were able to challenge not only the physical power of colonialism but also the epistemic violence of colonial Christianity and its attempts to displace African spiritual practices. Nehanda’s defiance in refusing to convert to Christianity during her trial is emblematic of this resistance, highlighting the broader struggle for cultural autonomy. #CulturalResistance #ColonialismAndSpirituality

Conclusion: Mbuya Nehanda’s Enduring Legacy

Mbuya Nehanda’s life and legacy continue to shape Zimbabwean history, culture, and politics. As a revolutionary leader, spirit medium, and feminist icon, Nehanda’s influence transcends her immediate historical context, providing a powerful symbol for Zimbabwe’s ongoing struggles for justice, equality, and self-determination. From her pivotal role in the First Chimurenga to her invocation in the Second Chimurenga, and into the present day, Nehanda’s image remains a potent reminder of the importance of resistance, resilience, and the enduring power of African spirituality.

Her story serves as a testament to the critical role that women have played in Africa’s anti-colonial movements, challenging both colonialism and patriarchy. As Zimbabwe continues to confront new challenges in its postcolonial development, the legacy of Mbuya Nehanda offers a powerful symbol of hope and resistance, reminding the nation of its rich history of struggle and the enduring strength of its people. #ResistAndPersist #MbuyaNehandaLegacy #ZimbabweHistory

References

Vera, Y. (1993). Nehanda. Baobab Books.

Moyo, S. (2000). Land Reform Under Structural Adjustment in Zimbabwe: Land Use Change in Mashonaland Provinces. Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.

Mazarire, G. C. (2009). *Reflections on Pre-Colonial

History of Zimbabwe: A Critical Analysis of the Archaeological and Historical Evidence.* Journal of Southern African Studies, 35(4), 655-668.

Tendi, B-M. (2010). Making History in Mugabe’s Zimbabwe: Politics, Intellectuals and the Media. Peter Lang.

Chigwedere, A. S. (1980). The Origins of the Shona and Zimbabwe. Books for Africa Publishing.

Nyathi, P. (2000). Zimbabwe's Cultural Heritage. Mambo Press.

Werbner, R. (1998). Memory and the Postcolony: African Anthropology and the Critique of Power. Zed Books.

Kriger, N. (1992). Zimbabwe's Guerrilla War: Peasant Voices. Cambridge University Press.

Ranger, T.O. (1972). The African Voice in Southern Rhodesia, 1898-1930. Northwestern University Press.

McLaughlin, J. C. (1996). On Trial for My Country: A Study of Rhodesia and Nyasaland from UDI to Zimbabwe Independence. Ph.D. Thesis, University of Oxford.

Kaarsholm, P. (2006). The Past as Battlefield in Rhodesia and Zimbabwe: War, Nationalism, and the Politics of Commemoration. Heinemann Educational Books.

Mutunhu, J. (1976). The Role of Spirituality in the Zimbabwean Liberation War: The Influence of Spirit Mediums like Nehanda. Journal of Southern African Studies, 3(1), 123-141.

Chiwome, E. M., & Mguni, Z. (2012). Colonialism and African Religious Consciousness in Zimbabwe: Nehanda's Spirit in the 21st Century. Africa Development, 37(4), 105-118.

Alexander, J., McGregor, J., & Ranger, T. O. (2000). Violence and Memory: One Hundred Years in the 'Dark Forests' of Matabeleland. James Currey.

Muzondidya, J. (2009). From Buoyancy to Crisis, 1980–1997: The Post-Colonial State and the Development of Zimbabwe. In Becoming Zimbabwe: A History from the Pre-colonial Period to 2008, eds. B. Raftopoulos & A. S. Mlambo. Weaver Press.

Epilogue: The Rebirth of Nehanda’s Bones—Her Prophecy and the Struggles Ahead

Mbuya Nehanda's famous prophecy, “Mapfupa angu achamuka” (My bones will rise), continues to resonate in the Zimbabwean consciousness. Her declaration during her trial and subsequent execution in 1898 has been interpreted both literally and metaphorically as foretelling the resurgence of resistance against oppression. In many ways, this prophecy manifested during the Second Chimurenga when Zimbabweans took up arms to fight for their independence from British rule. The bones of resistance indeed rose again.

But Nehanda’s prophecy may be seen as unfinished, as Zimbabwe continues to face social, political, and economic challenges. Some scholars and political commentators have drawn parallels between Nehanda’s vision and the current struggles for justice, equality, and good governance in post-independence Zimbabwe. The symbolic reawakening of Nehanda’s bones suggests that her spirit remains alive in the people’s continued quest for freedom and self-determination. ✊🏽

Reinterpreting Nehanda’s Legacy in Contemporary Movements

The re-awakening of Nehanda’s legacy has found a renewed relevance in Zimbabwe’s ongoing social and political movements. Contemporary protests against corruption, economic mismanagement, and political repression often evoke the spirit of Nehanda, symbolizing a call to return to the revolutionary ideals that shaped Zimbabwe’s early independence. The rise of grassroots movements, such as #ThisFlag and #Tajamuka, reflects a younger generation’s desire to hold the postcolonial state accountable, often invoking the same sense of moral and spiritual authority that Nehanda embodied in her lifetime. #MyBonesWillRise #NehandaLivesOn

A Call for Intersectional Justice

Mbuya Nehanda’s legacy also offers an important touchstone for the ongoing struggle for intersectional justice in Zimbabwe. Feminist movements, labor organizations, and youth groups have all drawn on her image and words to articulate their demands for a more just and equitable society. In many respects, Nehanda represents the possibility of an inclusive form of liberation that embraces both political freedom and social justice.

The call for intersectional justice also includes a recognition of the need to address historical inequalities, such as gender-based violence, land dispossession, and the marginalization of rural communities. Nehanda’s invocation in these spaces serves as a reminder that true liberation is incomplete without addressing the multiple layers of injustice that continue to affect Zimbabwean society. 🌍

Final Reflections: Mbuya Nehanda’s Global Influence

Mbuya Nehanda’s influence is not confined to Zimbabwe alone. Across the African continent, and indeed within the African diaspora, she has come to symbolize broader themes of resistance to colonialism, the central role of women in revolutionary movements, and the intersection of spirituality and political action. Her life and legacy resonate with other anti-colonial figures like Harriet Tubman, Queen Nzinga of Angola, and Yaa Asantewaa of Ghana, who similarly led movements against foreign domination and were rooted in indigenous spiritualities.

As Zimbabwe’s postcolonial history continues to unfold, Nehanda’s spirit remains an ever-present reminder of the unfinished business of decolonization. She challenges contemporary leaders and citizens alike to live up to the ideals of justice, equality, and freedom that she so fiercely embodied. In this sense, Mbuya Nehanda is not merely a figure of the past but a living symbol of the struggles that lie ahead in Zimbabwe, Africa, and the global community. 🌍✊🏾

Her bones have indeed risen—and they continue to rise with every new generation that takes up the mantle of justice and freedom. Nehanda’s legacy calls upon us all to reflect on the ongoing struggles against injustice in the 21st century and to recognize the enduring power of resistance rooted in the spiritual and political traditions of Africa. #LegacyOfNehanda #GlobalIcon

References

Ncube, G. (2014). The Politics of Commemoration in Zimbabwe: Mbuya Nehanda’s Legacy in Public History and Memory. African Studies Review, 57(1), 45-64.

Tsodzo, C. (2015). Gender, Politics, and Memory: Mbuya Nehanda in Zimbabwe’s Struggle for Liberation. Journal of African Cultural Studies, 27(3), 304-319.

Raftopoulos, B., & Mlambo, A. (2009). Becoming Zimbabwe: A History from the Pre-colonial Period to 2008. Weaver Press.

Alexander, J. (2006). The Unsettled Land: State-Making & the Politics of Land in Zimbabwe, 1893-2003. James Currey.

Cheater, A. (1995). Power in the Postcolonial State: A Relational Perspective on Zimbabwe’s Path to Liberation. Africa, 65(3), 351-372.

Muhwati, I. (2016). Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Liberation Theology: Mbuya Nehanda and the Chimurenga Struggle. Oral Tradition Journal, 31(1), 112-124.

This academic exploration of Mbuya Nehanda’s legacy demonstrates the continued relevance of her life and teachings in both historical and contemporary contexts. From leading the First Chimurenga to inspiring generations of Zimbabweans in their ongoing struggle for freedom, Nehanda’s spirit transcends time, embodying the enduring power of resistance, resilience, and spirituality. Her life and death offer rich terrain for scholarly inquiry, cultural production, and political mobilization, ensuring that her bones—and her story—will continue to rise for centuries to come. ✊🏿📖 #NehandaRising #ZimbabweanHeroine #UnbrokenSpirit

[leadersnotesblog]

Robert Mugabe: A Complex Legacy in Zimbabwe's History

Robert Mugabe, the former President of Zimbabwe, is a figure who elicits strong opinions and emotions. His leadership, spanning nearly four decades, brought both prosperity and controversy to the nation. In this article, we delve into the complex legacy of Robert Mugabe, examining his early years, his rise to power, and the challenges and achievements that shaped his rule.

Early Life and Political Awakening:

Born on February 21, 1924, in the then British colony of Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), Robert Mugabe grew up in a time of racial segregation and inequality. His experiences as a young man shaped his political consciousness and fueled his determination to fight for independence, justice, and equality for all Zimbabweans.

Fight for Independence:

Mugabe emerged as a central figure in the liberation struggle against white minority rule, leading the Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) party. His strategic acumen and unwavering commitment to the cause positioned him at the forefront of the fight for independence. After years of armed resistance, Zimbabwe finally gained independence in 1980, and Mugabe became the nation's first black Prime Minister.

Social Reforms and Economic Challenges:

Mugabe's early years in power were marked by ambitious social programs aimed at addressing racial disparities and improving access to education, healthcare, and land redistribution. These initiatives gained him widespread support, initially positioning him as a champion of the marginalized and oppressed. However, the ambitious land reform policies implemented in the early 2000s sparked controversy and economic instability, leading to a decline in agricultural production and international criticism.

Authoritarian Rule and Human Rights Concerns:

As the years went by, Mugabe's rule became increasingly autocratic. Opposition parties were suppressed, dissent was met with heavy-handed tactics, and the media faced strict regulations. Mugabe's controversial handling of political rivals and alleged human rights abuses tarnished both his local and international reputation, overshadowing his earlier achievements.

Economic Crisis and Hyperinflation:

Zimbabwe faced severe economic challenges under Mugabe's leadership, particularly during the late 1990s and early 2000s. Inflation soared to unprecedented levels, reaching hyperinflation, resulting in widespread poverty and economic instability. The declining economy and mismanagement eroded public trust, leading to social unrest and growing disillusionment with Mugabe's regime.

[keepreclaiming]

The Ndebele people, a Bantu ethnic group primarily residing in South Africa and Zimbabwe, have a rich cultural heritage that traces its roots back to centuries. However, the advent of colonization has resulted in significant changes and even erasure of certain aspects of their traditional customs and practices. The deliberate imposition of Western ideals, language, religion, and lifestyle was designed to supplant indigenous cultures, leading to the eventual dilution or disappearance of unique elements intrinsic to the Ndebele culture.

Colonization undermined many African societies' social structures, including the Ndebele's. In pre-colonial times, these societies were largely communal, with resources shared among community members regardless of individual possession. This practice fostered unity and cooperation within communities while mitigating disputes over personal wealth. However, colonial rule introduced capitalism, which led to a shift towards individualism and private ownership. As a result, this disrupted communal harmony as competition for resources intensified. If colonization had not occurred, it is plausible that such societies would have preserved their cooperative spirit and egalitarian values.

Moreover, colonization significantly impacted the education system among the Ndebele people. Traditional educational systems emphasized moral instruction and practical skills tailored to societal roles based on gender and age groups. With colonial invasion came formal western education strategies that prioritized theoretical knowledge over practical skill set acquisition relevant to local contexts. The introduction of foreign languages further alienated the Ndebele from their native languages – a trend still evident today where English is often preferred above indigenous languages. Absence of colonization might have allowed preservation and development of native tongues enhancing cultural identity.

Another key aspect affected by colonial rule is religion. Before colonization took hold across Africa, most tribes including the Ndebele practiced animism - belief in natural objects possessing spiritual essence. However, with European settlers arrived Christianity which replaced indigenous religious beliefs gradually but surely. Many Ndebele converted either willingly or under duress thereby losing touch with ancestral faiths over generations. If uncolonized one may speculate that Animistic faiths could have continued to thrive alongside emerging global religions creating an interesting amalgamation of beliefs.

Additionally, the influence of colonization on art cannot be overlooked when discussing loss in cultural heritage among the Ndebele people; their vibrant murals are globally recognized symbols of resilience against cultural erosion despite having been threatened during apartheid era when they were viewed as rebellious acts against ruling elite aspirations for conformity. Today these murals stand testament not only to aesthetic prowess but also firm determination in preserving tangible aspects of culture amidst oppressive forces.

In imagining a world untouched by colonialism it is essential to remember that cultures evolve naturally due to internal dynamics or external influences like trade or intermarriage without violent impositions seen during colonial times. Cultural exchanges could have occurred organically rather than forcefully possibly resulting in richer multi-dimensional societies respecting diversity while maintaining core traditions.

Finally yet importantly if nations like those inhabited by Ndebele were never colonized there may well exist greater self-esteem amongst populace who wouldn't bear psychological scars associated with subjugation under foreign powers. It goes without saying political landscape would differ dramatically too with countries being autonomous entities shaping their destinies according to collective will instead being molded by extraneous factors. While we cannot undo history contemplating such scenarios offers valuable insights into importance preserving cultural identities making amends where possible rebuilding stronger inclusive future societies learning lessons past misfortunes.

[khulumaafrikaspeakafrica]

Most of the time, Kwanele Khumalo writes about cultural issues, he writes for the poor and for the undermined in the society. He is their voice in the society. Although sometimes he does write about politics and oppression, but his main focus is upon those who are undermined and poor.

Most of the time, Kwanele Khumalo writes about cultural issues, he writes for the poor and for the undermined in the society. He is their voice in the society. Although sometimes he does write about politics and oppression, but his main focus is upon those who are undermined and poor.

Kwanele Khumalo Kwanele Khumalo also known as Mntungwa kaMbulazi is a poet from Plumtree, in Zimbabwe. Started writing as a healing therapy after losing my grandfather in 2014 who was the father figure in my life.Had written two anthologies, Who killed grandfather? Which was nominated for 2022 National Arts Merits Awards. And has also published Vendorlogs.He has featured in a Ndebele Anthology…

[canadianabroadvery]

We’ll not pay back ‘looted’ funds: Zanu PF – NewsDay Zimbabwe

They won't apologize, or pay back the stollen funds, Kleptocracy in action.

[luimnigh]

Dude it's called having basic empathy you pompous self righteous fuck don't care about your political leanings hoping someone to die its not getting you any points or validation its just makes u look like an asshole so go ahead and pat yourself in back

Listen.

I'm fucking Irish.

This is not a matter of political leanings. Her ancestors oppressed my ancestors. Not in the sense of "The British as a Group", as in her fucking grandfather. And not in the sense of "The Irish as a Group", as in my great-grandfather, who was arrested without charge, jailed for two years without trial, and missed the birth of his first child. As in my great-granduncle, who was shot dead because he ran from police.

As in her fucking great great grandmother who had the power to end The Famine and instead let a million die of starvation and plague.

And sure, she's never had power over me, personally. But I have a lot more sympathy for the millions the world over still suffering due to her ancestors' actions than for her.

The ancestors that gave her the power, the privilege, the riches she wields. Her entire life she has enjoyed the spoils of her ancestors' conquest and colonialism, the riches torn from nations they forced into poverty, the jewels in her collection looted from across Africa and South Asia.

Fucking hell, when she was crowned, Britain still had an Empire. She was Queen of a major chunk of Africa. Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Botswana, Ghana, Eswatini, Lesotho. I'm sure I'm missing some.

She's not the descendant of colonizers, she is a colonizer.

We will not blame him for the crimes of his ancestors if he relinquishes the royal rights of his ancestors; but as long as he claims their rights, by virtue of descent, then, by virtue of descent, he must shoulder the responsibility for their crimes.

- James Connolly, on the visit of King George V, her grandfather, to Ireland.

I have no sympathy for the woman. She has reaped the riches of great suffering, and shown no remorse for it.

I'm not looking for points, I'm not looking for validation. I just believe the world will be a better place without her in it. I don't wish to hasten her death, but I'll be happy to see it.

[whilereadingandwalking]

I can hardly believe that NoViolet Bulawayo accomplished what she did in novel Glory, a vivid satire about the unraveling of a dictatorship inspired by George Orwell's Animal Farm and by the oral traditions of Zimbabwe. At turns bitterly ironic, hilariously absurd, and painfully violent, this novel features Old Horse, the ruler of Jidada, and the story of the coup that tore him from his seat.

It parodies the structures of fear, silence, toxic masculinity and patriarchy, hero worship, performative change, and more, that keep oppressive governments running, to devastating effect. The allegory never hesitates, richly showing us the revision and sanitizing of the past, and the powerful role that speaking out and sharing the truths of the country’s history play in dissolving an atmosphere held together by silence and denial. The love for a country and people—the way towards successful uprising and confrontation—it's all there.

Bulawayo's story ranges across narrators and characters, from the Old Horse himself to a youth named Destiny who comes back to her mother, Simiso, after years of living abroad; she confronts the changes that have come to her country and the way the women around her are rebelling against the regime. The changes, the disillusionment and pain, the passive horrors—Bulawayo captures them all with a daring narrative that shouldn't flow as well as it does.

Readers will have to accept that they won't know all non-English words. You'll be fine. The one I'll share is "Tholukuthi," which starts many of the paragraphs—based on my research and context I believe it means "to discover," "to find," and so it serves in this story, which reads as narration, as oral tradition, to introduce almost: "You find that," as in "Tholukuthi this book comes out in March, and it's time to put it on hold at your local library."

Glory was one of my most anticipated books of 2021, and I feel strongly that I was right to be so excited about it. It uses magical realism, allegory, tweets, and more to create a compelling and vividly true-feeling novel about a revolution, that surprised me again and again, and brought me to tears in its final pages. It comes out from Viking on March 8.

I received a copy of this book from the publisher in exchange for an honest review.

Content warnings for sex shaming, rape culture, and rape; genocide and ethnic cleansing; police brutality and shooting; violence, gore, body horror; political repression.

[sartorialadventure]

(Head to the link above for bigger versions of these photos!)

^Belinda Qaqamba Ka-Fassie, a post-graduate student in education at Stellenbosch University, wears a dress that resembles the white blanket typically worn at a male circumcision. Her headpiece and beaded stick, both handmade, are traditionally part of a bride's ensemble. The 24-year-old designs her dresses, often choosing local fabrics. (photo by Lee-Ann Olwage)

When Belinda Qaqamba Ka-Fassie dresses in drag, she doesn't typically go for on the sequins and feather boas worn by performers on RuPaul's Drag Race. A post-graduate student of education at Stellenbosch University in Cape Town, South Africa, Ka-Fassie might put on a dress that resembles the white blanket typically worn by boys at a traditional male circumcision ritual, called ulwaluko, and she might add a multi-colored headpiece and beaded stick, both handmade and used by brides.

It's a very deliberate choice made by black drag queens from townships who are celebrating their roots and challenging dress codes for men and women through their traditional apparel. "We cannot separate our queerness from our Xhosaness," says Ka-Fassie, a drag queen and activist.

^Mthulic Vee Vuma, a 21-year-old studying public management at West Coast College, wears traditional Xhosa clothing and jewelry in front of a shack in Khayelitsha. "The meaning of the clothing I am wearing is to love and accept our culture," Vuma says. Her family initially struggled to accept her as a trans woman, believing it was a curse, but she says they now give her total support. (phoo by Lee-Ann Olwage)

Yet even as they embrace their culture, township drag queens outside of Cape Town, as in other parts of the world, face grave risks. They must often suppress their queer identity in their communities for their safety — traveling into the city for pageants and parties, then de-dragging before they go home.

The limbo they live exists even in the terminology for their identity. There is no word to describe queerness in Xhosa, the indigenous language widely spoken in South Africa. The words that do exist are often insulting to the queer community, describing sexual behavior and denying queer people dignity. "When I came out to my family, I couldn't find the appropriate word in Xhosa to explain my queerness," Ka-Fassie says.

^Belinda Qaqamba Ka-Fassie poses at a community space where women cook and sell meat. She started drag as an escape from oppression she felt at Stellenbosch University for being "black, Xhosa, poor, queer and effeminate." "It is through pageantry and performance that I became more inclined with my queerness and how boundless expression should be," she says. "Drag became the therapist I never had." (phoo by Lee-Ann Olwage)

#BlackDragMagic is the name of a photo project in collaboration with Ka-Fassie – a series of portraits showing how drag can be an art form in Africa that differs from mainstream aesthetics in the West.

All of the portraits were taken on a single afternoon in August, with a pickup truck serving as a makeup station and changing room. The subjects — queer, black, gender-nonconforming and trans — were photographed throughout the township of Khayelitsha, which means "new home" in Xhosa. The township is located on the Cape Flats, about 15 miles southeast of Cape Town.

^Shakira Mabika, 24, emigrated to South Africa from Zimbabwe, where the former president "has referred to people like me as 'pigs' and un-African." She asked to be photographed by dilapidated shacks where pigs were kept behind a fence. "I moved to Cape Town in search for a space where I could live my truth," she says. But she says she has faced transphobia and still hasn't found a job. (photo by Lee-Ann Olwage)

The girls walked down the streets that day in a group, proudly and unapologetically. "I carry my African-ness and my queerness on my sleeve because it is who I am," says Mandisi Dolle Phika, one of the photo subjects.

^Mandisi Dolle Phika, 27, asked to be photographed by a church, an important place to her family but a place where she says she has faced anti-queer bias. At Catholic school, she remembers, "I once overheard a conversation where it was said I have a 'gay-demon.'" Now studying LGBTQI political leadership, she believes in "a colorful God" that "celebrates diversity in all its manifestations." (photo by Lee-Ann Olwage)

Discrimination is a part of everyday life for queer people in the townships, especially at taxi stands, churches and schools. In the Western Cape alone, a 2016 survey of 112 LGBT participants age 16 to 24 by Love Not Hate, a national campaign addressing anti-gay hate crimes, found that about two-thirds of LGBT people between the ages of 16 to 24 reported experiencing discrimination at school. Reliable statistics are rare, because queer people in townships often choose not to report harassment or violence out of fears for their safety and distrust of local law enforcement.

^ Unathi Ferguson, left, was outed by a teacher in 11th grade but eventually saw the moment as a chance to "embark on a journey to sanity and complete acceptance [about] who I was." Shakira Mabika, right, emigrated from Zimbabwe to South Africa in 2013. Olwage says the women told her they had forged "a newfound sisterhood." (photo by Lee-Ann Olwage)

Black queer people here, as in many other parts of the world, also struggle to be understood by their health care system. Some studies have found that LGBT patients have been subjected to discrimination, with health care providers refusing them care or doling out moral judgment. Long lines of people waiting for free treatment at clinics or state hospitals in impoverished areas can lead to a lack of privacy for patients. As a result, many avoid medical care or receive poor care.

But the picture doesn't have to be bleak. "Living in a township has taught me to be strong and strive. I have dealt with the stigma and hate, and now am stronger," said Liyana Arianna Madikizela, a 17-year-old who posed for photographs.

^Liyana Arianna Madikizela, 17, is a drag artist from the township of Kayamandi. She poses near a string of drying clothes to challenge traditional gender roles. "I realized I was different when I didn't want to do the stereotypical manly duties," she says. "I was always keen to do house duties such as washing dishes, doing the laundry, cleaning the house and cooking." (photo by Lee-Ann Olwage)

Madikizela embodies the strength and resilience the drag queens have shown in the face of injustice and oppression. "I want to become the role model I never saw in the streets of Kayamandi," she said. "Someone who is unapologetically gender non-conforming and who navigates their lives against all the hostile odds of living in the township."

Lee-Ann Olwage is a South Africa-based photographer. Sasha Ingber is a Washington, D.C., freelance writer. Belinda Qaqamba Ka-Fassie, a drag artist and advocate, collaborated with Olwage on this project.

[dragonfire00002]

I'm sorry to all my followers, but I'm afraid I have to uninstall this app, and go away for some time.

For 4 years I've been able to be on this app and be happy reblogging fma stuff till the end of time. I had only one wish.

To avoid politics. I unfollowed people that posted political things whether I agreed with them or not. I just had to get away from it all. I didn't go on this app (unlike many others apparently) to sit in my own bubble and make strawmen of others, riling myself up the whole time. I came here to escape.

Now my dash is filled with politics and insults to my own race. Actual racism on my blog. Not the kind that is supposed to happen in America I'm told. Or anywhere. My race is not allowed to be treated with any dignity or respect. Forgot the genocides in Zimbabwe, forgot the real oppression my race gets in Asian countries. Forgot that among my race are many groups that have in the past and some still now killed each other for difference in religion and ethnicity. There was a time where being Protestant in france meant you were oppressed, but we don't talk about them. Or how being anything other than Austrian in the Austria-Hungarian Empire meant you would be unheard and oppressed. We can't talk about that. We can't talk about the real horrible acts occurring in Zimbabwe because it's towards a race that historically has never been united and has fought itself and killed itself just like every other race but this race figured out gunpowder, and cannons. This race didn't burn it's history. Now we vilify and make fun of an entire race of people and also state we need to end racism without an ounce of irony. I'm tired of this.

Power corrupts. Whoever is on top will force their power and influence on others. Just look at Zimbabwe.

Goodbye.

[shelbymustange]

Is Canada really that good? I've been thinking abt leaving my country and America is a no-no for me

This is such an incredibly difficult thing for me to write, as I’m a white person living in Canada and I don’t know a lot about POC experiences in my country. Everything I know about racism in Canada is from an outsider perspective. The only thing I can really speak on is my experiences as an LGBT person, and as an AFAB person who was born and raised here.

I'm not even close to an authority on how POC feel about living in Canada, and I can only give my opinion on that based on my personal experiences with my POC friends and acquaintances, plus what I have read in the news and from articles written by POC.

As well, this is from the perspective of someone who grew up in rural Ontario, and is living in Ottawa. Ottawa is not a large city, and it is in South Eastern Ontario. Canada is a very, very large country. South Eastern Ontario is no where near the same as Northern Ontario, or even Western Ontario, let alone Alberta or the Maritimes or the Yukon. 

Please keep this in mind as a speak on what I do know. There is a lot more that I don’t, and if you are POC, I encourage you to seek out articles or posts written by POC citizens and immigrants about their experience coming to Canada and living here. As well as seeking out local articles written from the place you may want to move within the country. 

Now that I have said that, let me begin:

Canada has it's issues with POC, and it would be incredibly ignorant for me to say we don't. There is still racism here, there is still anti-immigrant sentiment. There’s a very, very longstanding history of racism toward our First Nations/Indigenous/Native people. This history and mistreatment is becoming more well known about my country. It’s currently in debate whether we should label the Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women a genocide because of the systematic negligence on the part of our authorities toward finding these girls and closing the numerous cold cases there are. As well, the ‘Starlight Tours’ -- or a more apt and less pleasing name the “Saskatoon Freezing Deaths” are also gaining a lot more attention toward how my country has treated it’s Indigenous people, and their systematic oppression. Not to mention the issue surrounding our residential schools and kidnapped indigenous children. <--there is a lot to unpack about Canada and it’s First Nations peoples. I could go on for paragraphs about this. I encourage any Canadian followers to read the articles in this paragraph and learn about these atrocities if you think our country is perfect.

Canada is not a utopia for POC. Brown and Black people as well, still suffer from racism from our authorities, as well as just daily racism from the people around them. And there are cases of police negligence and brutality that happen in Canada. This is a fact that our country has to face. 

In terms of our government -- well, our parties are a lot different than the US. Here’s what our election looked like last year, and a basic overview on party policies. Our elections last like...a month? I think last year it was 78 days and that was a long ass election. Generally speaking, there isn’t as much of and Us or Them mentality with our parties and I think it’s because we have a Parliament system. In my perspective, they’re all sort of toeing the line because they need each other in order for any policy to pass, especially when we have a minority government.

So, no one other than the conservatives are aligning themselves with just one party. And the conservatives only do that because the PC party is really the only contending conservative power in Canada. The other three parties that have MPs in House are leftist parties. 

Personally speaking, I’m a leftist. I side more with the NDP than the Liberals in terms of policies, but I don’t align myself with a specific party. I’m just a leftist. I usually vote Liberal, because in my district, they are the only contenders against the PC party, and ultimately my district is PC led because it’s a small town and it’s just how people vote there.

That’s how I look at our government. Notice how much more flippant it is than you might get from someone in the States? AND. I’m going to be perfectly honest here, not long ago, in our provincial government, we had a Premier named Kathleen Wynne, who I wanted to like, but she made some really stupid decisions (except $14 min wage, thank u Wynne). She was a Liberal party leader. And, you know, I was not okay with a PC government in Ontario, especially one run by Doug Ford (brother of notorious Rob Ford). And he’s done some shit I don’t like at all, BUT! I can comfortably say that I respect Doug Ford because of his decision making during the Covid Pandemic. While it was slow and could have been handled better, do I think another leader would have done better? Not really. But at the same time, there was no downplaying, and despite his emphasis on business in his platform, he surprised me with his re-opening policies and how slowly they were taken. (except the schools, because that was fuckin stupid tbh but I’m not going to keep going on about that.). Generally speaking, here when you’re mad about a politician, it’s for non-heinous, smaller bad decision making, rather than taking away Trans rights, for example. (An Aside -- here in Ontario, trans people who are clinically diagnosed with dysphoria and referred for surgery by a professional have their surgeries covered by OHIP (provincial health plan), and do not have to pay out of pocket, so that’s nice).

(Disclaimer: this opinion is from a white person’s prespective, a white person who votes in rural Ontario, who’s friends and family are quite equally as skeptical and logical toward politics and politicians. My flippancy could very well  be because of my white priviledge and I encourage any poc Canadian followers to respond with their opinions so I can rb here. I just know majority of immigrant Canadians vote Liberal since like the 70s).

Largely our Conservative party is much more concerned with fiscal issues than anything else (though there are some outliers, like Andrew Scheer who was notoriously anti-lgbt and abortion, but from what I could see it was kept out of his politics?? I need to look into it more, but ultimately he was taken out as the PC leader I think largely because of the country’s opinions on this) but a good portion of their supporters can be racist, and non-supportive of lgbt people, anti-abortion, etc. Ultimately, our conservatives, when in power recently, have never tried to reverse LGBT rights, though they toe the line of reproductive rights, despite not actively re-opening the debate. As well, Ontario, Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island, as well as Vancouver, Edmonton and Calgary have enacted bans on conversion therapy. A bill has also been tabled that will federally ban conversion therapy, and it’s not something that the conservatives are really fighting against. For the most part, they leave LGBT people alone rather than actively passing laws to harm them. I can personally say, I’ve never felt fear for my life, or my rights when we’ve had a majority PC government.

As an immigrant, compared to the US, you are more likely to be taken in to our country, and it is much easier to get work. It’s also easier to become a permanent resident (here’s a list of personal stories from answers on Quora about Canada vs US immigration). 

As well, the Canadian government adopted the idea of Canada as a multicultural nation back in the 1970s. We’re not a melting pot like the US. And this can be a big draw for people looking to immigrate, because it emphasizes individuality and the positives of what different cultures can bring to a country. (Though this can be contested and quite fairly at that).

I personally know a good amount of people who have immigrated to Canada, from a variety of different backgrounds, who love it here, and have had very little issue in their lives. Not none, obviously for the POC, because racism still happens here, but they love being here, and ultimately they feel safe and like they belong. They have found community here. But this is just my personal experience, Heres’s a couple articles from and about Canadian immigrants:

Immigrants talk about when they 'started to feel Canadian' - Ottawa Citizen, 2018 As an immigrant, I know how it feels to be 'lonely and isolated' in my new country - CBC Saskatchewan, 2019    What It Takes: An immigrant’s journey from Zimbabwe to Canada - Global News, 2019

This isn’t to say that people come here and they’re always going to love it. There’s a lot of people who leave, either to go back to their home country, or to go to another country (like the US). Even though it’s easier than in the US, it can still be hard to get a job here in the field you want, things are kind of really expensive compared to the US, the US has better higher level education, they have better paying jobs, etc. 

And again, this is the perspective of a white person from a smaller city in Ontario. I know Toronto, even though half of it’s population are immigrants, has a lot of issues with it’s police and brutality and anti-black and brown racism. Ultimately, you will not completely escape racism, individual or systemic, in this country. It’s an unfortunate fact that we can all fight to change in the future.

But in a small town. It’s a community. As someone from a rural area, I know that in my experience, there has never been a point where I have seen anyone from my small communities who have been, at the least, outwardly racist toward a POC. I personally have never seen or heard of a person being confronted or abused or called names because of the colour of their skin or cultural background. (here is an article written by my brother’s friend and former band mate, who is a black man that was adopted as a child, about his experiences in small town Canada, and his perspective on the BLM movement and the response of his white friends).

Anyway, I hope this sort of got my point across. Canada’s a complicated nation, like most. I didn’t touch on the base level, ‘why is canada a good place to immigrate’ points or anything, but I figure you would look that up before making such a big choice. And I’ve already spent 4 hours trying to write something coherent and somewhat researched to say...

Again, I encourage anyone to rb with their opinion or with anything I may have missed. Or send an ask or whatever.

[thatfrenchacademic]

Oh my god it literally *IS* a human right already.

Ok

So

I am guessing that when people ask "Should there be a human right to privacy", what they mean is some form of "should it be protected by international human rights treaties, and in constitutions, where States would be forced to ensure that this right is respected an safeguarded?"

And I have fantastic news for you.

May I introduce you to Article 12 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights :

WOW INCREDIBLE IT'S LIKE THE VERY CONCEPT OF RIGHT TO PRIVACY ALREADY EXISTED IN 1948.

And it is actually so damn important that we added to a proper TREATY, because the UDHR is not technically a treaty. So have the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, from 1966:

But wait it get better.

Did you know that *gasp* CHILDREN have a right to privacy ???? Kind of like they are human beings, that's so wild ??? And it's in the Convention on the Right of the Child, which literally every single State in the world has signed. Except the US because of course the US did not sign it.

Ok I hear you "that's like, global stuff, isn't there anything that would be closer to my situation?" YES THERE IS BECAUSE IT IS THE DAMN RIGHT TO PRIVACY OF COURSE IT IS PROTECTED EVERYWHERE.

Have the European Convention on Human Rights :

The EU Charter of Fundamental Rights

The ASEAN Declaration on Human Rights

And the Inter-American Convention on Human Rights

And I see you go "Oh so for Africa, the Bajul Charter Human and Peoples' Rights does not have it?" 1.the Bajul Charter contains provisions on right to self determination, freedom from oppression and cultural rights that you WISH other Treaties had and 2. Don't worry my child, because at least Zimbabwe, South Africa, Namibia, Botswana, Zambia, Nigeria, Liberia, Cote d’Ivoire, Kenya, Guinea, Gambia, Senegal, Togo, Niger, Benin, Guinea-Bissau, Ghana, Tanzania, Uganda, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Somalia, Lesotho, and Burundi have a right to privacy in their constitution.

Because BY THE WAY MOST STATES HAVE A RIGHT TO PRIVACY IN THEIR CONSTITUTION, OR PROTECTED BY YOUR CONSTITUTIONAL COURT.

"Ok but like, my country has a different culture and we have a different approach for fundamental rights and international laws don't matter anyway-"

OK USAmerican edgelord, take a seat and know that

1. That may because your constitution is fucking old and it was written by people who did not have to give a shit about the the Governement trampling over their privacy I WONDER WHY THAT IS, and because your Supreme Court is an even bigger MESS I WONDER WHY THAT IS AS WELL.

2. I am not taking advice on human rights from a country who refused the ratify the Convention on the Right of the Child, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities.

3. Maybe if so many of your economic juggernauts and your own government did not rely on actually giving the middle finger to privacy, you would actually have a right to privacy.

TL;DR : Web3.0-Meta-GAFA-Crypto-bros-twitter-experts are really acting like "privacy" is such a BrAnD NeW ThInG like it's so complex bro, it's so new bro when it's such a fucking obvious right that 80 years ago some old white men in an absolutely war-ravaged Europe where atrocities had been committed on a monstruous scale sat a table with a goal of avoiding a repeat of all that and went "you know what? privacy does feel kind of important rn".

The battle today is NOT on "do we have a right to privacy", because it exists, it is there, there IS a consensus and debating this is actually taking a step back. The question is HOW do we ensure that the right to privacy is protected even when we are talking about digital privacy.

On this note, your local lawyer has a phd to go back to.

PS : USRatifyTheCRC2022