#our only social security net is our obligations to each other

[hussyknee]

No spice in your food, no bidets in your bathrooms, no expansive culture of generosity and hospitality...the way white people live is a tragedy.

[mostlysignssomeportents]

Taxes are for the little people

If you wanna do crimes, make them incredibly complicated and technical. Like the hustlers that came into the bookstore I worked at and spun these long-ass stories about why they needed money for a Greyhound ticket home.

Those guys shoulda studied the private equity sector.

Private equity's playbook is to borrow giant sums by putting up other peoples' companies as collateral (yes, really). Then they use that money to buy the company they mortgaged, and pay themselves a huge dividend.

Then they sell off the company's assets and pay themselves even more money. That leaves the company in a state of precarity - assets they once owned, like their buildings, they now rent. If the rent goes up, they have to find the money to cover it.

All of this forms a pretense for mass layoffs, defaulting on pension obligations, lowering product quality, stiffing suppliers and borrowing more money. If the company doesn't go bust, the PE looters can flip it to *another* PE company, that does it again.

Whenever you see something really terrible happening to a business that once offered useful products and services and paid decent wages, it's a safe bet that PE is behind it. Toys R Us, Sears, your local hospital - and that memestock favorite, AMC.

https://pluralistic.net/2020/04/12/mammon-worshippers/#silver-lake-partners

Private equity goons make their money in two ways: the first is by pocketing 20% of  these special dividends and other extractive policies that hollow out business.

This is money at PE managers get paid for spending their investors' money. It's a wage, in other words.

But thanks to the "carried interest" loophole (a hangover from 16th-century sea captains that has nothing to do with "interest" on loans), they get to treat these wages as "capital gains" and pay far less tax on them.

The fact that we give preferential tax treatment to capital gains (money derived from gambling), while taxing wages (money derived from doing useful work) at higher rates really tells you everything you need to know about our economic priorities.

https://pluralistic.net/2021/04/29/writers-must-be-paid/#carried-interest

The carried interest loophole lets PE crooks treat their salaries as capital gains, are taxed at a much lower rate than the wages of the workers whose lives they're destroying.

On top of the 20% profit-share that PE bosses get every year, they also pocket a 2% "management fee" for all the "value" they add to the companies they've taken over.

This is *definitely* a wage. The 20% profit-share at least has an element of risk, but that 2% is guaranteed.

But PE bosses have spent more than a decade booking that 2% wage as a capital gain, using a tax-fraud tactic called "fee waivers." The details of how a fee waiver don't matter because it's all bullshit, like the tale of the needful Greyhound ticket.

All that matters is that a legal fiction allows people earning *eight- or nine-figure salaries* to treat *all* of those wages as capital gains and pay lower rates of tax on them than the janitors who clean their toilets or the workers whose jobs they will annihilate.

Now, the IRS knows all about this. Whistleblowers came forward in 2011 to warn them about it. The Treasury even struck a committee to come up with new rules to fix it.

But Obama failed to make those rules stick, and then Trump put a former tax-cheat enabler in charge of redrafting them. The cheater-friendly rules became law on Jan 5, and handed PE bosses hundreds of millions in savings every year.

https://www.nytimes.com/2021/06/12/business/private-equity-taxes.html

The New York Times report on "fee waivers" goes through the rulemaking history, the technical details of the scam, and the gutting of the IRS, which can no longer afford to audit rich people and now makes its quotas by preferentially auditing low earners who can't afford lawyers.

But former securities lawyer Jerri-Lynn Scofield's breakdown of the Times piece on Naked Capitalism really connects the dots:

https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2021/06/private-inequity-nyt-examines-how-the-private-equity-industry-avoids-taxes.html

As Scofield and Yves Smith point out, if Biden wanted to do one thing for tax justice, he could abolish preferential treatment for capital gains. If we want a society of makers and doers instead of owners and gamblers, we shouldn't penalize wages and reward rents.

There's an especial urgency to this right now. As the PE bosses themselves admit, they went on a buying spree during the pandemic (they call it "saving American businesses"). Larger and larger swathes of the productive economy are going into the PE meat-grinder.

Worse still, the PE industry has revived its most destructive tactic, the "club deal," whereby PE firms collaborate to take out whole economic sectors in one go:

https://pluralistic.net/2021/05/14/billionaire-class-solidarity/#club-deals

We're at an historic crossroads for tax justice. On the one hand, you have the blockbuster Propublica report on leaked IRS files that revealed that the net tax rate paid by America's billionaires is close to zero.

https://pluralistic.net/2021/06/08/leona-helmsley-was-a-pioneer/#eat-the-rich

This has left the Bootlicker-Industrial Complex in the bizarre position of arguing that anyone who suggests someone who amasses billions of dollars should pay more than $0 in tax is a radical socialist (so far, the go-to tactic is to make performative noises about privacy).

At the same time, the G7 has agreed to an historical tax deal that will see businesses taxed at least 15% on the revenue they make in each country, irrespective of the accounting fictions they use to claim that the profits are being earned in the middle of the Irish Sea.

That deal is historical, but the fact that it's being hailed as curbing corporate power reveals just how distorted our discourse about corporate taxes has become.

As Thomas Piketty writes, self-employed people pay 20-50% tax in countries that will tax the world's wealthiest companies a mere 15%: "For SMEs as well as for the working and middle classes, it is impossible to create a subsidiary to relocate its profits to a tax haven."

Piketty, like Gabriel Zucman, says that EU nations should charge multinationals a minimum of 25%, and like Zucman, he reminds us that the G7 deal does nothing to help the poorest countries in the Global South.

https://www.lemonde.fr/blog/piketty/2021/06/15/the-g7-legalizes-the-right-to-defraud/

These countries and the EU have something in common: they aren't "monetarily sovereign" (that is, they don't issue their own currencies *and* borrow in the currencies they issue).

Sovereign currency issuers (US, UK, Japan, Canada, Australia, etc) don't need to tax in order to pay for programs - first they spend new money into the economy and then they tax it back out again.

https://pluralistic.net/2020/06/10/compton-cowboys/#the-deficit-myth

These countries can run out of stuff to buy in their currency, but they can't run out of the currency itself. Monetarily sovereign countries don't tax to fund their operations.

Rather, they tax to fight inflation (if you spend money into the economy every year but don't take some of it out again through taxation, more and more money will chase the same goods and services and prices will go up).

And just as importantly, monetary sovereigns tax to reduce the spending power - and hence the political power - of the wealthy. The fact that PE bosses had billions of tax-free dollars at their disposal let them spend millions to distort tax policy to legalize fee waivers.

Taxing the money - and hence the power - of wage earners at higher rates than gamblers creates politics that value gambling above work, because gamblers get to spend the winnings they retain on political influence, including campaigns to rig the casino in their favor.

This discredits the whole system, shatters social cohesion and makes it hard to even imagine that we can build a better world - or avert the climate-wracked dystopia on the horizon.

But for Eurozone countries (whose monetary supply is controlled by technocrats at the ECB) and countries of the Global South (whom the IMF has forced into massive debts owed in US dollars, which they can only get by selling their national products), tax is even more urgent.

The US could fund its infrastructure needs just by creating money at the central bank.

EU and post-colonial lands can only fund programs with taxes, so for them, billionaires don't just distort their priorities and corrupt their system - they also starve their societies.

But that doesn't mean that monetary sovereigns can tolerate billionaires and their policy distortions. The UK is monetarily sovereign, in the G7, and its finance minister is briefing to have the City of London's banks exempted from the new tax deal.

https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-06-08/u-k-pushes-for-city-of-london-exemption-from-global-tax-deal

Now, the City of London is one of the world's great financial crime-scenes, and its banks are responsible for an appreciable portion of the planet-destabilizing frauds of the past 100 years.

During the Great Financial Crisis AIG used its London subsidiary to commit crimes its US branch couldn't get away with. The City of London was the epicenter of the LIBOR fraud, the Greensill collapse - it's the Zelig of finance crime, the heart of every fraud.

UK Chancellor Rishi Sunak claims banks are already paying high global tax and can't afford to be part of the G7 tax deal. If that was true, it wouldn't change the fact that these banks are too big to jail and anything that shrinks them is a net benefit.

But it's not true.

As the tax justice campaigner  Richard Murphy points out, the risk to banks like Barclays adds up to 0.8% of global turnover: "The big deal is that the 15% global minimum tax rate is much too low. Suinak has yet again spectacularly missed the point."

https://www.taxresearch.org.uk/Blog/2021/06/09/how-big-is-the-tax-hit-on-banks-from-the-g7-tax-deal-that-sunak-fears-really-going-to-be/

Image: Joshua Doubek (modified) https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:IRS_Sign.JPG

CC BY-SA: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en

[theanimeview]

What Makes a King? - A Concept Overview & Analysis

By: Peggy Sue Wood | @peggyseditorial​​

Above is my favorite scene from the manhwa King’s Maker (from Season 1 Episode/chapter 14). 

I love this scene because it perfectly embodies the ideal of what it takes to be a just or good leader in the fictional world of this particular story (not just seen as one publicly, but actually being one). It's an idea that relies heavily on the concept of noblesse oblige, which tends to pop-up in stories featuring nobles, royalty, or something similar. While also expanding on this idea of the necessity for chivalry that draws its definition and history from stories of King Arthur and his Knights of the Round. In modern-day stories, I would argue that much of our current interpretations and ideas of knightly/chivalric qualities come from Geoffrey of Monmouth’s stories of the king and his knights as well as the tales’ later retellings. [For those that don’t know noblesse oblige is the idea of inferred responsibility from privileged people to act with generosity and nobility toward those less privileged and chivalry is defined as a knightly system with its religious, moral, and social code. Geoffrey of Monmouth is the author of the first narrative account of King Arthur's life that we know of.]

You see, as someone who has studied literature in school, particularly Classical Antiquity and where we've gone from since, I've always been really interested in this idea of what makes a King, particularly in stories where we see a fight for the throne because it's hard to maintain these ideal qualities in what is often a bloody battle for power among people who have little to no qualms about committing vile acts to maintain what they have or gain more power, money, etc. This question of what makes a King? is a one I find myself asking often when I read fantasy stories that involve any question of a throne or it’s inheritance. However, I use the term "king" loosely to encompass the concept of a rightful ruler as defined by the set up an author gives in their individual stories.  

In popular works like Game of Thrones, in which we see much of the darker sides to knighthood, oaths, nobility, royalty, and so on--we see the grim reality of Geoffrey of Monmouth's time. In fact, some argue that Geoffrey's account and the focus on the knighthood and Arthur's reign amid war and beyond was a subversive aim to inspire real change among the dark abuses of power that many members of the knightly class, nobility, and above, held. In a movie like The Knight's Tale, we see this too in which it is the common man that depicts the embodiment of a true knight's spirit--one that is loyal, protective, chivalrous, deserving of love and admiration, and so on--rather than the majority of the knights born to their status. Shakespeare, who features many noble and royal families in his tales, also marks some of these qualities--showing audiences both redeeming features and cruelty among the classes (a rare depiction that landed him, at times, in the hot seat). 

These stories draw me in, as they do many others, and I think we can draw a conclusion on the trials a good or just king, knight, noble, or other must embody to achieve their "throne" by the end--one that is a bit more clear than The King Maker's summary above. 

Each potential "king" must succeed in a trail depicting one or more of the seven knightly virtues (defined here: http://marktoci.weebly.com/7-knightly-virtues.html), those being: 

“Courage.  More than bravado or bluster, a knight must have the courage of the heart necessary to undertake tasks which are difficult, tedious or unglamorous, and to graciously accept the sacrifices involved.

Justice.  A knight holds him- or herself to the highest standard of behavior, and knows that “fudging” on the little rules weakens the fabric of society for everyone.

Mercy.  Words and attitudes can be painful weapons, which is why a knight exercises mercy in his or her dealings with others, creating a sense of peace and community, rather than engendering hostility and antagonism.

Generosity.  Sharing what’s valuable in life means not just giving away material goods, but also time, attention, wisdom and energy - the things that create a strong, rich and diverse community.

Faith.  In the code of chivalry, “faith” means trust and integrity, and a knight is always faithful to his or her promises, no matter how big or small they may be.

Nobility.  Although this word is sometimes confused with “entitlement” or “snobbishness,” in the code of chivalry it conveys the importance of upholding one’s convictions at all times, especially when no one else is watching.

Hope.  More than just a safety net in times of tragedy, hope is present every day in a knight’s positive outlook and cheerful demeanor - the ‘shining armor’ that shields him or her, and inspires people all around.”

Suppose one were to look to the code of chivalry defined in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. In that case, those virtuous qualities might instead be represented as friendship, generosity, chastity, courtesy, and piety/humility. 

Failing to pass such trails, the potential "king" would instead display a knightly sin (defined here: https://chivalrytoday.com/knightly-sins/), and often, if not always, in a story suffers karma for such actions. 

The idea of a Hero's Journey, a story form I'm sure everyone has heard defined many times before, includes these trails even though they are rarely explicitly spelled out in a summary of the form. This may be because many heroes rising, of which these "kings" are, already embody these virtues and only struggle with or require a trial against one of them.

As it stands, we can often see in advance a potential king's tragedy by understanding this idea. For example, we know that Wolfgang Goldenleonard, the prince seen above in The King's Maker excerpt I’ve provided, is going to be the King, birth order be damned. Will there be trails? Of course. And he passes them securing his crown at the end of Season 1; and continues to pass them thus maintaining his throne, which we can see currently in Season 2.

By extension, we can see the character's whose stories will end in failure based on how long it takes them to pass the knightly trails, if they even can pass them. For example, Richard III in Requiem of the Rose King, which is sure to end in tragedy--not simply because the Shakespearean plays the work draws on tend to end that way but because Richard’s character has changed from the loyal son/brother. 

King, in this sense, could probably easily be replaced by the word hero or knight... but the idea stands that to make them worthy of their title they seem to need one or more of these qualities.

So as you read the next chapter of your favorite knight's tale, or a battle for the throne, or a rise to power--consider whether or not your hero/protagonist is capable of achieving these virtues. You will probably find that even the characters that seem villainous, like the self-ish Seo Joo-Heon from Tomb Raider King or Naofumi Iwatani from The Rising of The Shield Hero, pass the test we've defined here.

[beautybranding12]

How Fenty’s Beauty Branding Positioning Generated $100 Million In 40 Days

Many of Huda Beauty’s high posts featured the brand’s photogenic founder, suggesting the brand is taking advantage of that Huda magic. Beauty branding is all about first impressions and in the enterprise of beauty the bar is set excessive. Salons want a distinctive style to face out and entice fashion-savvy shoppers in an over-saturated market. We are a beauty branding company, our skilled brand id companies create related, believable, well-positioned manufacturers https://mslk.com/.

Don’t cover them on a webpage nobody visits; use them to underscore your advertising, your website copy, and every thing else that comes from your model, implicitly and explicitly. According to Brand Finance, L'Oreal Paris is the main make-up brand in relation to net worth. In 2020 it's value was value a whopping 11.75 billion US dollars. It's adopted by Gillette and Nivea in the second and third places, respectively. Anyone could be their own makeup artist with the assistance of Make Up For Ever.

This beauty branding logo is kind of made up of a monogram illustration and a wordmark. The monogram is made up of a artistic and edgy letter mixture. The U and D are uppercase and angular, with gentle swirls, onerous traces and modern aptitude. Color is merely certainly one of three logo components - others are symbol and font.

The brand’s skincare, makeup and perfume merchandise combine science and sweetness to achieve the right blend of modern thinking and timeless style. Created by François Nars in 1994, NARS Cosmetics launched with simply 12 lipsticks. Since then, the label has grown considerably and now provides a various and in depth assortment of magnificence merchandise for women of all skin sorts. You don’t want to purchase couture clothes to find a way to put on luxurious.

This mega cosmetics firm is certainly one of the largest on the earth and has been providing girls with incredible cosmetics and fragrances since 1886. RMS Beauty prides itself on creating merchandise that are not solely non-toxic but in addition nourishing to the skin. The label’s makeup and skincare ranges function raw, food-grade and natural elements that promote anti-ageing and long-lasting magnificence.

They’ve backed up their dedication to that base of their marketing, and they’ve used social media to attach with their clients in unfiltered and organic methods. Since Lilah b isn't brand new, Foland is working via well timed issues that are important to modern beauty customers. The brand is increasing the variety of foundation shades provided, of which there are at present only 5, and addressing sustainability, an increasing area of focus for the wonder trade. The frequency of assortment has increased from monthly to weekly in just some years, and Lilah b is devoted to persevering with the scheme as a value of doing enterprise. Vegan beauty brand The Lip Bar was a prime performer on each Instagram and Twitter this year.

As prospects are exposed to a beauty model extra typically, they become extra inclined to like it. Successful brands have a constant look and feel in every little thing they put in front of their prospects. One of the major benefits of this type of consistency is that it offers easy recognition of any product amongst customers. Attractive packaging design is a motivating pressure in encouraging folks to make impulsive selections. Taking benefit of this reward-seeking conduct with a good design can have a robust influence on customers’ receptiveness to your products.

To be thought-about natural, the product must meet non-toxic standards for ingredients and processing. Up from $483B in 2020 to $511B in 2021 — and with an annual compounded development rate of four.75% worldwide — it’s predicted to exceed $716B by 2025. Long controlled by legacy conglomerates, the sweetness business has turned on-line. Spend a while really nailing down what makes your products different. You have to not be afraid to level out what makes you stand out, there’s plenty of power in that. You’re a growing group with systemic issues which may be affecting your brand.

Lilah B promote multi-use merchandise using "clean" components, encouraging clients to recycle their old cosmetics packaging. Customer engagement is handiest if it’s organic, through “deep connection” corresponding to user-generated content or influencers who've plausible relationships with products. A robust online presence might help entice stockists—so it’s worth investing in social media areas. Early on, you will want to create a website—try Squarespace for an inexpensive, secure, and slick on-line retailer you could build your self with no coding skills. I constructed my very own retailer on Squarespace within the time it took to watch an episode of Black Mirror.

Skincare model Mary Kay swiftly jumped into the fight against coronavirus by redirecting resources to fabricate hand sanitizer within the early days of the pandemic. Instagram followers jumped in to applaud the brand’s actions with more than 17,000 likes and comments. Not all brands went so far as to change up manufacturing, however many beauty manufacturers tried to make a difference by actively sharing what they have been doing to fight the pandemic with followers on social media. Many manufacturers noticed success with giveaways this yr, but this one from ColourPop is a textbook instance of a dynamite social media giveaway. The brand stored the criteria for entry easy and centered on ColourPop as an alternative of creating fans hop around to a bunch of different brands. The giveaway in celebration of a big follower milestone sneakily helped ColourPop develop followers even more by incentivizing casual followers to follow the model on Instagram.

The company serves various industries together with sports, leisure, food & beverage, retail and travel. But the joy in this brand comes in its simplicity — particularly in comparability to the encompassing packaging. The monogram is made up of the overlapping E and L of the model name in a curly, inventive and splendid font. The backward “N” adds a cool, innovative and edgy tone to the logo that elevates the brand’s mastery within the beauty industry. Due to Instagram API limitations, we’re capable of pull accurate Instagram engagement numbers only for verified and/or Instagram business accounts. Helpful business articles, our work, and special provides are introduced on these platforms.

You’ll also need an on-brand business card full with your logo, website and another components of your model identity, to construct these connections. The visual id communicates instantly what it would take a long time to place throughout in words. For example, are your values natural, natural and eco-friendly or glamorous and glossy? The customer will instantly get an impression from your packaging and marketing materials to assist them resolve if the product is for them. Of course the phrases are important too, but you have to get your clients to notice you first, and that's where visuals are so necessary.

After Fenty launched, their deep shades offered out across the nation, and customers took to social media to share their joy at discovering foundations that matched their pores and skin tone. But while Fenty is priced as a luxury model, they still aren’t as expensive as most of the other manufacturers promoting a lot of shades. Estée Lauder’s foundation range with forty two shades, for instance, is priced at $42; Fenty’s foundation is $35.

By posting YouTube movies of her make-up routines and sharing seems on her Snapchat tales, she had positioned herself as a number one voice. eMarketer reviews that 38% of shoppers interested in testing pop-up stores are those that already store on-line every week in comparability with 28% preferring brick-and-mortar shopping. By engaging with its followers in a face-to-face setting, Glossier is prepared to deepen relationships with customers past online interactions. Yet, it doesn’t come with the monetary obligations of following a chain-store mannequin. With different themes in every area and experiential advertising activations — it’s constructed hype that attracts droves of brand name lovers desperate to try out the products in real-time.

While the beauty and private care business will stay strong globally, the cosmetics and skincare verticals specifically will expertise probably the most income growth within the US at a fee of 3.5% by 2021. Crafted is a inventive branding agency that companions with startups and fortune 100 brands across the globe. They have experience in brand design, video manufacturing, web site improvement ad content material advertising. Does a Black-owned magnificence brand need to post about Black founders, Black influencers, and makeup shades for darker skin tones to be successful on social media?

Fenty is a good instance of magnificence brand advertising, from their partaking social media channels which include sharing well-liked memes on Twitter and sharing selfies of their clients sporting Fenty makeup. Fenty was initially launched in 2017 by way of an exclusively digital marketing campaign and to this present day the model is a testomony to the significance of how important the web area is for modern magnificence manufacturers. Different branded cosmetics model design elements by Almi designLogo. Your brand is the face of your beauty enterprise and, as such, it’s the most important component you’ll bring to life through the branding course of. Fenty found next-level success because it positioned itself from day one as a diverse brand for a various buyer base. They’ve built products for an enormous and underserved market—women whose pores and skin tones don’t fall into the ranges that the most important makeup brands focus on.

According to NPD, Benefit Cosmetics had a 50% share of the £20 million brow market in 2016, and that was before the model launched thirteen model new brow-related products. Fenty continues this strategy across digital channels, using YouTube tutorials and stay virtual events to generate engagement and hype around each new product launch. Many magnificence brands launched digital tools in 2020, as customers have been unable to visit stores , and L’Oreal’s ‘Signature Faces’ digital make up line was arguably one of the most innovative releases.

Your web site is a superb platform to start a dialogue about all magnificence topics and, who is aware of, maybe a while down the road you might begin producing a line of beauty products that you never considered. Funkhaus is a digital creative company working on the intersection of design, content material, programming, and strategy. One reason behind Benefit’s domination of the area is its shrewd advertising activity, which in 2017 concerned the ‘Browmobile’ campaign. Combining experiential elements with digital advertising, it involved an online competition offering customers the possibility to win a visit from the browmobile.

"Aside from social media, a advertising tactic that usually will get overlooked is the unboxing experience you could create for influencers," says Wittick. "Fabfitfun created a stir about this, yet it’s a tactic that still will get uncared for." When operating a cosmetics advertising marketing campaign on social media, begin by figuring out what makes your product visually intriguing.</p>

<p>Glossier managed to tie for first with last year’s Instagram winner Huda Beauty thanks to dynamic posts tailor-made to the instances. Many of the brand’s prime Insta posts featured COVID updates, assist of frontline staff, and popping out in support of Black Lives Matter, indicating the model was unafraid to take a stand. Going beyond the makeup was a profitable strategy for Glossier throughout all channels and was especially powerful on Instagram.

A logo that conveys your brand and character instantly is one which prospects will respond to. Those are just two examples, but you should take the time to determine the place your clients spend their time if you'd like your marketing to be effective. Once you could have taken these three steps, you have to use the information you could have gathered to market your company and merchandise. New web shoppers must create an online account to earn & redeem rewards. “We actually imagine that Then I Met You has its own distinct branding and story to inform, and we want to grow separate and distinctly from Soko Glam,” says Cho.

You will create much less waste and save vitality by using recycled supplies. This sort of engagement is gold, and firms like ColourPop comprehend it. The brand is constantly increasing its product range and making an attempt new things, and the probabilities are countless. In 2017 it put a name out for a name for a model new, yet-to-be-released concealer and inside seconds had dozens of replies. The website Bustle rapidly caught on to the thread, stating ColourPop teased a possible concealer on Twitter and followers already have the right name idea. A large seventy % of Glossier’s on-line sales come from peer referrals.

Matt Holt, Chief Strategy Officer at Digitas UK, explains why we have to deliver memorability and utility via buyer expertise. The travel trade fascinates me; not just because like everyone else I love a good holiday and a while within the solar, however it’s additionally some of the aggressive industries in relation to the SERPs. A beautifully designed web site in its personal right – it’s fairly simple to get lost browsing round. However, by pointing customers back to content material on the primary Aesop web site, it is in a position to deliver on its authentic function of promoting the core model.

Social media cosmetics branding by JayJacksonIf you need your magnificence brand to succeed, you need to model yourself on social media. While all platforms are necessary, YouTube and Instagram are each visual platforms where the majority of magnificence content material lives, making them, palms down, the most important channels for beauty manufacturers. Fenty launched with forty totally different shades of foundation, encompassing an enormous variety of pores and skin tones. As a outcome, the company was in a place to supply a greater number of choices in darker and lighter shades of make-up than most other major firms.

Logo by thisisremedy for Floral Chemistry.Customers wish to work with manufacturers they'll stand behind. So when you really wish to connect together with your customers, you should do greater than make superb lipsticks or tremendous pigmented shadows—you want a powerful corporate mission and values. Sign up for our free, 7-day e mail course and learn to construct the proper model id. When it comes to branding your corporation, there are three fundamental ideas you have to understand.

It specializes in science, and you'll see that within the design components that the logo embodies. You can’t ignore a model whose beauty brand is shiny, daring and dynamic in the way this model is — and you don’t want to. The first store opened a hundred sixty five years ago as a New York apothecary, nevertheless it has advanced right into a model that cares about all-natural merchandise and the shoppers that use them. Glossier is a modern cosmetic brand that is identified for its simplicity and minimalism — in its product providing and its product packaging.

The flowing feel of a script font is inherently feminine and conveys a simple class that might be perceived at a look. What meaning in sensible phrases is that the competitors in the magnificence industry is fierce. The huge cosmetics corporations are continuously engaged in a battle to win the business of more and more subtle customers. And even in the smallest cities, generally two or three hair or nail salons have to compete with one another for a small pool of shoppers. Over the previous twenty years we now have helped manufacturers grow from the bottom up, launch line extensions, rediscover their voice in a crowded market, and create totally new product categories. While public relations, partnerships, events like Indie Beauty Expo, and different advertising tactics may be efficient, Instagram influencers will actually increase your beauty business.

The emblem is a mirror of this magnificence brand’s products, usually described as bold, surprising and vivid. Its aesthetics is immediately derived from Kat’s tattoo artistry in its intricate typography sample even in its retail places which echo stylistic cues from gothic artwork and structure. It balances a regal history with a contemporary energy that can’t be ignored or tamed.

[spine-buster]

Alone, Together | Chapter 38 | Morgan Rielly

A/N: Many thanks again for understanding why I couldn’t upload last week.  We’re in the homestretch now and nearing the end of the story (only two more official chapters -- eeeeek!).  Remember that canon questions are always welcome, and there will be at least four (4) “epilogues”/glimpses into the future.

When Bee awoke to soft, quick butterfly kisses on her shoulder and neck early in the morning of her 24th birthday, she knew she was waking up in her own personal form of paradise.  With the comforter draped over her body, the morning sun peeking through the blinds, the strong arms wrapped around her body, holding her close – there was nothing better.  She could wake up like this everyday.  

Wait.

She did wake up like this everyday.  Well, almost everyday.  

Morgan’s breath was hot against her neck as he continued to kiss and suck lightly on her skin.  She moved her legs slightly and backed her ass onto his already hardening member.  He groaned slightly, knowing that she was now awake.  

“Happy birthday, beautiful,” he mumbled into the crook of her neck.  His voice was sleepy, scraggly, and low.  She couldn’t help but smile, feeling like the luckiest girl in the world.  She turned around to face him.

It didn’t matter that Morgan just had a giant photoshoot and campaign released with RW&Co that saw him looking like a five course meal in a variety of different suits.  It didn’t matter that soon she’d be seeing him in suits almost every other night going in and out of Scotiabank Arena.  None of it mattered.  Her favourite Morgan was here, in bed with her, drowsy blue eyes and messy hair and scruff on his face, his body warm with a cheeky smile adorning his face.  This was the best Morgan.  This was the Morgan she fell in love with.  Not the one situated in front of the cameras, giving answers.  Not the one who signed up for sponsorship opportunities with Nike and Hockey Night in Canada and whatever else.  Not the hockey player playing over 20 minutes a night.  This Morgan.  Simple Morgan.  The Morgan she saw when they were alone together.

She really was the luckiest girl in the world.  

“I love you,” she whispered, leaning in to kiss him.

“I love you too,” he responded, leaning in to kiss her again before their lips and tongues were all over one another’s, kissing passionately for what felt like hours before they had to stop to catch their breath.  

It was then that Bee brought her hand up, caressing his cheek, her thumb outlining his lips.  “I didn’t think…” she began, wondering if she should even say it.  She hesitating before deciding yes, she should say it, because it was her 24th birthday and her feelings should be out in the open for Morgan to know.  “I didn’t think I was capable of loving another person this much.”

His big blue eyes flashed at her admission.  “I didn’t think I could, either,” he admitted.

“But it’s different for me.”

Morgan nodded his head.  He knew what she meant.  He knew that this was something that had been on her mind for a while, leading up to day, her birthday.  He knew that she probably wanted to express it before, but didn’t think she could, or should, because of one reason or another that she told herself.  But she did now.  “Just think.  We have the rest of our lives to feel it.  To show it.”

Bee couldn’t help but smile before giving him another kiss.  “Show me.  Show me right now.”

Morgan was more than ready to oblige.  He attached his lips to hers again and moved so that his body was over hers.  Luckily, he slept without a shirt that night, so when Bee’s hands began to wander over his chest and back and along his shoulders, he was able to feel her delicate touch and her nails sinking gently into his skin, in the area between his shoulder blades.  Almost immediately, his hand wandered underneath her shirt – one of his old shirts, technically – and began cupping her breast and pinching her nipple, causing her to arch her back slightly.  In no time at all, he shoved the shirt all the way up, over her head, and threw it behind them on the bed.  

With Bee underneath him, Morgan took advantage of the situation by kissing from her lips, across her jawline, along her neck and clavicle, all the way to her breasts, sucking a nipple into his mouth.  He heard Bee let out a small gasp, and that was all he needed to keep going.  He paid her breasts a lot of attention, sucking and caressing them, Bee’s soft sighs his fuel for not stopping for a while until he was hungry for more.  He began kissing his way down her soft stomach, only for her to stop him.

“Later.  Later later later,” she mumbled quickly, trying to pull him back up.  

“What?  Briony--” Morgan was confused.  There was no way.  No way he was not going to--

“I just want you in me right now.  I want to feel you inside me,” she whispered out, her voice frantic.  “Please Morgan.”

“Promise?”

“I promise.  I just want to feel you inside me.”

Her pulled her pyjama bottoms off before doing the same with his.  Bee wrapped her legs around his torso as he hovered over her and began kissing her again – light, airy kisses until she could feel him at her entrance, pushing in slowly.  Another light gasp escaped her lips as he bottomed out.  “I love you baby,” she whispered in between more kisses, sighing into him as she began to feel him begin to move in and out of her slowly.  “I love you so much.”

“I love you too,” he replied automatically.  He stopped kissing her momentarily to get a good look at her.  “Remember the night of the home opener?  Karl Marx?”

Bee couldn’t help but smile at the memory.  That was the night he tried to seduce her by talking about economics, only to ruin the whole thing and send her into a fit of giggles by mentioning Alan Greenspan.  “”Mhm,” she nodded, digging her nails into his shoulder blades again.  “You had quite the uprising in your pants that night.”

“Well I’ve been studying more than usual,” he said.  “Did you know that a social safety net is essential to the success of any economy, and that Canada should be investing more into public education and healthcare for a more educated and healthier society?”

Bee snorted, much like she did that night.  “You sound like you’re running for Prime Minister in October.”

“Oh, it gets better,” Morgan smiled, kissing her quickly.  “I finally learned the difference between microeconomics and macroeconomics.”

“Oh yeah?”

“Micro is individuals and businesses, macro is the decisions of countries and governments.”

Bee couldn’t help but smile.  “You get an A plus, baby.”

Morgan kissed her again, letting his lips linger for a while.  “And get this,” he paused for dramatic effect.  “Friedrich Engels.”

Bee snorted again, louder this time, shaking her head at his ridiculousness.  “What’s the going interest rate settled by the Bank of Canada?” she asked to go along with his ridiculousness.

“1.75%,” he said matter of factly.  

Her eyes went wide.  “Morgan Rielly!” she laughed, messing his hair with her hand.  

“That was an easy one,” he winked.

“You’re just looking for extra credit,” she teased, biting her lip.  “As if you making love to me isn’t enough.”

“You know me, always gotta go that extra mile,” he joked, dipping down to kiss her again as he began to move in and out of her steadily, keeping his lips attached to hers.  

It was cheesy, and perhaps a bit overused and repetitive thing to say, but as they lay in the bed together, holding each other and kissing and looking deep into each other’s eyes, Bee thought that there was nothing better than making love.  The laughing, the jokes, the soft ‘I love you’s escaping their mouths – she loved it all.  There was nothing more intimate.  There was nothing more soft.  There was nothing more that she longed for, that she would long for, when he was gone for the season again.

They came together, naturally, as they knew they would in such a position and with such intimacy.  There were more kisses and more bites as they came down from their highs, Morgan collapsing on top of her gently with her legs still wrapped around him.  Bee made sure he didn’t move, that he didn’t slip out, savouring the warmth and the feeling of him within her as they regained their breaths, drifting off into a light sleep again, without a care about the outside world.  

***

“Can I give you your presents now?”

Bee gave Morgan a look.  She had just finished putting on her outfit for the day – “We’re not doing anything fancy until tonight, so keep it casual for now,” Morgan told her, so she opted for a simple scalloped top and jeans – and still needed to decide what to do with her hair.  When she looked at him, she could tell he was a bit antsy and didn’t wait to wait.  “Let me just put my hair in a bun,” she said, grabbing the elastic from her wrist and putting it in her mouth.

“I’m gonna get them,” she said, immediately shooting up from the bed. She laughed to herself, quickly twisting her hair and securing it tightly with her elastic.  When Morgan arrived back in the room carrying two envelopes, Bee couldn’t help the look of shock on her face.  It was definitely not that she was expecting more, it was that she was surprised Morgan wasn’t hauling in the entire Chanel store.  He warned her he was going to be “a lot”; she told him not to go crazy.

“What’s this?” she asked as he sat beside her on the bed, turning to face her.

“Just a little somethin’,” he wiggled his eyebrows comically.  “You need to open this one first.”

“Are you mocking me?” she asked, remembering back to when she told him he needed to open his gifts in a particular order for his own birthday.

“No.  Just open it, baby.”

She tore open the envelope delicately to reveal six tickets.  When she took a closer look, she noticed that they were for the Saturday, October 26th game the Leafs were having against the Montreal Canadiens.  In Montreal.  “Tickets to a game?”

“Mhm.”

“In Montreal?”

“Yup.  Because I know you’ve never been there.  I thought it’d be a good opportunity for you to take a weekend trip there.”

A smile crept its way onto her face.  She knew what he was doing.  “But…but why are there six tickets?”

“Do you really think I’m going to send you to Montreal and not give the Queen of Montreal herself, Clarette Favaro, and her family tickets as well?” Morgan posed.

Bee’s eyes immediately lit up.  “They’re coming too?!” she asked.  Morgan nodded his head.  “Me, Angie, Mason, Rocco, Clarette, and Josh?”

“You got it.”

“Morgan!” she exclaimed, throwing her arms around him and climbing on top of his lap.  She began peppering his face with kisses, mumbling thank you after thank you.  She knew her first trip to Montreal would be a memorable one.

“There’s still one more,” he mumbled in between kisses.  

“Oh, right,” she remembered, though she stayed on his lap as Morgan handed her the second envelope.  She tore it open delicately again to reveal more tickets.  This time, it was just one.  And this time, when she looked closely at the details, it was for the game against Colorado on Saturday, November 23rd.  In Colorado.

“Bumblebee?” Morgan asked softly, noticing that she was taking a bit of time to take in what was before her.

“Am I…” she began, pausing.  She looked him in the eye.  “Am I going to Colorado?”

“You’re going to Colorado.”

“To visit Ashley and Naz and Naylah?”

“To visit Ashley, Naz, and Naylah.”

Bee hesitated before she put the envelope down on the bed beside them and wrapped her arms around Morgan again tightly.  She tucked her head into the crook of his neck before exhaling deeply, trying to contain her emotions.  “I love you so much,” she mumbled, her lips grazing his skin.  “I love you so so so so so much.”

“I love you too.”

“No, you don’t get it.  I love love love you.”

Morgan chuckled slightly.  “I love love love love you too,” he said, squeezing her tightly.  “Always, Bumblebee.  Always.”

She untucked her head and brought her hands up to cradle his face, kissing him again.  She didn’t want to leave.  She could have stayed in this position and in the moment for the rest of the day.  They didn’t need to do anything else.  It was only when he moved to stand, bringing her with him, that she yelped and stopped kissing him.  “Morgan!” she screamed, giggling slightly.

“C’mon, we gotta go.  I gotta take you out for the day.  We’re gonna be busy,” he said in between quick kisses.

“Where are we going?” she asked.

“That’s for me to know and you to find out,” he said before kissing her again.

She rolled her eyes before looking down at the way his arms looked, his muscles bulging as he held her in his arms.  “Jesus, Mo,” she muttered under her breath, her fingertips grazing his skin.  He kept up his workout regimen all summer, and while she usually noticed the changes in his body, for some reason, she hadn’t quite picked up on how…jacked he’d gotten.  It was like whatever fat he had last year had turned into muscle and she could now reap the rewards.  “Can you carry me the whole way there?”

“Carry you?”

“So I can see your muscles,” she looked down at them, causing him to look down as well.  “They grew, baby.”

“They better have, I’ve been lifting all summer.”

Bee giggled slightly.  “Bro, do you even lift?”

“Do you seriously want me to carry you all the way to the car?” he asked.

“No!”

“I can – if you want.  I mean it’s your bir--”

“Oh shush,” she wiggled out of his grasp until her feet were firmly planted on the floor, despite his arms still being around her waist.  “Just promise you’ll wear something tonight that shows off that body.”

“You better promise the same thing,” he said, winking at her before slapping her ass.

***

Bee was a little bit confused as she and Morgan arrived at the Eaton’s Centre.  As they walked together, Bee tried to think of the possibilities of where they could end up, but she couldn’t think of why he’d bring her to a mall.  She was even more confused when he still refused to tell her where they were going. When he made an abrupt stop in front of the Indigo and gave her a look, she was still…well, confused.  

“So you brought me to Indigo…” she said, trying to piece the whole thing together.  “Why?”

“So you could go crazy,” he said simply.

“Go crazy how?” she asked.  She still didn’t get it.

Morgan couldn’t help but chuckle.  “You have that list of books you want.”

He was referring to the ongoing list she was curating of all the books she wanted to read and have in her life.  Of course, it was constantly changing based on all the new releases.  “Yeah…”

“Indigo is a bookstore, Briony.  And if you don’t find them here we’ll drive up to Bay and Bloor and get them there.  And if not there, we’ll call Yorkdale, Square One…”

She was finally piecing the puzzle together.  “You…you want…” she began, doubt somehow still getting the best of her.  She took a step forward, but then a step back; her right leg outstretched, waiting to take its step, her body shifting between her two feet, rocking forward and back while standing.  She couldn’t move.  “You’re…you’re serious?”

“Of course I’m serious,” he said.  “C’mon Bumbleblee.  I know you’ve always wanted to build your collection.”

He watched as a smile crept its way onto her face.  Small at first, almost non-existent, then getting bigger and bigger, eventually taking over her entire face.  “I don’t…you’re absolutely sure, Morgan.”

Morgan rolled his eyes.  “Did you really think your birthday present wouldn’t involve books?” he asked rhetorically.  “I am positive.  Now go.”

***

The day had been everything that Bee could have ever wanted.  

She bought most of the books on her list.  Morgan followed her around, holding the books and putting them into a rolling basket and wheeling it to the front cash registers, telling the employees “We’re going to need more baskets”, then filling up more baskets with books and asking another employee “Are there any more baskets?” and filling those too.  By the end of it, after the books had all been bought and were loaded, bag by bag, into Morgan’s car, she looked at all the bags overflowing and said “We’re gonna need more bookcases.”

It took most of the day.  So when they got back home, they showered for their night festivities.  Except, well, Morgan had other ideas.  He wanted to use the showerhead for other purposes.  And he did.  And he also wanted to use his hands for other purposes.  And he did.  And it made them a little late for dinner at Jacobs and Co, the famous steakhouse, but by only 20 minutes or so.  Then after some great steak, and some even better wine, they stumbled their way over to Early Mercy, right next door, where Angie and Mason, Josh and his boyfriend Patrick, Zach and Alannah, Auston, and Fred were waiting to surprise her and dance the night away.  Tyler even surprised her with his attendance, and she practically pushed Auston out of the way to run to him and hug him, pulling him to dance with everyone else.  And they did.  They danced and they danced and they danced, and then they relaxed out on the patio, and then they danced again, and then it was last call, and Auston tried to convince the manager to keep it open, but to no avail.  And so they called Ubers, at 2:30 in the morning, and Tyler went to stay with Auston and took an UberPool with him and Fred, and Morgan and Bee took theirs, making out in the backseat all the way home.

It was why they were giggly when they stumbled back into their apartment.  Their kisses were playful and soft and quick and airy as they made their way in, but the second the door closed behind them, Morgan’s kisses became hungrier, his hands wandering down to squeeze her ass.  

“I love you so God damn much,” Bee mumbled in between sloppy kisses in their kitchen.

“Bedroom,” Morgan mumbled hastily.  “Bedroom.  One more surprise.  Bedroom.”

“What?” she pulled away from him.  “One more?”

“One more,” he said, grabbing her hand and dragging her through the apartment.  He kissed her one last time before disappearing into the washroom, leaving her alone on the bed, hot and desperate and confused as to what the fuck was going on.  

“Morgan,” she begged.  “I…what…what do I do?”

“Just wait there,” he called out from the other side of the door.

“Just wait?!”

“Make yourself comfortable!”

“Morgan!” she chastised.  “You can’t be serious!”

“Briony!”

“I don’t know what you’re up to in there but it better be good!”

“Oh, it’s gonna be spectacular,” his voice was mischievous.  “Get comfortable.”

“Can I start touching myself?” Bee asked in an equally mischievous voice.

She heard a loud thump and something drop dramatically from inside the bathroom, causing her to snort.  God knows what the fuck he was doing in there.  “No,” he said hastily.  “Don’t.  This is gonna be all me.”

Bee waited as patiently as she could, listening to Morgan fuss around in there without a clue in the world as to what he was doing and what surprise he was keeping up his sleeve.  It was, of course, only when he unlocked the door and pushed it open dramatically did Bee get an idea about what was going to happen.  Standing there, he leaned up against the doorframe wearing a perfectly tailored suit.  Perfectly tailored.  Slim fit, just how she liked.  Crisp white shirt.  Perfectly tailored.  Navy blue.  Did she mention perfectly tailored?  Because it was perfectly tailored.  And when he began sauntering towards her, she could see just how perfectly tailored it really was, with his thighs and his broad, defined chest and his arms threatening to rip the fabric if he flexed even slightly.  Bee gulped.

“A promise is a promise,” Morgan said in a low voice, a shit-eating smirk on his face as he saw the blush on Bee’s cheeks.  “I promised I’d wear something tonight that showed off my body.”

Bee shook her head at his ridiculousness before she noticed him starting to take out his phone.  “If you start playing Pony by Ginuwine I swear to God I’m not letting you fuck me tonight,” she giggled out.

Morgan shot her a look.  “HEY!”

“Just get over here, will you?” she beckoned; rising to her knees from her sitting position so she could kiss him.  Almost immediately, she stuck her tongue down his throat and tugged at the hair at the nape of his neck, causing him to groan and wrap his arms around her body, still covered in her glittering gold sequined dress she bought especially for her birthday.  

Morgan’s hands slipped underneath the fabric, playing with the material of her underwear before he helped her get out of them, dropping them in between them onto the floor.  Bee’s hands began wandering all over his chest, over the material of his shirt, not bothering to unbutton it.  Eventually, Morgan’s hand slipped underneath her dress again and began playing with the lips of her pussy, causing her to whimper in pleasure.  

“You’re already so wet for me,” he mumbled as he inserted one finger.  

“It’s the suit,” she winked, biting down on his bottom lip as she felt him insert a second finger.  “You have no idea how good you look.”

“Lie down on your back and spread your legs for me,” he ordered, his voice low.

There was a flash in Bee’s eyes as Morgan watched her do what she was told.  She kept her eyes on him the entire time as she lay on the edge of the bed.  Morgan hooked her legs in his arms and pulled her towards the edge, letting them dangle off the bed.  He pushed the fabric of her dress up before kneeling in front of her, licking his lips.  “I’ve been thinking about this all day,” he said.

“It’s all yours, Mr. Rielly,” she smiled, watching as he dove in.  No pretence, no teasing – just going right for it, his lips and tongue attaching themselves to her pussy, bringing Bee – as always – the greatest pleasure she’d ever known.  She ran her fingers through his hair and tugged on it as he continued to lap at her hungrily, squeezing his head between her thighs when the feeling was too pleasurable to handle.

“Baby…baby baby baby,” Bee breathed out as she felt him insert two fingers while he sucked on her clit.  “Fuck, Morgan, it’s so – it’s so good.”

“Cum on my face,” he ordered again, knowing she was close.  He began curling his fingers inside of her, causing her to squirm, and before long, she was screaming out his name, his face becoming wet with her juices as he lapped up every last bit of her.  When he was finished, he began smothering her with kisses, and she could taste herself on his mouth as she kissed him back, wrapping her legs around his torso.  He began unbuttoning the white shirt he was wearing, but didn’t get too far before Bee stopped him.  

“Keep it on.  Keep it on,” she mumbled quickly.

His stopped dead in his tracks.  “Keep it on?”

“For fuck sakes, keep it on,” her breathing was heavy, her voice hasty.  “Keep it on and fuck me.”

He practically growled as he picked her up, her legs still wrapped around him, and held her in his arms.  When he placed her onto their dresser, he felt her hands dip between them and unzip his pants, pulling them and his underwear down just enough to free his hard cock.  She began stroking it as he moved to kiss down her neck, pushing the fabric of her dress down to expose her breasts in their lace bra.  He pushed the lace down and began pinching her nipples, eventually taking one into his mouth and sucking, twirling his tongue around it.

“Morgan, please,” her breath was heavy.  “I want you to fuck me so bad.  I can’t wait anymore.”

Morgan pulled her off the dresser, turning her around so her back was towards him, bending her over it.  He could see her smile as he pushed up the fabric of her dress again so it bunched at her hips.  He teased her at her entrance before thrusting into her in one go, causing her to cry out in pleasure.  The smile that played on her lips continued as he moved in and out of her.  “Fuck Morgan, that feels so good.”

“You like it when I bend you over like this?” he asked, to which Bee nodded her head enthusiastically.  “You like me taking you from behind.”

“Yes.”

“Are you gonna be a good girl for your birthday?”

“Yes, fuck, yes.  Yes.  I’m gonna be your best girl.”

He tugged at her hair, making her arch her back as he pulled her towards him.  He kissed and bit at her neck and shoulder, slipping an arm around her body and grabbing one of her breasts.  “I love you, baby,” he cooed, biting at her neck.  “I love you so much.”

“I love you too,” she breathed out.  “God Morgan, I love you so much.”

“Did you like your birthday?”

She nodded her head.  She was finding it hard to keep a conversation while her back was arched the way it was and he was still pounding into her, with his fucking suit on, but this was the situation she found herself in.  “Of course I did.  This was my best birthday ever because of you.”

He began walking back, slow enough so he wouldn’t slip out, until he fell back onto the bed, Bee’s body with his.  She began riding him reverse cowgirl, looking over her shoulder at him lying there, still in his suit, all dishevelled and ready to be ripped off of him.  “Cum with me baby.  Are you close?”

Morgan nodded his head.  “Bounce on that dick, baby.”

She continued riding him, squeezing his thighs over the fabric of his suit, until she squeezed her walls around him and felt him explode inside of her.  She came again, her body shaking from pleasure until she fell back onto him trying to catch her breath.  She felt his arms wrap around her.  “Fuck Mo, that was so fucking hot,” she breathed out.  

He took a few moments to respond – she knew he was trying to catch his breath too.  “Never knew this was the possibility whenever I wore a suit,” he joked.

“Well now you know.  Every suit you have makes me feel like this.”

“You’re telling me every game day suit I have makes you this hot and bothered?” he asked.  Bee nodded her head.  “We gotta do this more often.”

Bee couldn’t help but laugh.  “Show up in the bedroom with a suit on more often and we just might.”

Morgan slipped out of her slowly, pulling her body to his side, hooking one of her legs over his torso as they lay in bed together, their clothes wrinkled and bunched up.  “Do you think about how around this time last year, we were at dbar with Fred and Auston?”

Bee nodded her head.  “A lot has happened since then, huh?”

“Mhm,” he mumbled, kissing her quickly.  “What a year it’s been.”

“Still in bed together though,” she said cheekily, thinking about how, just maybe a week before that night at dbar, it was their first time together after Morgan had returned from Vancouver.  “Some things never change.”

“Yeah, well, I plan to be in bed together all night,” Morgan said.  

“Me too,” Bee’s eyes flashed.  “Again.  And again.  I want to go all night.”

Morgan let out a deep chuckle.  “Don’t worry baby.  I got you,” he said, slipping his fingers into her pussy again.

[mostlysignssomeportents]

Experian doxes the world (again)

The nonconsensually compiled dossiers of personal information that Experian assembled on the entire population of the USA may currently be exposed via dozens, perhaps hundreds, of sites, thanks to a grossly negligent security defect in Experian's API.

The breach was detected by Bill Demirkapi, a security researcher and RIT sophomore, and reported on by Brian Krebs, the excellent independent security reporter.

https://krebsonsecurity.com/2021/04/experian-api-exposed-credit-scores-of-most-americans/

Experian, like Equifax, has unilaterally arrogated to itself the right to collect, store and disseminate our personal information, and, like Equifax, it faces little regulation, including obligations not to harm us or penalties when it does.

Experian's API allows criminals to retrieve your credit info by supplying your name and address, information that is typically easy to find, especially in the wake of multiple other breaches, such as Doordash's 5m-person 2019 breach and Drizzly's 2.5m-person 2020 breach.

Demirkapi explains that the API is implemented by many, many sites across the internet, and while Experian assured Krebs that this bug only affected a single site, it did not explain how it came to that conclusion.

Demirkapi discovered the defect while he was searching for a student loan vendor. There is a way to defend yourself against this attack: freeze your credit report. Credit freezes were made free (but opt-in only) in 2018, after the Equifax breach.

https://krebsonsecurity.com/2018/09/credit-freezes-are-free-let-the-ice-age-begin/

Indeed, you may have already been thinking about the Equifax breach as you read this. In many ways, that breach was a wasted opportunity to seriously re-examine the indefensible practices of the credit-reporting industry, which had not been seriously scrutinized since 1976.

1976 was the year that Congress amended the Equal Credit Opportunity Act after hearing testimony about the abuses of the Retail Credit Company - a company that swiftly changed its name to "Equifax" to distance itself from the damning facts those hearings brought to light.

Retail Credit/Equifax invented credit reporting when it was founded in Atlanta in 1899. For more than half a century, it served as a free market Stasi to whom neighbors could quietly report each other for violating social norms.

Retail Credit's permanent, secret files recorded who was suspected of being gay, a "race-mixer" or a political dissident so that banks and insurance companies could discriminate against them.

https://www.jacobinmag.com/2017/09/equifax-retail-credit-company-discrimination-loans

This practice was only curbed when a coalition of white, straight conservative men discovered that they'd been misidentified as queers and commies and demanded action, whereupon Congress gave Americans limited rights to see and contest their secret files.

But these controls were never more than symbolic. Congress couldn't truly blunt the power of these private-sector spooks, because the US government depends on them to determine eligibility for Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid.

It's a public-private partnership from hell. Credit reporting bureaux collect data the government is not legally allowed to collect on its own, then sells that data to the government (Equifax makes $200m/year doing this).

https://web.archive.org/web/20171004200823/http://www.cetusnews.com/business/Equifax-Work-for-Government-Shows-Company%E2%80%99s-Broad-Reach.HkexS6JAq-.html

These millions are recycled into lobbying efforts to ensure that the credit reporting bureaux can continue to spy on us, smear us, and recklessly endanger us by failing to safeguard the files they assemble on us.

This is bad for America, but it's great for the credit reporting industry. The Big Three bureaux (Equifax, Experian and Transunion) have been on a decade-long buying spree, gobbling up hundreds of smaller companies.

These acquisitions lead directly to breaches: a Big Three company that buys a startup inherits its baling-wire-and-spit IT system, built in haste while the company pursued growth and acquisition.

These IT systems have to be tied into the giant acquiring company's own databases, adding to the dozens of other systems that have been cobbled together from previous acquisitions.

This became painfully apparent after the Equifax breach, so much so that even GOP Congressional Committee chairs called the breach "entirely preventable" and the result of "aggressive growth." But they refused to put any curbs on future acquisitions.

https://thehill.com/policy/technology/420582-house-panel-issues-scathing-report-on-entirely-preventable-equifax-data

A lot has happened since Equifax, so you may have forgotten just how fucked up that situation was. Equifax's IT was so chaotic that they couldn't even encrypt the data they'd installed. Two months later, they "weren't sure" if it had been encrypted.

https://searchsecurity.techtarget.com/news/450429891/Following-Equifax-breach-CEO-doesnt-know-if-data-is-encrypted

*Six months* before the breach, outside experts began warning Equifax that they were exposing our data:

https://www.vice.com/en/article/ne3bv7/equifax-breach-social-security-numbers-researcher-warning

The *only* action Equifax execs took? They sold off a shit-ton of stock:

https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2018-03-14/sec-says-former-equifax-executive-engaged-in-insider-trading

The Equifax breach exposed the arrogance and impunity of the Big Three. Afterward, Equifax offered "free" credit monitoring to the people they'd harmed. One catch: it was free for a year; after that, they'd automatically bill you, annually, forever.

https://web.archive.org/web/20170911025943/https://therealnews.com/t2/story:19960:Equifax-Data-Breach-is-a-10-out-of-10-Scandal

And you'd pay in another way if you signed up for that "free" service: the fine print took away your right to sue Equifax, forever, no matter how they harmed you:

https://www.ibtimes.com/political-capital/equifax-lobbied-kill-rule-protecting-victims-data-breaches-2587929

The credit bureaux bill themselves as arbiters of the public's ability to take responsibility for their choices, but after the breach, the CEO blamed the entire affair on a single "forgetful" flunky:

https://www.engadget.com/2017-10-03-former-equifax-ceo-blames-breach-on-one-it-employee.html

Then he stepped down and pocketed a $90m salary that his board voted in favor of:

https://fortune.com/2017/09/26/equifax-ceo-richard-smith-net-worth/

Of course they did! His actions made the company so big that even after the breach, the IRS  picked it to run its anti-fraud. Equifax got $7.5m from Uncle Sucker, and would have kept it except that its anti-fraud site was *serving malware*:

https://www.cbsnews.com/news/equifax-irs-data-breach-malware-discovered/

Equifax eventually settled all the claims against it for $700m in 2019:

https://nypost.com/2019/07/19/equifax-agrees-to-pay-700m-after-massive-data-breach/

But it continued to average five errors per credit report:

https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2019/02/11/rep-alexandria-ocasio-cortez-takes-aim-equifax-credit-scoring/

And it continued to store sensitive user-data in an unencrypted database whose login and password were "admin" and "admin":

https://finance.yahoo.com/news/equifax-password-username-admin-lawsuit-201118316.html

Congress introduced multiple bills to force Equifax, Experian and Transunion to clean up their act.

None of those bills passed.

https://www.axios.com/after-equifaxs-mega-breach-nothing-changed-1536241622-baf8e0cf-d727-43db-b4d4-77c7599fff1e.html

The IRS shrugged its shoulders at America, telling the victims of Equifax's breach that their information had probably already leaked before Equifax doxed them, so no biggie:

https://thehill.com/policy/cybersecurity/355862-irs-significant-number-of-equifax-victims-already-had-info-accessed-by

Since then there have been other mass breaches, most recently the Facebook breach that exposed 500m people's sensitive data. That data can be merged with data from other breaches and even from "anonymized" data-sets that were deliberately released:

https://pluralistic.net/2021/04/21/re-identification/#pseudonymity

And while you can theoretically prevent your data from being stolen using the current Experian vulnerability by freezing your account, that's not as secure as it sounds.

Back in 2017, Brian Krebs reported that Experian's services were so insecure that anyone could retreive the PIN to unlock a frozen credit report by ticking a box on a website:

https://krebsonsecurity.com/2017/09/experian-site-can-give-anyone-your-credit-freeze-pin/

That was just table-stakes - it turned out that ALL the credit bureaux had an arrangement with AT&T's telecoms credit agency that was so insecure that *anyone* could unlock your locked credit report:

https://krebsonsecurity.com/2018/05/another-credit-freeze-target-nctue-com/

These companies came into existence to spy on Americans in order to facilitate mass-scale, racist, ideological and sexual discrimination. They gather data of enormous import and sensitivity - data no one should be gathering, much less retaining and sharing.

They handle this data in cavalier ways, secure in the knowledge that their integration with the US government wins them powerful stakeholders who will ensure that the penalties for the harm they inflict add up to less than profits those harms generate for their shareholders.

This is why America needs a federal privacy law with a "private right of action" - the ability to sue companies that harm you, rather than hoping that federal prosecutors or regulators will decide to enforce the law.

https://pluralistic.net/2021/04/16/where-it-hurts/#sue-facebook

Experian promises that this breach only affects one company that mis-implemented its API. We would be suckers to take it at its word. It didn't know about this breach until a college sophomore sent in a bug report - how would it know if there were others?

Image: KC Green (modified) https://kcgreendotcom.com/

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THE 1619 PROJECT - NEW YORK TIMES

America holds onto an undemocratic assumption from its founding: that some people deserve more power than others.

By Jamelle Bouie

AUG. 14, 2019

If you want to understand American politics in 2019 and the strain of reactionary extremism that has taken over the Republican Party, a good place to start is 2011: the year after a backlash to Barack Obama’s presidency swept Tea Party insurgents into Congress, flipping control of the House.

It was clear, at the start of that year, that Congress would have to lift the debt ceiling — the limit on bonds and other debt instruments the government issues when it doesn’t have the revenues to fulfill spending obligations. These votes were often opportunities for grandstanding and occasionally brinkmanship by politicians from both parties. But it was understood that, when push came to shove, Congress would lift the limit and the government would pay its obligations.

2011 was different. Congressional Republicans, led by the new Tea Party conservatives, wanted to repeal the Affordable Care Act and make other sharp cuts to the social safety net. But Democrats controlled the Senate and the White House. So House Republicans decided to take a hostage. “I’m asking you to look at a potential increase in the debt limit as a leverage moment when the White House and President Obama will have to deal with us,” said the incoming majority leader, Eric Cantor, at a closed-door retreat days before the session began, according to The Washington Post. Either the White House would agree to harsh austerity measures or Republicans would force the United States to default on its debt obligations, precipitating an economic crisis just as the country, and the world, was beginning to recover from the Great Recession.

The debt-limit standoff was a case study of a fundamental change within the Republican Party after Obama took office in 2009. Republicans would either win total victory or they would wreck the system itself. The Senate Republican leader, Mitch McConnell, used a variety of procedural tactics to effectively nullify the president’s ability to nominate federal judges and fill vacancies in the executive branch. In the minority, he used the filibuster to an unprecedented degree. In the majority, after Republicans won the Senate in the 2014 midterm elections, he led an extraordinary blockade of the Supreme Court, stopping the Senate from even considering the president’s nominee for the bench.

Where did this destructive, sectarian style of partisan politics come from? Conventional wisdom traces its roots to the “Gingrich Revolution” of the 1990s, whose architect pioneered a hardball, insurgent style of political combat, undermining norms and dismantling congressional institutions for the sake of power. This is true enough, but the Republican Party of the Obama years didn’t just recycle its Gingrich-era excesses; it also pursued a policy of total opposition, not just blocking Obama but also casting him as fundamentally illegitimate and un-American. He may have been elected by a majority of the voting public, but that majority didn’t count. It didn’t represent the “real” America.

John C. Calhoun, perhaps the most prominent political theorist of the slaveholding South and an influence on modern right-wing thinking. From the National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution

Obama’s election reignited a fight about democratic legitimacy — about who can claim the country as their own, and who has the right to act as a citizen — that is as old as American democracy itself. And the reactionary position in this conflict, which seeks to narrow the scope of participation and arrest the power of majorities beyond the limits of the Constitution, has its own peculiar history: not just in the ideological battles of the founding but also in the institution that defined the early American republic as much as any other.

The plantations that dotted the landscape of the antebellum South produced the commodities that fueled the nation’s early growth. Enslaved people working in glorified labor camps picked cotton, grew indigo, harvested resin from trees for turpentine and generated additional capital in the form of their children, bought, sold and securitized on the open market. But plantations didn’t just produce goods; they produced ideas too. Enslaved laborers developed an understanding of the society in which they lived. The people who enslaved them, likewise, constructed elaborate sets of beliefs, customs and ideologies meant to justify their positions in this economic and social hierarchy. Those ideas permeated the entire South, taking deepest root in places where slavery was most entrenched.

South Carolina was a paradigmatic slave state. Although the majority of enslavers resided in the “low country,” with its large rice and cotton plantations, nearly the entire state participated in plantation agriculture and the slave economy. By 1820 most South Carolinians were enslaved Africans. By midcentury, the historian Manisha Sinha notes in “The Counterrevolution of Slavery,” it was the first Southern state where a majority of the white population held slaves.

Not surprisingly, enslavers dominated the state’s political class. “Carolinian rice aristocrats and the cotton planters from the hinterland,” Sinha writes, “formed an intersectional ruling class, bound together by kinship, economic, political and cultural ties.” The government they built was the most undemocratic in the Union. The slave-rich districts of the coasts enjoyed nearly as much representation in the Legislature as more populous regions in the interior of the state. Statewide office was restricted to wealthy property owners. To even qualify for the governorship, you needed a large, debt-free estate. Rich enslavers were essentially the only people who could participate in the highest levels of government. To the extent that there were popular elections, they were for the lowest levels of government, because the State Legislature tended to decide most high-level offices.

But immense power at home could not compensate for declining power in national politics. The growth of the free Northwest threatened Southern dominance in Congress. And the slaveholding planter class would witness the rise of an organized movement to stop the expansion of slavery and curb the power enslavers held over key institutions like the Senate and the Supreme Court.

Out of this atmosphere of fear and insecurity came a number of thinkers and politicians who set their minds to protecting South Carolina and the rest of the slaveholding South from a hostile North. Arguably the most prominent and accomplished of these planter-politicians was John C. Calhoun. Vice president under John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson, secretary of state under John Tyler and eventually a United States senator representing the state, Calhoun was a deep believer in the system of slavery — which he called a “positive good” that “forms the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear free and stable institutions”— and a committed advocate for the slave-owning planter class. He was an astute politician, but he made his most important mark as a theoretician of reaction: a man who, realizing that democracy could not protect slavery in perpetuity, set out to limit democracy.

Calhoun popularized the concept of “nullification”: the theory that any state subject to federal law was entitled to invalidate it. He first advanced the idea in an anonymous letter, written when he was vice president, protesting the Tariff of 1828, which sought to protect Northern industry and agriculture from foreign competitors. Calhoun condemned it as an unconstitutional piece of regional favoritism.

The South may have been part of the pro-Andrew Jackson majorities in Congress, but that wasn’t enough for Calhoun, who wanted absolute security for the region and its economic interests. Demographic and political change doomed it to be a “permanent minority”: “Our geographical position, our industry, pursuits and institutions are all peculiar.” Against a domineering North, he argued, “representation affords not the slightest protection.”

“It is, indeed, high time for the people of the South to be roused to a sense of impending calamities — on an early and full knowledge of which their safety depends,” Calhoun wrote in an 1831 report to the South Carolina Legislature. “It is time that they should see and feel that ... they are in a permanent and hopeless minority on the great and vital connected questions.”

His solution lay in the states. To Calhoun, there was no “union” per se. Instead, the United States was simply a compact among sovereigns with distinct, and often competing, sectional interests. This compact could only survive if all sides had equal say on the meaning of the Constitution and the shape and structure of the law. Individual states, Calhoun thought, should be able to veto federal laws if they thought the federal government was favoring one state or section over another. The union could only act with the assent of the entire whole — what Calhoun called “the concurrent majority” — as opposed to the Madisonian idea of rule by numerical majority, albeit mediated by compromise and consensus.

Southern college students at the Southern Democratic Convention in 1948, the year that segregationists began to break with the national Democratic Party over civil rights. From Bettmann/Getty Images

Calhoun initially lost the tariff fight, which pitted him against an obstinate Andrew Jackson, but he did not give up on nullification. He expanded on the theory at the end of his life, proposing an alternative system of government that gave political minorities a final say over majority action. In this “concurrent government,” each “interest or portion of the community” has an equal say in approving the actions of the state. Full agreement would be necessary to “put the government in motion.” Only through this, Calhoun argued, would the “different interests, orders, classes, or portions, into which the community may be divided, can be protected.”

The government Calhoun envisioned would protect “liberty”: not the liberty of the citizen but the liberty of the master, the liberty of those who claimed a right to property and a position at the top of a racial and economic hierarchy. This liberty, Calhoun stated, was “a reward to be earned, not a blessing to be gratuitously lavished on all alike — a reward reserved for the intelligent, the patriotic, the virtuous and deserving — and not a boon to be bestowed on a people too ignorant, degraded and vicious, to be capable either of appreciating or of enjoying it.” It is striking how much this echoes contemporary arguments against the expansion of democracy. In 2012, for example, a Tea Party congressional candidate from Florida said that voting is a “privilege” and seemed to endorse property requirements for participation.

Calhoun died in 1850. Ten years later, following the idea of nullification to its conclusion, the South seceded from the Union after Abraham Lincoln won the White House without a single Southern state. War came a few months later, and four years of fighting destroyed the system of slavery Calhoun fought to protect. But parts of his legacy survived. His deep suspicion of majoritarian democracy — his view that government must protect interests, defined by their unique geographic and economic characteristics, more than people — would inform the sectional politics of the South in the 20th century, where solid blocs of Southern lawmakers worked collectively to stifle any attempt to regulate the region.

Despite insurgencies at home — the Populist Party, for example, swept through Georgia and North Carolina in the 1890s — reactionary white leaders were able to maintain an iron grip on federal offices until the Voting Rights Act of 1965. And even then, the last generation of segregationist senators held on through the 1960s into the early 2000s. United, like their predecessors, by geography and their stake in Jim Crow segregation, they were a powerful force in national politics, a bloc that vetoed anything that touched their regional prerogatives.

Anti-lynching laws and some pro-labor legislation died at the hands of lawmakers from the “Solid South” who took advantage of Senate rules like the filibuster to effectively enact Calhoun’s idea of a concurrent majority against legislation that threatened the Southern racial status quo; the spirit of nullification lived on. When Northern liberal Democrats added a civil rights plank to the party platform at the 1948 presidential convention, in an effort to break the Southern conservatives’ hold on the party, 35 delegates from Mississippi and Alabama walked out in protest: the prologue to the “Dixiecrat Revolt” that began the conservative migration into the eventual embrace of the Republican Party.

Calhoun’s idea that states could veto the federal government would return as well following the decision in Brown v. Board of Education, as segregationists announced “massive resistance” to federal desegregation mandates and sympathizers defended white Southern actions with ideas and arguments that cribbed from Calhoun and recapitulated enslaver ideology for modern American politics. “The central question that emerges,” the National Review founding editor William F. Buckley Jr. wrote in 1957, amid congressional debate over the first Civil Rights Act, “is whether the white community in the South is entitled to take such measures as are necessary to prevail, politically and culturally, in areas which it does not predominate numerically? The sobering answer is yes — the white community is so entitled because, for the time being, it is the advanced race.” He continued: “It is more important for any community, anywhere in the world, to affirm and live by civilized standards, than to bow to the demands of the numerical majority.”

It is a strikingly blunt defense of Jim Crow and affirmation of white supremacy from the father of the conservative movement. Conservatives drove the groundswell that made Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona, an opponent of the Civil Rights Act, the 1964 Republican Party nominee for president. He lost in a landslide but won the Deep South (except for Florida), where the white people of the region — among the most conservative in the country, a direct legacy of slavery and the society it built — flocked to the candidate who stood against the constitutional demands of the black-freedom movement. Goldwater may have insisted that there are “some rights that are clearly protected by valid laws and are therefore ‘civil rights,’ ” but he also declared that “states’ rights” were “disappearing under the piling sands of absolutism” and called Brown v. Board an “unconstitutional trespass into the legislative sphere of government.” “I therefore support all efforts by the States, excluding violence, of course,” Goldwater wrote in “The Conscience of a Conservative,” “to preserve their rightful powers over education.”

Later, when key civil rights questions had been settled by law, Buckley would essentially renounce these views, praising the movement and criticizing race-baiting demagogues like George C. Wallace. Still, his initial impulse — to give political minorities a veto not just over policy but over democracy itself — reflected a tendency that would express itself again and again in the conservative politics he ushered into the mainstream, emerging when political, cultural and demographic change threatened a narrow, exclusionary vision of American democracy. Writing in the 1980s and ’90s, Samuel Francis — a polemicist who would eventually migrate to the very far right of American conservatism — identified this dynamic in the context of David Duke’s campaign for governor of Louisiana:

“Reagan conservatism, in its innermost meaning, had little to do with supply-side economics and spreading democracy. It had to do with the awakening of a people who face political, cultural and economic dispossession, who are slowly beginning to glimpse the fact of dispossession and what dispossession will mean for them and their descendants, and who also are starting to think about reversing the processes and powers responsible for their dispossession.”

There is a homegrown ideology of reaction in the United States, inextricably tied to our system of slavery. And while the racial content of that ideology has attenuated over time, the basic framework remains: fear of rival political majorities; of demographic “replacement”; of a government that threatens privilege and hierarchy.

Eric Cantor, a Virginia Republican who was then the House majority leader, speaks to reporters in April 2011 during the lead-up to a standoff with President Obama over raising the debt ceiling. Jonathan Ernst/Getty Images

The past 10 years of Republican extremism is emblematic. The Tea Party billed itself as a reaction to debt and spending, but a close look shows it was actually a reaction to an ascendant majority of black people, Latinos, Asian-Americans and liberal white people. In their survey-based study of the movement, the political scientists Christopher S. Parker and Matt A. Barreto show that Tea Party Republicans were motivated “by the fear and anxiety associated with the perception that ‘real’ Americans are losing their country.”

The scholars Theda Skocpol and Vanessa Williamson came to a similar conclusion in their contemporaneous study of the movement, based on an ethnographic study of Tea Party activists across the country. “Tea Party resistance to giving more to categories of people deemed undeserving is more than just an argument about taxes and spending,” they note in “The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism”; “it is a heartfelt cry about where they fear ‘their country’ may be headed.” And Tea Party adherents’ “worries about racial and ethnic minorities and overly entitled young people,” they write, “signal a larger fear about generational social change in America.”

To stop this change and its political consequences, right-wing conservatives have embarked on a project to nullify opponents and restrict the scope of democracy. Mitch McConnell’s hyper-obstructionist rule in the Senate is the most high-profile example of this strategy, but it’s far from the most egregious.

In 2012, North Carolina Republicans won legislative and executive power for the first time in more than a century. They used it to gerrymander the electoral map and impose new restrictions on voting, specifically aimed at the state’s African-American voters. One such restriction, a strict voter-identification law, was designed to target black North Carolinians with “almost surgical precision,” according to the federal judges who struck the law down. When, in 2016, Democrats overcame these obstacles to take back the governor’s mansion, the Republican-controlled Legislature tried to strip power from the office, to prevent Democrats from reversing their efforts to rig the game.

A similar thing happened in Wisconsin. Under Scott Walker, the governor at the time, Wisconsin Republicans gave themselves a structural advantage in the State Legislature through aggressive gerrymandering. After the Democratic candidate toppled Walker in the 2018 governor’s race, the Republican majority in the Legislature rapidly moved to limit the new governor’s power and weaken other statewide offices won by Democrats. They restricted the governor’s ability to run public-benefit programs and set rules on the implementation of state laws. And they robbed the governor and the attorney general of the power to continue, or end, legal action against the Affordable Care Act.

Michigan Republicans took an almost identical course of action after Democrats in that state managed to win executive office, using their gerrymandered legislative majority to weaken the new Democratic governor and attorney general. One proposed bill, for example, would have shifted oversight of campaign-finance law from the secretary of state to a six-person commission with members nominated by the state Republican and Democratic parties, a move designed to produce deadlock and keep elected Democrats from reversing previous decisions.

The Republican rationale for tilting the field in their permanent favor or, failing that, nullifying the results and limiting Democrats’ power as much as possible, has a familiar ring to it. “Citizens from every corner of Wisconsin deserve a strong legislative branch that stands on equal footing with an incoming administration that is based almost solely in Madison,” one Wisconsin Republican said following the party’s lame-duck power grab. The speaker of the State Assembly, Robin Vos, made his point more explicit. “If you took Madison and Milwaukee out of the state election formula, we would have a clear majority — we would have all five constitutional officers, and we would probably have many more seats in the Legislature.” The argument is straightforward: Some voters, their voters, count. Others — the liberals, black people and other people of color who live in cities — don’t.

Senate Republicans played with similar ideas just before the 2016 election, openly announcing their plans to block Hillary Clinton from nominating anyone to the Supreme Court, should she become president. “I promise you that we will be united against any Supreme Court nominee that Hillary Clinton, if she were president, would put up,” declared Senator John McCain of Arizona just weeks before voting. And President Trump, of course, has repeatedly and falsely denounced Clinton’s popular-vote victory as illegitimate, the product of fraud and illegal voting. “In addition to winning the Electoral College in a landslide,” he declared on Twitter weeks after the election, “I won the popular vote if you deduct the millions of people who voted illegally.”

The larger implication is clear enough: A majority made up of liberals and people of color isn’t a real majority. And the solution is clear, too: to write those people out of the polity, to use every available tool to weaken their influence on American politics. The recent attempt to place a citizenship question on the census was an important part of this effort. By asking for this information, the administration would suppress the number of immigrant respondents, worsening their representation in the House and the Electoral College, reweighting power to the white, rural areas that back the president and the Republican Party.

You could make the case that none of this has anything to do with slavery and slaveholder ideology. You could argue that it has nothing to do with race at all, that it’s simply an aggressive effort to secure conservative victories. But the tenor of an argument, the shape and nature of an opposition movement — these things matter. The goals may be colorblind, but the methods of action — the attacks on the legitimacy of nonwhite political actors, the casting of rival political majorities as unrepresentative, the drive to nullify democratically elected governing coalitions — are clearly downstream of a style of extreme political combat that came to fruition in the defense of human bondage.

[sosyourfuture-blog]

Fair Share Capital Power Economy

"Equal distribution of jointly earned corporate profits and equal distributed control is the new capitalist system for all future developments"

Preface: Dear reader, I am very aware that if you read this article you may soon come to the conclusion that the content is a utopia. I therefore ask you in advance not to see this article as a utopia, but only a modest first step in a discussion piece to bring the capitalist system in line with future developments.

Reason and necessity to bring the capitalist system in line with future developments

1. Unsustainable growth of inequality between rich and non-rich. The ever-increasing imbalance between the rich and the poor is the breeding ground for the growing resistance of the population to this day. The cause of the extreme increase in this resistance is that in recent years the non-rich get poorer and therefore get into more and more problems. See yellow vests and the constant resistance in many countries.

2. New attack on personal freedom and privacy. Until now, wealth, religion, power and oppression have been the 4 elements of the elite to maintain the current capitalist system. Now a new 5th element is being added for the elite to perpetuate the capitalist rule of civilians. Namely by deploying the companies in their possession. These companies determine the future of: control of the Internet: the ability to make citizens dependent on manipulated information and fake news. Control of automation: to determine the lives of citizens through automation, artificial intelligence, robotisation and the possibility of censoring the free word on social media. The first steps of censoring have already been started. After all: the internet media companies determine this themselves, not the governments. Not to mention that banking tasks are already being taken over by apps such as We chat, Facebook coin and others. As with; pharmaceutical; biometric; agricultural; food chain and many others. We, as citizens, can no longer tolerate that these companies will arbitrarily determine our future and increasingly put our Governments out of the game. If you do not take action and do not force governments to intervene, then there is no next step and the elite thus have a new unprecedented power with which they can enforce comprehensive domination at the expense of the citizens. All things considered, also remember that if nothing happens, the situation created is irreversible. The elite own these companies where the governments have no control over what they do. The result is that the population will for the most part permanently lose its control, privacy and self-determination. Citizens eventually become personal property. Think facial recognition of what is already the reality in China. Protesting, demonstrating and resisting is almost impossible anymore! What needs to be done to bring control of our future back to the legally competent authorities established by the population? Technological developments are going fast, urgency and unorthodox intervention is necessary to turn the tide.

3. Financing of the consequences of future developments. For the financing of the climate treaty and the financing of future involuntary unemployed, it is now time and fair that the richest people will make a substantial contribution to this financing. Moreover, it is inevitable that employees in companies are given equal control over company policy.

Implementing measures

Equal distribution of jointly earned corporate profits and equal distributed control is the new capitalist system for all future developments

Employee participation with codecision council.

The legally competent authority determines that all companies that have a mandatory works council give the works council a legal authority and obligation to appoint an ethical co-decision council of 10 people who have 50% decision-making on all company management. Members of this co-decision council are screened annually by an independent third party for their performance. The co-decision board may not have a chairman with the result that the company director consults with the entire co-decision board and joint decisions are made. Joint decisions can only be adopted if at least 6 of the 10 co-decision councilors present vote in favor of the present decision. The company director comes in month 9 of each year with the business plans for the coming year. All aspects of these business plans are presented to the co-decision council in a summary of a maximum of 5 sheets of A4 paper. In the event of a stalemate, a financial / ethical committee set up independently by the government will decide what the decision will be. Naturally, all involved are subject to confidentiality.

Employee participation power distribution company profit

The legally competent government determines that all companies that have a mandatory works council present the profit and loss account with the stated net profit after tax. The legally competent authority also requires that within one month after the announcement of the net profit after taxes: 1.) That 20% of this net profit is distributed equally and tax-free to all employees of the relevant company and all affiliated subsidiary companies. 2.) That 30% of this net profit is distributed to the Ministry of Social Affairs and that this profit can only be used to increase or safeguard the future and existing social arrangements and the securities of citizens. The Ministry of Social Affairs may not reduce or offset the annual budget set by the government in advance against the income from the net profits of companies.

Finally: Dear reader, Before you form an opinion on this article, I request that you first list the beneficial practical consequences and then the adverse ones, and then discuss a balanced response.

[buzzdixonwriter]

Writing Report March 29, 2020

This will come as a shock and surprise to many of you, I know, but the coronavirus is wreaking havoc with my writing schedule.

I’m fine (as of this writing), my wife is fine, all our family members are fine.  For that we’re truly glad and grateful.

But between social distancing and family obligations (nothing serious, just time consuming) my daily output has dropped dramatically.

I’ve also seen several markets I’d submitted to either implode or suddenly close or just va_n__i__s____h without a trace.

Which sets me to thinking about the future of (a) freelance fiction writing in general and (b) my own creative strategies as well.

I occasionally think I spend more time and effort trying to place my short stories than I do writing them.

Certainly with various market restrictions, I spend an inordinate amount of time researching the markets.

One certainly can’t make a living off of short fiction (I think Harlan Ellison was the last person to support themselves solely through freelance short fiction and that was 1955-57).  Freelance fiction writers can survive, obviously, but they range much further afield than the confines of the short fiction market.  Without longform fiction, television, comics / graphic novels, video games, and other venues, none of us could support ourselves off freelance short fiction.

So the huge hiccup we’re going through right now will visit far ranging change on us, much of which already started prior to the appearance of the coronavirus but now accelerated upon its arrival.

The old model for short fiction / essays / poems was for a publisher to arrange financing, assemble a publication (magazine or original anthology), delivery said publication to a distributor, and live off the proceeds.  (I’m leaving out a lot of steps and variables, of course, but those are the basics).

The financing could come in many forms, either an advance from a larger publisher / distributor / investor or a loan based on contracts and letters of commitment.  One of the best bits of advice I received when I was trying to decide whether to do the Serenity Christian manga project as either original graphic novels or a monthly came in the form of a question:  Do you want to spend all your time creating, or do you want to spend all your time chasing down advertisers?

I preferred the former to the later, yet even then I spent an enormous amount of time and effort into tracking down a suitable publishing partner.

So I commiserate with all those publishers and editors out there trying to make a go of it on shoestring budgets with minimum or non-existent staffs:  I feel for you.  Truly.

But I also recognize the light at the end of that particular tunnel is a train.

Already alternatives to traditional publishing let writers find a loyal audience and get paid for it.

I’m aware of sites like Wattpad and Medium and Smashwords but frankly haven’t investigated them in depth.

To my old(er) eyes, I see the danger of clouded rights issues, reliability in accounting, and frankly just seeming desperate.

Yet those same eyes can’t deny thousands of writers use them and attract tens of thousands of readers and in more instances than one would expect, money flows ///towards/// the writer.

(Siderbar:  Don’t never EVER enter a creative contest that requires an entry fee or submit to a market that charges a submission fee.  If you won’t listen to me, listen to Uncle Harlie.)

So clearly a sea change is already underway and the coronavirus is the tsunami wave that finishes the job.

Look, I’m fortunate insofar that between our Social Security and Soon-ok’s pension, we have enough to live comfortably on for the rest of our lives.  Holy shamolley, do I ever realize how fortunate and privileged we are in that aspect.

But the short fiction market already is barely cost effective.  My genre fiction goes first to the biggest / most prestigious markets.  Originally I planned to limit each submission to the top five markets, then post them online here if I couldn’t place them.

The drawbacks with that are the aforementioned market restrictions (many markets today will only accept one submission at a time from a writer) and the ever continuing ebb and flow of specialty markets where one might have a chance (indeed, I’ve sold several stories because an original market opens for stories specifically about left-handed truck drivers and by chance I happen to have a left-handed truck driver story [or the equivalent thereof] in the trunk].

Those of you visit here frequently know I’ve been writing fictoids (a.k.a. flash fiction or short-short stories).

While I’d written fictoids before, this current crop got their start from a Christmas gift I received from a grandson.

I really enjoy these, and when I can find a chance to sit down and writer them (their first draft is always by hand) I can crank out two to six an evening after my more formal writing.

These are shared freely on my blog because at 350-400 words, they’re not really cost effective for market submission.

If I could place a 400 word fictoid at the highest paying market for that sort of fiction, I’d net 40-cents a word for $160.

That’s a lot for a little, to be sure, but rates drop precipitously after that (not to mention that market publishes only three or four times a year).

$32 for a fictoid? Not great, but okay.

$4 for a fictoid?   Uhh, no…

Let them publish it for free?

Why should they benefit off my work but not me?

No, fictoids are cost effectively only as loss leaders to attract eyeballs here and possibly interest people in my longer work.

My longer short fiction (i.e., everything from 1,000 to 9,999 words; there’s a variety of opinion on what the boundaries of short story and novelette / novella lengths should be but for our purposes I’m limiting short fiction to that range) tends to be more satisfying, but those markets are drying up.

Sc-fi / fantasy / horror are much more viable markets than mystery / crime.  Other markets are so scarce I can’t find reliable information on them (this would include general and mainstream humor fiction).  The literary markets all offer their own particular shoals to navigate, and while they can pay well, again, those markets are far and few between.

So I’m thinking of steering away from conventional short fiction (i.e., 1,000 to 9,999) and focus exclusively on long form (i.e., novels and novellas I can offer via Kindle), using the fictoids on this blog to attract readers to the longer works.

(Speaking of which, I’m about a year ahead on my fictoids; they’re loaded up and set to appear one a week from now into 2021 with more to come after that.  So if I keel over in the near future, you’re still going to be seeing new fictoids into early 2021 at the least.)

None of this will preclude me from writing short stories that fall between fictoid and novella lengths, but that’s going to require perfect happenstances (good idea + time to write).

The other thing to consider is that with the old model publishing market being so badly shaken up, new opportunities in new formats will be opening up.

Which one of those will be viable in turns of adequate readership, etc.?  How many prose based venues will be open as opposed to drama and media based?

We are in, as the Chinese would say, for interesting times.

  © Buzz Dixon

[lawinformation]

Child Support when the guideline amount is insufficient

On the off chance that you have require a best reasonable Texas Divorce Law encounter, Child Support when the guideline amount is insufficient with the immense procedure!

Houston Family Law Attorney: When it comes to a divorce or child custody case, one of the most frequently heard questions that I receive is how much does the State of Texas require be paid on a monthly basis in child support. If you’re the parent who typically cares for your child during the week the concern is that the amount that is going to be ordered paid will not be enough to pay for all of the expenses that come with raising a child. On the other hand, if you’re the parent who anticipates that the burden will fall on you to pay child support then your concern may be that whatever the ordered amount is that it will be too much for you to afford on a monthly basis.

The bottom line is that the State of Texas has set forth a standard amount of child support that should be paid by a noncustodial parent to the custodial parent based on the amount of child the noncustodial parent has responsibility for. While we can debate whether the percentages of the owing parent’s net income or the method of calculation is fair, the fact remains that it is the law until further notice. How and why this child support obligation may be deviated from is the topic of today’s blog post. In what situations may a court order you to pay more than the amount listed in the Texas Family Code?

Background on the calculation of child support in Texas

Divorce Lawyers in Houston: To figure out what your child support obligation would be you will need to figure out what you earn each month before taxes and other amounts are deducted. This figure, known as your gross income, includes income earned from your salary, investments, rental income and even disability pay/income. Basically, if you are earning money from just about any source it counts when it comes to child support calculations.

Once your gross income is calculated, items such as social security taxes, health insurance premiums and union dues will be deducted to arrive at your net monthly income. This is the amount that you will utilize in order to figure out just what your monthly child support obligation would be. I should note that if you earn more than $8,550 per month you will only be responsible for paying support up to the income on $8.550. Any amount of income that you earned beyond this number is not relevant for child support calculation purposes.

The Texas Family Code has a chart that will determine the specific percentage that will be multiplied by your net monthly income in order to determine your child support obligation. It is important to note that not only is the number of children that you have that are presently involved in your divorce or child custody case relevant, but so is the number of other children that you have a duty to support who are not in this current case. Basically you get an offset based on any other children who are out there in this world who are not the children of the opposing party to your child custody or divorce case. Percentages range from 20% for one child up to 40% for five or more children, in terms of your monthly net income to be paid for child support.

On the off chance that you have require a best reasonable Texas Divorce Law encounter, Child Support when the guideline amount is insufficient with the immense procedure!

Houston Family Law Attorney: When it comes to a divorce or child custody case, one of the most frequently heard questions that I receive is how much does the State of Texas require be paid on a monthly basis in child support. If you’re the parent who typically cares for your child during the week the concern is that the amount that is going to be ordered paid will not be enough to pay for all of the expenses that come with raising a child. On the other hand, if you’re the parent who anticipates that the burden will fall on you to pay child support then your concern may be that whatever the ordered amount is that it will be too much for you to afford on a monthly basis.

The bottom line is that the State of Texas has set forth a standard amount of child support that should be paid by a noncustodial parent to the custodial parent based on the amount of child the noncustodial parent has responsibility for. While we can debate whether the percentages of the owing parent’s net income or the method of calculation is fair, the fact remains that it is the law until further notice. How and why this child support obligation may be deviated from is the topic of today’s blog post. In what situations may a court order you to pay more than the amount listed in the Texas Family Code?

Background on the calculation of child support in Texas

Divorce Lawyers in Houston: To figure out what your child support obligation would be you will need to figure out what you earn each month before taxes and other amounts are deducted. This figure, known as your gross income, includes income earned from your salary, investments, rental income and even disability pay/income. Basically, if you are earning money from just about any source it counts when it comes to child support calculations.

Once your gross income is calculated, items such as social security taxes, health insurance premiums and union dues will be deducted to arrive at your net monthly income. This is the amount that you will utilize in order to figure out just what your monthly child support obligation would be. I should note that if you earn more than $8,550 per month you will only be responsible for paying support up to the income on $8.550. Any amount of income that you earned beyond this number is not relevant for child support calculation purposes.

The Texas Family Code has a chart that will determine the specific percentage that will be multiplied by your net monthly income in order to determine your child support obligation. It is important to note that not only is the number of children that you have that are presently involved in your divorce or child custody case relevant, but so is the number of other children that you have a duty to support who are not in this current case. Basically you get an offset based on any other children who are out there in this world who are not the children of the opposing party to your child custody or divorce case. Percentages range from 20% for one child up to 40% for five or more children, in terms of your monthly net income to be paid for child support.

When is it appropriate for a court to order a child support payment greater than the guidelines amount?

Family Lawyer Houston: We can first look to situations where theobligor parent (the one who owes support) earns a much higher income than the parent who receives child support or when a child needs expensive medical treatment for when a child support order where a greater than statutory amount must be paid.

In order to alter the guidelines amount of child support it is necessary for you to first present evidence to the court that the guideline amount of support that would be ordered is unjust or inappropriate as that term is defined by the Texas Family Code. The second part of the process is that the parent who stands to receive the child support must show the court that there is a reasonable amount of support to pay and what their amount is correct.

Specific factors that the judge may look at when considering a request for a higher than guidelines amount of child support to be paid are the needs of each child, the frequency with which each parent has possession and access to the children, and the financial statuses of both parents. Educational expenses is a huge factor to be considered as well. Namely, if you are the parent who is expected to pay for costs of a private school or daycare then it may not be possible for a judge to order you to also pay a higher than guidelines amount of child support.

Practical, real world factors that are also included as part of a judge’s analysis include the cost of providing health insurance for the children, travel costs for both parents (if any) when the children are in their possession and also in what way was the marital estate divided. If you are the parent who will be expected to pay child support then it is unlikely that a court would order you pay a higher than guidelines amount of support if your spouse was awarded a disproportionate share of the community estate or that you took on a majority of the debts from the marriage.

Questions on Child Support? Contact the Law Office of Bryan Fagan, PLLC

Divorce Lawyers Houston: While I could not get into every minute detail of Texas Child Support laws in this blog post, the Law Office of Bryan Fagan, PLLC does offer free of charge consultations if you have additional questions. A licensed family law attorney with our office is available six days a week to meet with you and have your questions answered. Across southeast Texas, the Law Office of Bryan Fagan has earned a reputation for strong and effective advocacy of our clients. We would be honored to have the opportunity to speak with you about your family law case and to answer any questions that you may have ... Continue Reading

[bountyofbeads]

The 1619 Project https://nyti.ms/2Hjvu0L

America holds onto an undemocratic assumption from its founding: that some people deserve more power than others.

By Jamelle Bouie | Published August 14, 2019 | "1619 Project" New York Times | Posted August 16, 2019 |

If you want to understand American politics in 2019 and the strain of reactionary extremism that has taken over the Republican Party, a good place to start is 2011: the year after a backlash to Barack Obama’s presidency swept Tea Party insurgents into Congress, flipping control of the House.

It was clear, at the start of that year, that Congress would have to lift the debt ceiling — the limit on bonds and other debt instruments the government issues when it doesn’t have the revenues to fulfill spending obligations. These votes were often opportunities for grandstanding and occasionally brinkmanship by politicians from both parties. But it was understood that, when push came to shove, Congress would lift the limit and the government would pay its obligations.

2011 was different. Congressional Republicans, led by the new Tea Party conservatives, wanted to repeal the Affordable Care Act and make other sharp cuts to the social safety net. But Democrats controlled the Senate and the White House. So House Republicans decided to take a hostage. “I’m asking you to look at a potential increase in the debt limit as a leverage moment when the White House and President Obama will have to deal with us,” said the incoming majority leader, Eric Cantor, at a closed-door retreat days before the session began, according to The Washington Post. Either the White House would agree to harsh austerity measures or Republicans would force the United States to default on its debt obligations, precipitating an economic crisis just as the country, and the world, was beginning to recover from the Great Recession.

The debt-limit standoff was a case study of a fundamental change within the Republican Party after Obama took office in 2009. Republicans would either win total victory or they would wreck the system itself. The Senate Republican leader, Mitch McConnell, used a variety of procedural tactics to effectively nullify the president’s ability to nominate federal judges and fill vacancies in the executive branch. In the minority, he used the filibuster to an unprecedented degree. In the majority, after Republicans won the Senate in the 2010 midterm elections, he led an extraordinary blockade of the Supreme Court, stopping the Senate from even considering the president’s nominee for the bench.

Where did this destructive, sectarian style of partisan politics come from? Conventional wisdom traces its roots to the “Gingrich Revolution” of the 1990s, whose architect pioneered a hardball, insurgent style of political combat, undermining norms and dismantling congressional institutions for the sake of power. This is true enough, but the Republican Party of the Obama years didn’t just recycle its Gingrich-era excesses; it also pursued a policy of total opposition, not just blocking Obama but also casting him as fundamentally illegitimate and un-American. He may have been elected by a majority of the voting public, but that majority didn’t count. It didn’t represent the “real” America.

Obama’s election reignited a fight about democratic legitimacy — about who can claim the country as their own, and who has the right to act as a citizen — that is as old as American democracy itself. And the reactionary position in this conflict, which seeks to narrow the scope of participation and arrest the power of majorities beyond the limits of the Constitution, has its own peculiar history: not just in the ideological battles of the founding but also in the institution that defined the early American republic as much as any other.

The plantations that dotted the landscape of the antebellum South produced the commodities that fueled the nation’s early growth. Enslaved people working in glorified labor camps picked cotton, grew indigo, harvested resin from trees for turpentine and generated additional capital in the form of their children, bought, sold and securitized on the open market. But plantations didn’t just produce goods; they produced ideas too. Enslaved laborers developed an understanding of the society in which they lived. The people who enslaved them, likewise, constructed elaborate sets of beliefs, customs and ideologies meant to justify their positions in this economic and social hierarchy. Those ideas permeated the entire South, taking deepest root in places where slavery was most entrenched.

South Carolina was a paradigmatic slave state. Although the majority of enslavers resided in the “low country,” with its large rice and cotton plantations, nearly the entire state participated in plantation agriculture and the slave economy. By 1820 most South Carolinians were enslaved Africans. By midcentury, the historian Manisha Sinha notes in “The Counterrevolution of Slavery,” it was the first Southern state where a majority of the white population held slaves.

Not surprisingly, enslavers dominated the state’s political class. “Carolinian rice aristocrats and the cotton planters from the hinterland,” Sinha writes, “formed an intersectional ruling class, bound together by kinship, economic, political and cultural ties.” The government they built was the most undemocratic in the Union. The slave-rich districts of the coasts enjoyed nearly as much representation in the Legislature as more populous regions in the interior of the state. Statewide office was restricted to wealthy property owners. To even qualify for the governorship, you needed a large, debt-free estate. Rich enslavers were essentially the only people who could participate in the highest levels of government. To the extent that there were popular elections, they were for the lowest levels of government, because the State Legislature tended to decide most high-level offices.

But immense power at home could not compensate for declining power in national politics. The growth of the free Northwest threatened Southern dominance in Congress. And the slaveholding planter class would witness the rise of an organized movement to stop the expansion of slavery and curb the power enslavers held over key institutions like the Senate and the Supreme Court.

Out of this atmosphere of fear and insecurity came a number of thinkers and politicians who set their minds to protecting South Carolina and the rest of the slaveholding South from a hostile North. Arguably the most prominent and accomplished of these planter-politicians was John C. Calhoun. Vice president under John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson, secretary of state under John Tyler and eventually a United States senator representing the state, Calhoun was a deep believer in the system of slavery — which he called a “positive good” that “forms the most solid and durable foundation on which to rear free and stable institutions”— and a committed advocate for the slave-owning planter class. He was an astute politician, but he made his most important mark as a theoretician of reaction: a man who, realizing that democracy could not protect slavery in perpetuity, set out to limit democracy.

Calhoun popularized the concept of “nullification”: the theory that any state subject to federal law was entitled to invalidate it. He first advanced the idea in an anonymous letter, written when he was vice president, protesting the Tariff of 1828, which sought to protect Northern industry and agriculture from foreign competitors. Calhoun condemned it as an unconstitutional piece of regional favoritism.

The South may have been part of the pro-Andrew Jackson majorities in Congress, but that wasn’t enough for Calhoun, who wanted absolute security for the region and its economic interests. Demographic and political change doomed it to be a “permanent minority”: “Our geographical position, our industry, pursuits and institutions are all peculiar.” Against a domineering North, he argued, “representation affords not the slightest protection.”

“It is, indeed, high time for the people of the South to be roused to a sense of impending calamities — on an early and full knowledge of which their safety depends,” Calhoun wrote in an 1831 report to the South Carolina Legislature. “It is time that they should see and feel that ... they are in a permanent and hopeless minority on the great and vital connected questions.”

His solution lay in the states. To Calhoun, there was no “union” per se. Instead, the United States was simply a compact among sovereigns with distinct, and often competing, sectional interests. This compact could only survive if all sides had equal say on the meaning of the Constitution and the shape and structure of the law. Individual states, Calhoun thought, should be able to veto federal laws if they thought the federal government was favoring one state or section over another. The union could only act with the assent of the entire whole — what Calhoun called “the concurrent majority” — as opposed to the Madisonian idea of rule by numerical majority, albeit mediated by compromise and consensus.

Calhoun initially lost the tariff fight, which pitted him against an obstinate Andrew Jackson, but he did not give up on nullification. He expanded on the theory at the end of his life, proposing an alternative system of government that gave political minorities a final say over majority action. In this “concurrent government,” each “interest or portion of the community” has an equal say in approving the actions of the state. Full agreement would be necessary to “put the government in motion.” Only through this, Calhoun argued, would the “different interests, orders, classes, or portions, into which the community may be divided, can be protected.”

The government Calhoun envisioned would protect “liberty”: not the liberty of the citizen but the liberty of the master, the liberty of those who claimed a right to property and a position at the top of a racial and economic hierarchy. This liberty, Calhoun stated, was “a reward to be earned, not a blessing to be gratuitously lavished on all alike — a reward reserved for the intelligent, the patriotic, the virtuous and deserving — and not a boon to be bestowed on a people too ignorant, degraded and vicious, to be capable either of appreciating or of enjoying it.” It is striking how much this echoes contemporary arguments against the expansion of democracy. In 2012, for example, a Tea Party congressional candidate from Florida said that voting is a “privilege” and seemed to endorse property requirements for participation.

Calhoun died in 1850. Ten years later, following the idea of nullification to its conclusion, the South seceded from the Union after Abraham Lincoln won the White House without a single Southern state. War came a few months later, and four years of fighting destroyed the system of slavery Calhoun fought to protect. But parts of his legacy survived. His deep suspicion of majoritarian democracy — his view that government must protect interests, defined by their unique geographic and economic characteristics, more than people — would inform the sectional politics of the South in the 20th century, where solid blocs of Southern lawmakers worked collectively to stifle any attempt to regulate the region.

Despite insurgencies at home — the Populist Party, for example, swept through Georgia and North Carolina in the 1890s — reactionary white leaders were able to maintain an iron grip on federal offices until the Voting Rights Act of 1965. And even then, the last generation of segregationist senators held on through the 1960s into the early 2000s. United, like their predecessors, by geography and their stake in Jim Crow segregation, they were a powerful force in national politics, a bloc that vetoed anything that touched their regional prerogatives.

Anti-lynching laws and some pro-labor legislation died at the hands of lawmakers from the “Solid South” who took advantage of Senate rules like the filibuster to effectively enact Calhoun’s idea of a concurrent majority against legislation that threatened the Southern racial status quo; the spirit of nullification lived on. When Northern liberal Democrats added a civil rights plank to the party platform at the 1948 presidential convention, in an effort to break the Southern conservatives’ hold on the party, 35 delegates from Mississippi and Alabama walked out in protest: the prologue to the “Dixiecrat Revolt” that began the conservative migration into the eventual embrace of the Republican Party.

Calhoun’s idea that states could veto the federal government would return as well following the decision in Brown v. Board of Education, as segregationists announced “massive resistance” to federal desegregation mandates and sympathizers defended white Southern actions with ideas and arguments that cribbed from Calhoun and recapitulated enslaver ideology for modern American politics. “The central question that emerges,” the National Review founding editor William F. Buckley Jr. wrote in 1957, amid congressional debate over the first Civil Rights Act, “is whether the white community in the South is entitled to take such measures as are necessary to prevail, politically and culturally, in areas which it does not predominate numerically? The sobering answer is yes — the white community is so entitled because, for the time being, it is the advanced race.” He continued: “It is more important for any community, anywhere in the world, to affirm and live by civilized standards, than to bow to the demands of the numerical majority.”

It is a strikingly blunt defense of Jim Crow and affirmation of white supremacy from the father of the conservative movement. Conservatives drove the groundswell that made Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona, an opponent of the Civil Rights Act, the 1964 Republican Party nominee for president. He lost in a landslide but won the Deep South (except for Florida), where the white people of the region — among the most conservative in the country, a direct legacy of slavery and the society it built — flocked to the candidate who stood against the constitutional demands of the black-freedom movement. Goldwater may have insisted that there are “some rights that are clearly protected by valid laws and are therefore ‘civil rights,’ ” but he also declared that “states’ rights” were “disappearing under the piling sands of absolutism” and called Brown v. Board an “unconstitutional trespass into the legislative sphere of government.” “I therefore support all efforts by the States, excluding violence, of course,” Goldwater wrote in “The Conscience of a Conservative,” “to preserve their rightful powers over education.”

Later, when key civil rights questions had been settled by law, Buckley would essentially renounce these views, praising the movement and criticizing race-baiting demagogues like George C. Wallace. Still, his initial impulse — to give political minorities a veto not just over policy but over democracy itself — reflected a tendency that would express itself again and again in the conservative politics he ushered into the mainstream, emerging when political, cultural and demographic change threatened a narrow, exclusionary vision of American democracy. Writing in the 1980s and ’90s, Samuel Francis — a polemicist who would eventually migrate to the very far right of American conservatism — identified this dynamic in the context of David Duke’s campaign for governor of Louisiana:

“Reagan conservatism, in its innermost meaning, had little to do with supply-side economics and spreading democracy. It had to do with the awakening of a people who face political, cultural and economic dispossession, who are slowly beginning to glimpse the fact of dispossession and what dispossession will mean for them and their descendants, and who also are starting to think about reversing the processes and powers responsible for their dispossession.”

There is a homegrown ideology of reaction in the United States, inextricably tied to our system of slavery. And while the racial content of that ideology has attenuated over time, the basic framework remains: fear of rival political majorities; of demographic “replacement”; of a government that threatens privilege and hierarchy.

The past 10 years of Republican extremism is emblematic. The Tea Party billed itself as a reaction to debt and spending, but a close look shows it was actually a reaction to an ascendant majority of black people, Latinos, Asian-Americans and liberal white people. In their survey-based study of the movement, the political scientists Christopher S. Parker and Matt A. Barreto show that Tea Party Republicans were motivated “by the fear and anxiety associated with the perception that ‘real’ Americans are losing their country.”

The scholars Theda Skocpol and Vanessa Williamson came to a similar conclusion in their contemporaneous study of the movement, based on an ethnographic study of Tea Party activists across the country. “Tea Party resistance to giving more to categories of people deemed undeserving is more than just an argument about taxes and spending,” they note in “The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism”; “it is a heartfelt cry about where they fear ‘their country’ may be headed.” And Tea Party adherents’ “worries about racial and ethnic minorities and overly entitled young people,” they write, “signal a larger fear about generational social change in America.”

To stop this change and its political consequences, right-wing conservatives have embarked on a project to nullify opponents and restrict the scope of democracy. Mitch McConnell’s hyper-obstructionist rule in the Senate is the most high-profile example of this strategy, but it’s far from the most egregious.

In 2012, North Carolina Republicans won legislative and executive power for the first time in more than a century. They used it to gerrymander the electoral map and impose new restrictions on voting, specifically aimed at the state’s African-American voters. One such restriction, a strict voter-identification law, was designed to target black North Carolinians with “almost surgical precision,” according to the federal judges who struck the law down. When, in 2016, Democrats overcame these obstacles to take back the governor’s mansion, the Republican-controlled Legislature tried to strip power from the office, to prevent Democrats from reversing their efforts to rig the game.

A similar thing happened in Wisconsin. Under Scott Walker, the governor at the time, Wisconsin Republicans gave themselves a structural advantage in the State Legislature through aggressive gerrymandering. After the Democratic candidate toppled Walker in the 2018 governor’s race, the Republican majority in the Legislature rapidly moved to limit the new governor’s power and weaken other statewide offices won by Democrats. They restricted the governor’s ability to run public-benefit programs and set rules on the implementation of state laws. And they robbed the governor and the attorney general of the power to continue, or end, legal action against the Affordable Care Act.

Michigan Republicans took an almost identical course of action after Democrats in that state managed to win executive office, using their gerrymandered legislative majority to weaken the new Democratic governor and attorney general. One proposed bill, for example, would have shifted oversight of campaign-finance law from the secretary of state to a six-person commission with members nominated by the state Republican and Democratic parties, a move designed to produce deadlock and keep elected Democrats from reversing previous decisions.

The Republican rationale for tilting the field in their permanent favor or, failing that, nullifying the results and limiting Democrats’ power as much as possible, has a familiar ring to it. “Citizens from every corner of Wisconsin deserve a strong legislative branch that stands on equal footing with an incoming administration that is based almost solely in Madison,” one Wisconsin Republican said following the party’s lame-duck power grab. The speaker of the State Assembly, Robin Vos, made his point more explicit. “If you took Madison and Milwaukee out of the state election formula, we would have a clear majority — we would have all five constitutional officers, and we would probably have many more seats in the Legislature.” The argument is straightforward: Some voters, their voters, count. Others — the liberals, black people and other people of color who live in cities — don’t.

Senate Republicans played with similar ideas just before the 2016 election, openly announcing their plans to block Hillary Clinton from nominating anyone to the Supreme Court, should she become president. “I promise you that we will be united against any Supreme Court nominee that Hillary Clinton, if she were president, would put up,” declared Senator John McCain of Arizona just weeks before voting. And President Trump, of course, has repeatedly and falsely denounced Clinton’s popular-vote victory as illegitimate, the product of fraud and illegal voting. “In addition to winning the Electoral College in a landslide,” he declared on Twitter weeks after the election, “I won the popular vote if you deduct the millions of people who voted illegally.”

The larger implication is clear enough: A majority made up of liberals and people of color isn’t a real majority. And the solution is clear, too: to write those people out of the polity, to use every available tool to weaken their influence on American politics. The recent attempt to place a citizenship question on the census was an important part of this effort. By asking for this information, the administration would suppress the number of immigrant respondents, worsening their representation in the House and the Electoral College, reweighting power to the white, rural areas that back the president and the Republican Party.

You could make the case that none of this has anything to do with slavery and slaveholder ideology. You could argue that it has nothing to do with race at all, that it’s simply an aggressive effort to secure conservative victories. But the tenor of an argument, the shape and nature of an opposition movement — these things matter. The goals may be colorblind, but the methods of action — the attacks on the legitimacy of nonwhite political actors, the casting of rival political majorities as unrepresentative, the drive to nullify democratically elected governing coalitions — are clearly downstream of a style of extreme political combat that came to fruition in the defense of human bondage.

Jamelle Bouie is a Washington-based New York Times opinion columnist and a political analyst for CBS News. He covers campaigns, elections, national affairs and culture.

HOW SLAVERY MADE ITS WAY WEST

By Tiya Miles | Published August 14, 2019 | "1619 Project" New York Times |

Published August 16, 2019 |

Slavery leapt out of the East and into the interior lands of the Old Southwest in the 1820s and 1830s. Cotton began to soar as the most lucrative product in the global marketplace just as the slaveholding societies of the Southeast and Mid-Atlantic were reaching limits in soil fertility. To land speculators, planters, ambitious settlers and Northern investors, the fertile lands to the west now looked irresistible.

The Native American nations that possessed the bulk of those lands stood in the way of this imagined progress. President Andrew Jackson, an enslaver from Tennessee famous for brutal “Indian” fighting in Georgia and Florida, swooped in on the side of fellow enslavers, championing the Indian Removal Act of 1830. When Congress passed the bill by a breathtakingly slim margin, Cherokees, Creeks, Choctaws, Chickasaws and Seminoles in the South as well as Potawatomis, Wyandots, Odawas, Delawares, Shawnees and Senecas in the Midwest were relocated to an uncharted space designated as Indian Territory (including present-day Oklahoma and Kansas). “Removal,” as the historian Claudio Saunt argues in a forthcoming book on the topic, was far too quiet a word to capture the violation of this mass “expulsion” of 80,000 people.

As new lands in the Old Southwest were pried open, white enslavers back east realized that their most profitable export was no longer tobacco or rice. A complex interstate slave trade became an industry of its own. This extractive system, together with enslavers moving west with human property, resulted in the relocation of approximately one million enslaved black people to a new region. The entrenched practice of buying, selling, owning, renting and mortgaging humans stretched into the American West along with the white settler-colonial population that now occupied former indigenous lands.

Slaveholding settlers who had pushed into Texas from the American South wanted to extend cotton agriculture and increase the numbers of white arrivals. “It was slavery that seemed to represent the soft underbelly of the Texas unrest,” the historian Steven Hahn asserts in “A Nation Without Borders.” Armed conflict between American-identified enslavers and a Mexican state that outlawed slavery in 1829 was among the causes of the Mexican-American War, which won for the United States much of the Southwest and California.

Texas became the West’s cotton slavery stronghold, with enslaved black people making up 30 percent of the state’s population in 1860. “Indian Territory” also held a large population of enslaved black people. Mormons, too, kept scores of enslaved laborers in Utah. The small number of black people who arrived in California, New Mexico and Oregon before midcentury usually came as property. Even as most Western states banned slavery in their new constitutions, individual enslavers held onto their property-in-people until the Civil War.

Enslaved men who had served in the Union Army were among the first wave of African-Americans to move west of their own free will. They served as soldiers, and together with wives and children they formed pocket communities in Montana, Colorado, New Mexico and Texas. It is a painful paradox that the work of black soldiers centered on what the historian Quintard Taylor has called “settler protection” in his classic 1998 study of African-Americans in the West, “In Search of the Racial Frontier.” Even while bearing slavery’s scars, black men found themselves carrying out orders to secure white residents of Western towns, track down “outlaws” (many of whom were people of color), police the federally imposed boundaries of Indian reservations and quell labor strikes. “This small group of black men,” Taylor observes, “paid a dear price in their bid to earn the respect of the nation.”

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Family Law Cases in Texas: Child Support in Divorce

If you have need a best suitable service your Family Law experience, Family Law Cases in Texas: Child Support in Divorce with the great process!

Family Lawyers Houston: Of all the subjects surrounding a divorce, child support seems to garner the most extreme opinions from parents. The child support levels are either too high or not high enough, depending upon your perspective.

Daycare, clothing, food, rent, etc. are all issues to be concerned with if you are a custodial parent and your children live with you. On the other hand, if you are the noncustodial parent and are ordered to pay child support under a divorce order then you may have misgivings about paying your ex-spouse support that is intended for your children.

I had a prior client who asked me, innocently enough, whether or not there was a chance that we could ask the judge in his case to insert an order in his Final Decree of Divorce that required the State of Texas to track every dollar of the child support he paid his ex-wife in order to verify that she was spending the money on the kids and not herself.

While an ambitious idea to be sure, I had to inform this client that unfortunately, the State did not have unlimited resources and therefore tracking every dollar his child support would not be possible.

With that said, what are the keys to establishing child support in a divorce and how is it done? Today’s blog post from the Law Office of Bryan Fagan will focus on this topic.

SETTING UP CHILD SUPPORT IN CONJUNCTION WITH YOUR DIVORCE

Family Lawyer in Houston: If you are the parent with the right to determine the primary residence of your children you will have the right to also receive child support on behalf of your children from your ex-spouse. These two rights, for what it’s worth, are possibly the only two superior rights that you have over your ex-spouse depending upon the additional orders contained in your Final Decree of Divorce.

The income of your ex-spouse, as well as the number of children you have before the court in your divorce, will determine the dollar amount of child support that you will owe each month moving forward.

It is important to note a child support credit will be given for any children that your ex-spouse is responsible for who are not before the court (as in from other relationships) and to whom a duty of support is owed. This means that a lesser amount of child support will be owed to you as a result.

The State of Texas has created guideline levels of child support and the percentages associated with those levels of support are contained within the Texas Family Code.

For example:

1. If you have one child with your spouse then the percentage of your spouse’s net monthly resources that will be taken for child support purposes is 20%. 2. Two children means 25% of the 3. Net monthly resources are considered on up to at the most 50% for five or more children.

It will be important for your attorney to determine how to arrive at an income for your spouse from which child support can be determined. In some circumstances, your spouse may be under-employed– meaning that he or she is earning less than he or she is capable of in order to avoid a higher support obligation.

This would need to be proved to a judge in order so that he or she can make a ruling on what is an appropriate amount of child support to be paid.

WHAT IS CONSIDERED TO BE A PART OF NET RESOURCES WHEN IT COMES TO DETERMINING CHILD SUPPORT?

Houston Family Law Lawyer: Wages and salary on a monthly basis are one hundred percent eligible to be a part of your spouse’s net monthly resources. Bonuses, overtime pay, and commissions are included in this calculation. If your spouse earns interest or dividends on investments then these too factor into the analysis for child support.

Rental income (minus expenses and mortgage payments) and other miscellaneous sources of income like retirement benefits, social security income, and worker’s compensation benefits complete our look at different sources of income that are eligible to be considered when determining child support in your divorce.

For the most part, your spouse’s monthly wages are what the child support will be based on. Most of us don’t have significant secondary sources of income or investments that yield income that would be worthwhile to investigate. If you are in the beginning stages of planning your divorce then I would recommend that you collect any pay-stubs of your spouse that you can if you expect to be paid child support.

Once your divorce is underway this information will be harder to come by and your attorney may have to make formal requests of these documents via the discovery process.

REASONS TO DEVIATE FROM THE CHILD SUPPORT GUIDELINES CONTAINED IN THE FAMILY CODE

Family Lawyers in Houston: The percentages associated with your spouse’s net monthly resources are what is typically ordered to be paid for most divorces in Texas. However, there are circumstances that can either increase or decrease the levels of support. Essentially, if the court determines that it is not in the best interests of your children to have the guidelines level of support be applied in your case these other factors may be considered.

Specifically, the age and special needs (if any) of your children may be considered. If your child has special needs in terms of academics, medical or psychological issues then your spouse may end up being on the hook for higher than guidelines levels of child support.

On the other hand, what if you and your spouse negotiated that you would be able to reside a great distance from one another after the divorce. In so doing, you knowing accepted the fact that your spouse will have to travel greater distances, and incur greater costs, just to exercise his or her periods of possession with your children. As a result, his or her level of child support may be decreased to account for these increased costs when compared to most parents in his or her position.

HOW DO MEDICAL EXPENSES FIT INTO THIS DISCUSSION?

In addition to being required to provide child support for your children, your spouse is required to pay for health insurance coverage for the children as well … Continue Reading

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[ad_1] Larry Fink, chief govt officer of BlackRock Inc.Christopher Goodney | Bloomberg | Getty ImagesBillionaire businessman and former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg and the investing behemoth BlackRock have each not too long ago issued their very own strongly worded missives defending investments in local weather options and clear vitality and saying that requesting climate-related threat disclosures from corporations is wise capitalism.The letters come as political stress mounts in opposition to the concept of environmental, social and governance (ESG) funds, which purport to offer folks a simple approach to put money into corporations performing responsibly in these areas. Critics, notably on the Republican facet, have mentioned ESG is a canopy for a political agenda and is partly aimed in opposition to fossil gasoline producers. Bloomberg, who's at present price nearly $77 billion according to Forbes, revealed an op-ed in his namesake media publication on Tuesday deriding the Republican-led efforts to politicize funding choices in local weather options and clear vitality."In a world rapidly moving to clean energy, companies that are dependent on fossil fuels put investors at greater risk," Bloomberg wrote."The fact is: Climate risk is financial risk. Costs from climate-related weather events now exceed $100 billion annually — and that is only counting insured losses," Bloomberg wrote. "Accounting for these and other losses isn't social policy. It's smart investing. And refusing to allow firms to do it comes with a big cost to taxpayers."On Wednesday, BlackRock despatched a letter to a group of legal professional generals which defended its engagement in measuring the local weather threat of corporations and investing in clear vitality as responsibly finishing up its fiduciary obligation to shoppers."Our commitment to our clients' financial interests is unwavering and undivided," wrote BlackRock's senior managing director and head of exterior affairs, Dalia Blass."Governments representing over 90 percent of global GDP have committed to move to net-zero in the coming decades. We believe investors and companies that take a forward-looking position with respect to climate risk and its implications for the energy transition will generate better long-term financial outcomes," Blass wrote. "These opportunities cut across the political spectrum."Former mayor of New York Michael Bloomberg speaks throughout a gathering with Earthshot prize winners and finalists on the Glasgow Science Center in the course of the UN Climate Change Conference (COP26) in Glasgow, Scotland, Britain, November 2, 2021.Alastair Grant | ReutersBlackRock's letter was particularly responding to an Aug. 4 letter from 19 state attorneys common to BlackRock CEO Larry Fink, during which they objected to what they referred to as a bias in opposition to fossil fuels."BlackRock's past public commitments indicate that it has used citizens' assets to pressure companies to comply with international agreements such as the Paris Agreement that force the phase-out of fossil fuels, increase energy prices, drive inflation, and weaken the national security of the United States," the legal professional generals state.Specific state lawmakers have adopted laws for their very own states "prohibiting energy boycotts," the letter from legal professional generals states. For instance, later in August, Texas comptroller Glenn Hegar accused ten monetary corporations, together with BlackRock, and 350 funding funds of taking steps to "boycott energy companies."BlackRock objected to the concept it's boycotting vitality corporations or working with a political agenda.BlackRock is "among the largest investors in public energy companies," and has $170 billion invested in United States vitality corporations. Recent investments embrace pure fuel, renewables and "decarbonization technology that needs capital to scale," BlackRock mentioned in its letter.BlackRock additionally mentioned

that it requests climate-related monetary disclosures from corporations with the intention to enhance transparency and have the ability to make high quality funding choices for shoppers.Bloomberg, in the meantime, mentioned that measuring local weather threat is simply primary investing."Any responsible money manager, especially one with a fiduciary duty to taxpayers, seeks to build a diversified portfolio (including on energy); identifies and mitigates risk (including the risks associated with climate change); and considers macro trends that are shaping industries and markets (such as the steadily declining price of clean power)," Bloomberg wrote."That's investing 101, and either Republican critics of ESG don't understand it, or they are catering to the interests of fossil fuel companies. It may well be both." [ad_2] Source link

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Tax deductions with Accounting Software in Pakistan

Erpisto #1 Accounting Software in Pakistan There is a lot of confusing and contradictory information available. It's difficult to grasp what a sole owner needs to do to understand the tax ramifications of running their business between the website and sites with a lot of adverts. That's why we decided to write this guide — no adverts, fluff, or technical jargon, just straightforward, easy-to-understand facts. Are you paying attention to what we're saying?

As a solo proprietor, you're always looking for ways to save money and increase your profits.

We understand. So, let's discuss about tax deductions for sole proprietorships.

The quick version is that more deductions equals lower taxes.

As a sole proprietor, it's in your best interest to take advantage of and maximize tax deductions. They'll lower your tax bill, allowing you to put more money into your company.

It's not easy to file taxes as a sole owner, so don't fret. We're here to assist you.

To begin, we'll go through the fundamentals of a sole proprietorship and how it's taxed. Then we'll go through many tax deductions you should be aware of and how to take advantage of them.

Erpisto #1 Accounting Software in Pakistan

What are the signs that I'm a sole proprietor?

That is an excellent question. To assess your tax responsibilities, you must first decide if you are a sole proprietor. This is required in order to calculate your deductions!

Ownership is not restricted to a single industry. A lone proprietor is a person who owns and operates their own firm. Because it is not a legal corporation, the owner is responsible for all financial and legal obligations.

Even if you work as an independent contractor for one or two companies, you are very certainly a sole owner. In most cases, employers do not deduct taxes from an independent contractor's pay. You're probably a lone owner if no one is withholding your taxes.

The simplicity of starting a business as a lone owner is appealing. It's by far the simplest business to start because all you need is yourself and a set of abilities. Here's an example of a sole proprietorship business to get you started:

Services for computer repair

Freelance writing or graphic design are two options.

Photography for a landscaping or lawn service

Do sole proprietors have to pay taxes on a quarterly basis?

If you're new to working for yourself, you'll need to brush up on your tax knowledge.

One significant distinction is the payment of estimated taxes. Because your company does not deduct this money from your paycheck, you must make these every quarter to assist you meet your tax obligations.

If you work with an accountant, they can assist you in calculating your quarterly single proprietor taxes.

You'll need to know your net profit or loss to make accurate payments. Any net income over $400 earned each year must be paid to the Accounting Software in Pakistan.

What is the best way for a sole proprietorship to pay taxes?

It's time to start thinking about taxes now that you've determined you're a sole owner. We understand that this isn't the most enjoyable subject.

We'll break things down for you and make the process a little easier.

The quickest and most convenient way to pay your lone proprietor taxes is to go to the website and pay online. You have the option of using your bank account, a debit card, or a credit card. You can plan payments in advance by using your bank account. Those paying by debit or credit card can now make a payment over the phone. You can send a check, but the fastest way is to do so online. If you can't pay your tax bill right away, you can set up a payment plan. It's worth noting that this figure could contain interest and late fees. Don't forget to visit the website of your state's Department of Revenue. They are in charge of state sole proprietorship taxes, and it is to them that you must submit your state payment. While you may owe less in state taxes than in federal taxes, it's still vital to pay them.

Do sole proprietorships have to pay sales tax?

As a result, if you manage a flower shop or an internet store, you'll have to pay state taxes on the items you sell. The state in which you live will determine your tax rate.

You won't have to pay sales taxes on your services if you're a writer or graphic designer, but you will have to pay state sole proprietorship taxes on the money you make.

What is the procedure for a lone proprietor to receive a tax refund?

Overpaying on quarterly projected payments is the greatest way for a solo proprietor to seek a refund. If you pay more than you think you owe, you'll have a better chance of getting a refund when you file your return.

If you pay more in the hopes of getting a refund, you'll miss out on the opportunity to put that money to better use throughout the year.

As a lone proprietor, what expenses may you deduct?

Now comes the fun part. Let's speak about the deductions you can take as a sole proprietor when submitting your taxes.

You can have a lot of inquiries, such as "how much of my phone can I deduct from my taxes?" or “Can a home repair be written off?”

Each of these is covered in detail in the sole proprietorship standards. However, to save you time (which we understand is valuable as a business owner), we've compiled a list of significant deductions to be aware of. This will assist you in lowering your sole proprietorship's tax burden.

Is it true that our initial costs are tax deductible?

You're well aware that beginning a business is a difficult task.

It's also quite costly.

You can, fortunately, deduct some of your charges. In your first year in business, the Accounting Software in Pakistan will allow you to claim up to $5,000 in deductions. Advertising, travel, and fees linked with services or consultants are examples of these costs.

All of your beginning costs should be treated as capital expenses, according to the IRS. While interest and taxes can be deductible in some situations, they cannot be deducted as startup costs on sole proprietorship taxes.

Getting your firm off the ground costs a lot of money.

Starting a business as a sole proprietorship has one of the lowest entry barriers. However, you will need to invest some money to get your idea off the ground, just like any other firm. Many of these costs can be deducted from your taxes as a sole proprietor.

The majority of businesses require a website. There are fees associated with getting a site online, whether you develop it yourself or hire an expert. You'll need to get a domain name and create landing pages, among other things. Each of these goods has a price tag attached to it. You may deduct each as a business cost on your single proprietorship taxes, which is wonderful news.

Continuing education is important.

Perhaps you'd want to attend a few classes to extend your horizons.

The cost of your own schooling is deductible. You can subtract classes that help you maintain or develop your abilities in your current field.

You must be able to demonstrate that the knowledge you received maintains or enhances the job-related abilities.

If you're an accountant, taking a culinary class is unlikely to be tax deductible (but it may save you money on client dinners).

Deductions for health-insurance premiums

You probably bought insurance from a private company or the Healthcare Exchange.

In most cases, you'll be able to deduct the cost of any health, dental, or eligible long-term care insurance you buy.

You, your spouse, and any dependents may be included. These are not only wonderful investments, but they also help you save money on your sole proprietorship taxes.

Taxes on Social Security and Medicare can be written off.

The deduction of Social Security and Medicare from most W-2 employees' paychecks is handled by their employer.

You'll have to handle this on your own as a lone proprietor. On your quarterly social security and Medicare payments made throughout the year, you can claim a 50% reduction.

Plans for Retirement

It's a no-brainer to put money into a retirement account. As a lone proprietor, it's even more critical to keep track of your finances. You can deduct portion of your contributions from your taxes, according to the Accounting Software in Pakistan.

Let's look at two of the most common programmes and how they affect your sole proprietorship taxes.

Roth IRA: Roth IRA contributions are not tax deductible. Traditional IRA: If you or your spouse (if you're married) aren't protected by an employer retirement plan, you can deduct your whole contribution. When it comes to single proprietorship taxes, the rules are a little more complicated. The amount deducted varies depending on the plan you choose and whether or not you contribute to it.

It's beneficial to work in your pajamas.

In today's world, it's highly likely that you're working from home. Maybe that's where you've always worked. This space can be claimed as a deduction because it is used for a business. The Simplified Method and the Regular Method are the two procedures used by the Accounting Software in Pakistan for home office deductions. There are two key conditions that must be met regardless of the option you choose: Your home office should be your primary place of business and should be utilized solely for these purposes. It's where you do most of your business. We'll go over how to figure out how much your home office is worth and how much you may deduct. If you have a home office or a room that is utilized for that purpose.

Simplified Method:

This option became available in the 2013 tax year.

It does not modify the qualification standards, but it does make the calculation easier.

$5 per square foot is the standard deduction (up to 300 sq. feet).

Mortgage interest and real estate taxes, for example, may be eligible.

By decreasing the quantity of record-keeping, this strategy makes things simple.

Regular Method: 

If you pursue the traditional approach, you'll need to figure up all of your home office expenses (utilities, mortgage interest, insurance, etc.)

Rather than cost per square foot, the deduction is based on the percentage of your home that is used for commercial purposes.

You may be able to claim direct and indirect expenses on your taxes if you use the traditional technique.

Here's the whole list of deductions you can take from your home office:

Losses due to rent casualties

Insurance against mortgage interest

Utilities

Depreciation

Repairs and maintenance

These write-offs are usually divided into two categories: direct and indirect charges. Repairs and upkeep to your office would be considered direct expenses because they are only tied to the commercial section of your house. Typically, these are entirely deductible. Indirect costs are those that apply to your entire home. Insurance and utilities, for example, are indirect because you use them for both commercial and personal purposes. To determine the permitted deduction, you'll need to compute the proportion usage of these items in relation to your firm.

Is it possible to deduct home repairs?

Home repairs that are directly relevant to your home office can be deducted. Perhaps you installed some storage, a new workstation, or repainted the room. These are costs that are tax deductible.

Unfortunately, deducting the cost of new kitchen countertops is not an eligible deduction.

What is the maximum proportion of utilities that I can claim?

When you saw utilities on the list, that was certainly one of the first things that came to mind.

Because home utilities overlap with personal use, you'll need to figure out what percentage of your home is used for business. You can use that formula to figure out how much of your utility costs you can deduct.

How can you figure out how much your home office is worth?

The Accounting Software in Pakistan allows you to depreciate the portion of your home that you use for business, but not the cost or value of the land. Before you depreciate your house, there are a few things you should know:

When you first started doing business out of your house.

The expense of upgrades done before and after you started doing business with it.

The proportion of your home that is used for business.

Your home's adjusted basis when you first started utilizing it for your business.

Alternatively, the fair market worth at the time you used it for business.

What if you rent?

Since we’ve talked about home office space, this may raise a question: “I’m a renter. Can I deduct rent on my sole proprietor taxes?”

The short answer is, yes. The same requirements apply to the business use of your home.

If you rent space (an office, co-working desk, store, etc.) you can use this as a deduction.

The IRS does have a caveat on what they refer to as “unreasonable rent.” Meaning, if you’re renting space from someone to whom you’re related, you need to pay them the same amount you would a stranger landlord. This situation typically only arises if you’re related, in some way, to the owner of the property.

Choosing a deduction option for a home office

If you're not sure which method is ideal for you, take out your calculator (also known as your cell phone) and conduct some calculations. If the projected deduction is close to the same, utilizing the simplified technique will likely save you time and frustration.

This is one of the best deductions for single proprietorship taxes, regardless of whatever option you choose.

Daycares are exempt from the rule. You can still claim a home deduction if you use your house to care for children, people over the age of 65, or people who are unable to care for themselves. You'll need to figure out how much of your home is used for childcare.

For your phone, there are deductions.

If you own a company, you're undoubtedly wondering, "How much of my phone can I deduct on my taxes?" After all, it's a significant element of your business. Cell phones aren't getting any less expensive, either (as we said earlier, it doubles as your calculator).

The IRS does not allow you to deduct the expense of your home's first phone line. Long-distance calls and the use of a dedicated business phone are both allowable deductions.

Deducting your travel and mileage expenditures

As a lone owner, you presumably use your vehicle for business activities, such as driving to meetings, conferences, and business meals, even if you usually work at home or at an office.

You are free to utilize the automobile in your personal life as well. If that's the case, you'll need to figure out what percentage your company uses.

It is possible to deduct mileage. This refers to journeys taken outside of your typical commute or within the approximate vicinity of your workplace and home.

Meals

The client dinner, oh, the client meal. Lunch is another option. Perhaps some coffee. Whether you like them or not, these meetings may pile up. Meals and entertainment expenses are normally eligible for a 50% deduction. The cost of travel to these meetings is a distinct expense that is not subject to the 50% rule.

When travelling for work, it's common to take advantage of free time and sight-seeing opportunities. You cannot deduct any expenses incurred during your vacation that are not relevant to your business (for example, travelling to a sporting event or visiting a museum).

Is it possible to claim coffee as a business expense?

If you enjoy coffee, you're in luck. In certain circumstances, you may be able to deduct your coffee expenses.

This is not deductible if you go to your local coffee shop for an afternoon pick-me-up. If you're meeting someone for a meeting, though, you can deduct 50% of the expense.

If you purchase brewing equipment or coffee for your home office, you can deduct the cost on your IRS sole proprietorship taxes.

Assets that depreciate

It's rare that most sole Accounting Software in Pakistan have a substantial number of assets having depreciation that can be deducted.

Let's take a quick look at this to make sure we've covered all of our bases. You can deduct a maximum of $1,040,000 starting in tax year 2020.

Depreciation on a vehicle is the most likely application for your sole proprietorship. The maximum depreciation deduction for a vehicle you use for work and that was first put into operation in 2019 is $10,100.

Expenses associated with impairment

If you have a disability, you may be able to employ services or tools to assist you with business responsibilities. If the support is solely for business purposes, the charges might be deducted from your sole proprietorship taxes.

Perhaps you require a computer to type documents and emails but are unable to do so. Buying dictation software for your business might be written off as a business expense.

Bad debts, loan interest, fees, oh my...

Hopefully, this does not happen frequently, but you may have a client who is unable to settle a bill you owe them.

A bad company debt can only be claimed if it was previously disclosed on your income.

Interest on loans that you intend to repay can usually be deducted. This is especially handy if you bought your firm with the help of a mortgage. You can deduct the costs of obtaining a mortgage from your sole proprietor taxes (again, providing you utilize the property for business purposes). The interest you pay on your mortgage can also be deducted.

Clubs and fees for organizations

A chamber of commerce, trade association, or networking group might be a good option. These groups are great for getting the word out about what you offer and meeting other professionals. These fees can be deducted if the organization is established for a business purpose.

This exception is to the IRS rule that club meals are not deductible. Your membership to a golf course didn't make it into the list.

We can help you to help yourself

There are many things you can do in tax season to make it less stressful.

Keep track of all your records. You can either save your records digitally or print them (preferably both). This information should be kept safe. Keep your receipts, bills, and statements organized. This will make it easier to find and allow you to take advantage of any deductions.

Hire a competent accountant. It is worth it to file correctly and get all the sole proprietorship tax deductions. It's OK if you are not a great at keeping records. A professional bookkeeper can make your life easier and prevent you from making costly mistakes. When it comes time to file taxes, your accountant will be grateful for the work of the bookkeeper. These services are also deductible.

Separate your personal and business expenses. If you blur these lines, things can become complicated. You should only make purchases with your business income ( Hint : eating out for yourself is not deductible).

Considerations for COVID-19

The IRS delayed the deadline for 2019 taxes due to ongoing economic crisis and pandemic. It will now be July 15, 2020.

Numerous state governments have changed their tax deadlines. Check with your Department of Revenue to find out more.

Additional resources available for sole proprietors

Due to the increase in gig jobs, IRS resources for sole proprietorship have been made easily available. Side gigs can be anything from ride-sharing to online creative marketplaces. More people are making side incomes than ever before.

These types of work are often part-time or temporary and done via digital platforms. This category could include services such as freelance writing, photography, and design work. Other sellers may offer handmade goods on online marketplaces such as Etsy and Uncommon Goods.

These fields have tax implications. You will need to pay taxes on gig work, regardless of whether it is your full-time job or a side hustle with Accounting Software in Pakistan. To reduce the tax burden on sole proprietorship taxes, the IRS recommends keeping track of all expenses.

You must keep track of your income. This is good business practice. You will still need to report income, even if you don’t receive a 1099 form from the people with whom you have worked.

Solopreneur does not necessarily mean you are in it alone

Even the most financially well-informed, tax season can send a chill down your spine. Many people worry about how to pay their taxes or what they should do. It doesn't have to be lonely filing taxes as a sole proprietor.

It's easy to get overwhelmed by all the information available. However, it will be easier to have a competent accountant or bookkeeper.

Even if your ability to manage your own records is sufficient, you should consider buying reliable bookkeeping software. This will allow you to keep all of your information in one place. It is crucial to keep good records in order to pay your sole proprietorship taxes. Your life will be easier after April 15 (or July 15, 2020).

Good habits are key to maximizing your business income. Your taxes can be viewed as a way to lower your expenses. Taxes can be one expense that you don't have control over if you are a sole proprietor. It is difficult to reduce rent, payroll, and insurance. You can reduce the tax impact on your bottom line by being meticulous in your business management.

To help sole proprietors do the things they love. This allows you to spend less time worrying about details such as taxes and deductions.

Simple Accounting Tips

KISS Keep it simple. Start small. A sole proprietorship is the simplest entity to start your business. This type of ownership does not require any special communication to the Internal Revenue Service or filings until you begin paying employees.

You are the sole proprietor. If your municipality or county requires it, you can only obtain an occupational license. You, the owner, are responsible for all state and city taxes collected on wholesale or retail sales that your business makes. State tax collection is not applicable to service businesses or most cross-state sales.

A personal liability umbrella policy is the best and most affordable way to protect yourself from personal liability as sole proprietor. It is important to know your trade and keep detailed records to avoid any liability.

Focus on building your business, not on communicating with the IRS. The IRS won't even know that you are a sole proprietor until you file your first personal income tax returns. Schedule C will be included in your return. This schedule lists all sales and expenses that you have recorded for your business. These sales and expenses don't need to be held in separate accounts as required by the LLC/Incorporation form. To provide a tax refund, the sole proprietor's losses can be offset by your day job's earnings.

In the first five years, 90% of small businesses go under or become new owners. You can plan your business to prosper, but if it becomes sole proprietor, you must cease doing business. There is no need to communicate with the IRS or fill out special forms. You will not be subject to additional taxes. Just file the final Schedule C along with your next personal tax return. KISS.

How can you get paid as sole proprietorship? You can simply take the money out as an advance. There are no quarterly forms or payroll taxes. Startups lose money in the initial years. Keep your day job to cover your living expenses.

You should know that "write-off" does not mean you are exempt from expenses. It only means that you will be able to save some taxes if you use the income for specific purposes.

Once you have passed the five-year hurdle you can speak with a CPA to discuss other entity types that may be able to save you taxes. A simple bookkeeping entry can transfer all business assets from the sole proprietorship to the new entity, without tax penalties of Accounting Software in Pakistan. You can then quit your job and celebrate your new income.

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