#narek aleksanyan | Explore Tumblr Posts and Blogs

mariacallous · 1 year

Text

After Baku gained unequivocal control of Nagorno-Karabakh last week, mass protests erupted around Armenia, whose population blamed Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan for failing to prevent the dissolution of Artsakh, an unrecognized breakaway state established in the region by the ethnic-Armenian majority there. While Artsakh is being officially dissolved, refugees from Karabakh, who have already endured a nine-month blockade and now lost their homes, are lining up at the Armenian border. Journalist Alexander Atasuntsev traveled to Armenia, where he talked to protesters, refugees, and those who try to help them on arrival, in the Armenian border city of Goris.

A tribunal, some day

“What’s happening in Artsakh is genocide. Our relatives — people who simply want to live in their homeland — are dying. If we’re real Armenians, we have to stand with them,” says Anahit, a young woman holding a flag of the unrecognized Artsakh Republic.

Anahit is a student at the French University in Yerevan. Her family, including her several brothers, have remained in Nagorno-Karabakh. They are originally from the village of Gadrut, which had been transferred to Azerbaijan in 2020. When this happened, all the ethnic Armenians who lived there had to leave.

Protests have been ongoing in Yerevan since September 19, when Azerbaijan launched what it described as a “localized anti-terrorist operation” in Nagorno-Karabakh. Several thousand Armenians gather daily in Yerevan’s Republic Square, opposite the government building, whose pink-limestone portico is lined with rows of riot policemen. Behind their backs, gape the building’s broken windows — the result of the crowd’s unsuccessful attempt to storm the building.

The square is full of young people. They’re blocking the traffic, stretching broad red banners across the square. Many of them are Karabakh Armenians who lost family members during the 2020 war. Some of them speak about relatives who had endured the Azerbaijani blockade. People are constantly clasping their smartphones, sending messages and making calls. Some of them are weeping.

Anahit says she is demanding the resignation of Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan. She says that Pashinyan betrayed both Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. She doesn’t think Russia is responsible, but criticizes the Armenian government, which “didn’t act in a worthy fashion.” “If they don’t ensure the safety of the people who live in Artsakh, why should Russia?” she says. “If Armenia doesn’t defend them, what right do we have to demand anything of Russia.”

Protesters in central Yerevan. September 24, 2023.

Hayk Baghdasaryan / Photolure / AP / Scanpix / LETA

Police guarding the Armenian government building in Yerevan. September 24, 2023.

Narek Aleksanyan / AFP / Scanpix / LETA

Protesters with the flag of the unrecognized Artsakh Republic in central Yerevan. September 22, 2023.

Vahram Baghdasaryan / Photolure / Reuters / Scanpix / LETA

Among the protesters, I also meet 19-year old Vagan, his father Vardan, 49, and their friend Farad, 69. “We came here to save our blood relations — the 120,000 Armenians who live in Artsakh,” says Vardan.

In his opinion, this is only possible if Armenia takes back its recognition of Nagorno-Karabakh as a part of Azerbaijan. This is why it’s necessary to push through Pashinyan’s resignation, he says:

If that scum leaves, our partners — our allies Iran and Russia — will let us ensure the safety of Artsakh Armenians. Of course, no one is going to fight for us there, but the Armenians themselves are ready to fight. In the 1990s, no one wanted to help Armenia, and things were far worse.

“It’s originally Armenian land,” Farad pipes up. He is a veteran of two Karabakh wars and a member of the Armenian nationalist party Dashnaktsutyun, also known as Armenian Revolutionary Federation. I notice that whenever he speaks of Nikol Pashinyan, he avoids using his name, resorting to slurs instead.

“We don’t want this traitor to spend another day in office,” says Vagan. “If we can’t save Karabakh, we must at least ensure that its residents can escape safely. But our prime minister does nothing. This is why we’re here.”

All three of them seem to be ambivalent about Russia: though it came to Armenia’s side, Russia is still partly responsible for Armenia’s loss of Karabakh.

Vardan chimes in again: “It’s not up to Russia,” he says, “but up to that Turk, that traitor in the prime minister’s chair. He wants to leave the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the agreement, dating back to 1991, that our borders should be protected by Russia’s troops. He wants Armenia to be friends with NATO. But we know very well that the biggest NATO army is in Turkey. We’re never going to be friends with them. We’re a thorn in their side.”

A middle-aged man standing nearby is listening to our conversation. His body language makes clear that he disapproves of what is being said. When they start talking about how Armenia could take back Nagorno-Karabakh, he spits out angrily: “No way.”

His name is Mikhail. It turns out that he works in the city administration. In his mind, the protesters gathered in Republic Square are two kinds of people: either they’re “lost sheep” or “traitors.” Mikhail himself came to the square to listen to what people were saying. He isn’t a fan of Pashinyan, either, blaming him for not having done enough to keep Armenia independent of Russia:

Twenty years ago, when Putin came to power, it was already clear that Russia and Armenia were going different ways. I have nothing against Russia, it’s a Christian state, but Armenia should have realized that Putin is evil. Instead, Armenia sold itself to Putin.

“All these Kocharyans, Sargsyans,” he goes on, referring to the second and third presidents of post-Soviet Armenia, “are people who fed at the Russian trough. Pashinyan tried to get away from it, that’s why Putin hates him. When he started canceling exercises with the Collective Security Treaty partners, and started conducting exercises with the U.S., Putin decided to take revenge.”

Mikhail is certain that Yerevan’s conflict with Baku will not stop at Karabakh, and that Armenia is also at risk of losing its southern territories. Baku doesn’t even hide its interest in the so-called Zangezur corridor, where Azerbaijan wants to build a motorway to connect it with its exclave, the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic.

“All these people,” Mikhail says,“are just a bunch of suckers. They’ll never go and fight for Karabakh, especially not against Turkish weaponry. Just look at the number of these people, it’s nothing,” he says, pointing at the crowd of several thousand.

“Those who organize these protests are all traitors to Armenia, and they’ll ruin it.” He thinks that Armenia will also lose its southern territories. “Wouldn’t it lose them with Pashinyan?” I ask him.

“It’s not about Pashinyan,” he replies. “It’s that they have no one to replace him with. And if they come to power, they’ll ruin Armenia, which is exactly what Russia wants. Nikol is an idiot, and he is weak. If you’re going against Russia, go all the way.”

○ ○ ○

Shushanik Arevshatyan, director of the popular Armenian Radio Van, is not the kind of person who would take to the Republic Square to protest over Karabakh. Chain-smoking in the kitchen of Radio Van’s editorial office, she muses:

In 2020, I was still a pro-Russian person, and my radio station had always broadcast in Russian. But after 2020, I understood what kind of game Russia was playing.

There are two kinds of people protesting now. The first is Karabakh natives, which is emotionally understandable: they’ve left their families there, and they came out in protest because they can’t stay home. But the terrible thing is that the other portion are paid provokers, that pro-Russian public whose goal is to overturn the Armenian government.

While we talk, she pauses several times to tune into the live broadcast in the background. People remaining in Nagorno-Karabakh are talking about what’s happening there.

She is sure that this isn’t the right time to oust Pashinyan. “We’re already weak, and who should be appointed instead? Is this the time to mess with things? We might get 120,000 refugees from Karabakh, God willing. They’re going to need housing. Some day — when it’s all over and done with — then, yes, let’s have a tribunal, and draw and quarter. But not today, not now.”

‘You’re all fascists!’

The first large Armenian city after crossing the border from Nagorno-Karabakh is Goris. The streets seem quiet at first, and it’s hard to believe that the city might soon be flooded with thousands of refugees.

But the city’s larger spaces — schools, hotels, and the drama theater — are already being stocked with bags and boxes of humanitarian aid. I notice several people smoking by the city hospital. Some of them turn out to be local doctors, while others have arrived just recently from Yerevan. The city’s largest hotel, also named Goris, has already reserved rooms for more 100 refugees.

From December 2022 onward, Nagorno-Karabakh was blockaded by Azerbaijan. On September 24, many people still thought that no evacuation would be possible, and that instead Karabakh Armenians would be subjected to the worst: ethnic cleansing.

The humanitarian situation in the region deteriorated even before Azerbaijan launched its military strike on September 19. Stores were empty of food staples. The region had been without gas for several months. Food, medications, fuel, and hygienic products were all in short supply. A week before the strike, Karabakh lost electrical power, and therefore telecommunications as well. People remaining online were afraid to talk to journalists, for fear of repercussions from Baku.

The kind of assault that Stepanakert came under on September 19 hadn’t happened to the city since 2020, says a woman who lives there. (She asked to remain unnamed.) “I don’t just remember it,” she says about the start of the shelling, “I’ll never be able to forget it.”

I was making tea on an electric cooker, since we hadn’t had gas since March. And suddenly, I heard a blast. And then another, and another. My dad went outside, and so did I, and there was everyone running, with strollers and with children in their arms.

People were running for shelter. Shelling had started in the early afternoon, when children were still at school. In the first hours of the assault, there was chaos in the streets. Without working telecommunications, people couldn’t find one another. Concurrently, Azerbaijan launched its on-the-ground operation. Its military surrounded towns and villages without entering them. Instead, it carved up Karabakh into sectors, firing at communication infrastructure. Some districts of Nagorno-Karabakh still remain in isolation.

Those who managed to escape this lockdown headed to Stepanakert. Some went on foot, since there was no fuel. On September 20, thousands of people had crowded at the Russian peacekeeping base at the now-defunct Stepanakert airport, in hopes that evacuation would begin there — but it took another four days before evacuations started. The airport was unsuitable for large numbers of people staying for days. Many ended up living in tents or cars, another Stepanakert resident tells me, also anonymously.

Tatiana Oganesyan is a physician and the director of Viva, a medical non-profit serving the victims of Baku’s aggression in Nagorno-Karabakh. Her sister lived, until recently, in Martakert. She and her family spent the first night of the strike in the woods, later reaching Stepanakert on foot. Some of Martakert’s residents remained there, but they can’t be reached, Oganesyan says.

Many other towns and villages, she says, are in the same situation. “Vaguas, Ganzasar,” she names the examples. “Lots of people killed and wounded.”

A truck with refugees from Karabakh drives towards Goris, Armenia. September 25, 2023.

Narek Aleksanyan / EPA / Scanpix / LETA

Oganesyan says that her twice-removed nephews are in a hospital with injuries from the shelling. She tells me this over the phone, while traveling from Yerevan to Goris to meet the influx of refugees.

Early on September 24, Stepanakert was still full of refugees from all over Karabakh. Those of them who had family in the city were staying with them, “20–30 people to an apartment,” Oganesyan told me on the phone.

A woman who lives in Stepanakert and asked me not to give her name said that locals were letting refugees into their basements and trying to feed them. “There’s no electricity,” she said, “and it seems that there won’t be for quite a while. People are making bonfires outside to cook from whatever ingredients they have left.” “We are hostages here; I don’t even know what to say, because we don’t know anything ourselves,” she admitted.

Another Stepanakert resident, named Kristina, said that the streets are flooded with hungry, homeless families. Kristina wrote to me while charging her phone in one of the city’s generator-powered telecommunications centers. “I’m trying to get an Internet connection and find out what’s in the news. We’re isolated. Lots of friends and acquaintances are surrounded and there’s no news from them.” After sending a few brief sentences, she goes offline for several hours.

By lunchtime on September 24, rumors spread through Goris that Azerbaijan was finally allowing the Armenians to start evacuating from the region. By evening, refugees started arriving on the Armenian side.

Zarimeh and her aged mother Emma were among the first to check into Hotel Goris. They had come from the village of Ekhtsakhog, several kilometers away from Stepanakert. After the Azerbaijani army captured the village, they spent four days at the Russian peacekeepers’ army base. According to Zarimeh, they were treated well there and got “food and drink.”

While they talk about escaping from the shelling, the hotel reception area is filling people. Men are carrying large sacks with possessions, and women carry children. They have very little with them, just a bag per person. Children are crying. Two elderly women in wheelchairs sit side-by-side, holding hands.

A line of Karabakh refugees’ cars near Kornizor, 16 kilometers (10 miles) from Goris. September 26, 2023.

Vasily Krestyaninov / AP / Scanpix / LETA

A refugee girl among her family’s bags packed into a car. September 26, 2023.

Vasily Krestyaninov / AP / Scanpix / LETA

Refugees in the back of a truck near Kornizor. September 26, 2023.

Irakli Gedenidze / Reuters / Scanpix / LETA

Around the same time, a number of critically-wounded civilians are brought to the Goris hospital. Journalists are not allowed on the grounds. “For you, it’s about money, and for us it’s a tragedy,” a cranky security guard says to me from behind a barrier.

Around ten ambulances are parked in the hospital’s driveway. They have just arrived all the way from Karabakh. When their doors open, a group of Russian reporters glimpse the bandaged bodies of injured people. As they try to take photos of the victims being moved from the ambulances to the hospital, a young woman who happens to be passing by begins to shout: “What are you taking pictures for? What are you doing here? You betrayed us! Russia has betrayed us! You’re all fascists! Nazis!”

The security guard tries to placate her, but even as she backs away from him, she continues to shout: “Fascists! Nazis! You’re all fascists!”

The arrival

The first thing that refugees from Karabakh must do upon arrival is talk to the Labor Ministry staff responsible for housing. The agency predicts that 40,000 Armenian families from Karabakh are going to need housing, and the Armenian authorities had hotels, resorts, and sanatoriums across the country prepare to accommodate refugees.

Viva director Tatiana Oganesyan says that Labor Ministry staff conduct the initial triage: incoming refugees fill out a questionnaire, which asks them if they have more relatives remaining in Karabakh, if anyone needs to be hospitalized, and so forth. Having reached Goris by the time of this conversation, she is now talking to me from the drama theater building, which now serves as the headquarters for humanitarian aid for refugees.

Over its seven years in existence, the medical non-profit Viva has worked closely with the Armenian Public Health Ministry, and it’s once again cooperating with the government.

After they fill out the questionnaires, the refugees receive humanitarian aid packages from Red Cross volunteers. Afterwards, they meet with Viva staff to talk about any health or psychological issues. “We have a huge volunteer group, all of whom work with people who have PTSD,” says Oganesyan. Viva volunteers have also given them first aid kits with basic over-the-counter medications like Paracetamol.

The Lachin Corridor on September 26, 2023

Murad Orujov / Sputnik Azerbaijan / IMAGO / SNA / Scanpix / LETA

Throughout the day on September 25, Goris continues to fill up with refugees. According to official figures, more than 13,000 people entered Armenia just in the first two days since a humanitarian corridor had been opened.

It rains all day, as clouds drifting from the direction of Karabakh envelop the city. Every ten minutes, a bus or a truck filled with people arrives at the drama theater, where a triage center is working non-strop. Dozens of cars stuffed with their owners’ belongings fill the parking lot in front of the building.

Inside, pyramids built of boxes with diapers, cases of drinking water, and piles of medical supplies are interspersed with the bright vests of the volunteers and Red Cross doctors working amidst the mountains of humanitarian supplies. People in police and military uniforms are also here.

Outside, an elderly Karabakh Armenian who just arrived from the Shusha district is hiding from the rain under the awning. He’s been evacuated to Goris before, in 2020, and this is where he buried his son, who had been drafted into the army. When the war was over, he returned home, to Karabakh. He doesn’t expect to go back this time.

“No one’s going to remain there,” he says. “Everyone will leave.”

1 note · View note

melbynews-blog · 6 years

Text

Manchmal sind armenische Proteste nur armenische Proteste - Veteranen heute Nachrichten - Militärische Auswärtige Angelegenheiten

Neuer Beitrag veröffentlicht bei https://melby.de/manchmal-sind-armenische-proteste-nur-armenische-proteste-veteranen-heute-nachrichten-militaerische-auswaertige-angelegenheiten/

Manchmal sind armenische Proteste nur armenische Proteste - Veteranen heute Nachrichten - Militärische Auswärtige Angelegenheiten

Von Thomas Waal für Außenpolitik (eingereicht)

Hohe Stromrechnungen lösten die Proteste aus

[ Anmerkung des Herausgebers : Dies ist ein Beispiel für die redaktionelle Bearbeitung, die ich gemacht habe bis die Menschen nicht motiviert genug sind, auf die Straße zu gehen und dort zu bleiben, geben sie den größten Teil ihrer Macht auf, etwas zu ändern.

Bisher sehen wir keine ausländischen Geheimeinsätze in diesem armenischen Handel. Im Gegenteil, "sie" wären mit dem Status Quo dort in Ordnung gewesen. Wir werden sorgfältig nach versteckten Einflüssen Ausschau halten.

Im Moment werden wir abwarten, wie sich die neue Regierung entwickeln wird und wie die Reaktion der jungen Demonstranten aussehen wird. Armenien ist eines dieser Länder mit einer gebildeten, talentierten Bevölkerung, deren Lebensstandard weit unter dem liegt, was sie verdienen.

Der Westen hat in der Vergangenheit Talente aus solchen Ländern abgelöst, indem er dafür gesorgt hat, dass sich wettbewerbsfähige Geschäftsstrukturen nicht weiterentwickeln virtuelle ausländische Monopole. Westliches Geschäft ist immer noch in einer kolonialen Denkweise der Kontrolle und Beherrschung, wirtschaftlich aus der Ferne, von Orten wie der City of London, die "Pirates Cove" umbenannt werden sollte, wenn Israel es nicht zuerst bekommt.

So begrüßt VT die Bemühungen der armenischen Bevölkerung, die notwendigen Veränderungen vorzunehmen, um ihr Leben ohne Putsch, Bombardierung oder Terror zu verbessern … Jim W. Dean]

Jims Editor's Notes werden ausschließlich über PayPal Jims Arbeit umfasst Forschung, Exkursionen, Heritage TV Legacy-Archivierung und mehr. Danke fürs Helfen. Klicken, um zu spenden >>

– Erstveröffentlichung … 24. April 2018 –

Wenn ein Führer durch Straßenproteste in irgendeinem mit Russland verbündeten postsowjetischen Land abgesetzt wird, Analysten von Washington bis Moskau springen schneller zu geopolitischen Schlussfolgerungen als man sagen kann "George Soros". Aber manchmal, wie in Armenien in den letzten Tagen, sind die von der Regierung stürzenden Proteste nur stürzende Proteste.

Am 23. April unter dem Druck von Massenunruhen, hauptsächlich von jungen Leuten, in der Hauptstadt Jerewan als armenischer Minister zurückgetreten. Die Straßen der Stadt wurden zu einem berauschenden Karneval der Menschenmacht, der die meisten Armenier überraschte.

Aber wir sollten nicht erwarten, dass dies geopolitische Auswirkungen jenseits der Grenzen Armeniens hat, noch sollten wir es als Zeichen des russischen Niedergangs oder alsbald sehen für mögliche russische Intervention. Sargsyans Sturz ist keine Geopolitik. Es ist höchstens ein Zeichen dafür, dass postsowjetische Regime nicht so sicher sind, wie sie aus der Ferne aussehen, und dass die alten Regime der Region durchaus in der Lage sind, friedlich und ohne jeglichen Druck von außen zu zerbröckeln.

Armenien ist ein schwieriges Land charakterisieren. Es passt nicht in eine saubere internationale Kategorie. Es ist klein, mit nur 3 Millionen Menschen, aber seine weit verzweigte Diaspora, von Boston bis Beirut, hält es auf der Karte. Es ist ein Verbündeter Russlands, aber mit einer starken Verbindung zu Kalifornien und dem US-Kongress durch seine Diaspora. Obwohl es überwiegend christlich ist, hat es gute Beziehungen zur Islamischen Republik Iran.

Armeniens Bevölkerung ist arm, aber hoch gebildet, und ihr derzeitiges politisches System ist weder autoritär noch demokratisch. Seit 1999 hat eine Partei, die Republikanische Partei Armeniens, dominiert, und zwei Männer, einst enge Freunde – Sargsyan und Robert Kotscharian – haben als Präsident gedient. Im April endete Sargsyans zweite und letzte Amtszeit als Präsident und hinterließ der regierenden Gruppe ein Dilemma, wie sie ihre Zeit an der Macht weiterführen könnte.

Die geschäftspolitische Elite, die das Land regiert, wollte Kontinuität und Sargsyan bleibe dabei Zeit als Premierminister unter einer geänderten Verfassung, in der die Rolle des Präsidenten heruntergestuft würde und der Regierungschef der de facto Führer des Landes wurde. Im Jahr 2014 sagte Sargsyan, dass er den Ministerposten nicht übernehmen werde. Diesen Monat nahm er es trotzdem – entweder, weil er sich verhehlte und sich für immer Macht verschaffen wollte oder weil die herrschende Elite ihn dazu brauchte.

Wir wissen vielleicht nie seine wahre Motivation, denn am 23. April trat Sargsyan als Ministerpräsident zurück , weniger als eine Woche nach der Übernahme des Jobs und angesichts von Massenprotesten. Das war alles unerwartet, sogar für die Demonstranten selbst. Sie haben keine formelle Organisation und kaum Repräsentation im Parlament. Ihr faktischer Führer, Nikol Pashinian, ist ein ehemaliger Zeitungsredakteur, dem Mut und Ideen nicht fehlen, der aber in der hohen Politik meist nicht erprobt wird.

Dies war eine Absage an Sargsjan. Aber es lohnt sich darauf hinzuweisen, dass Sargsyan in den Grenzen des Ein-Parteien-Systems, auf dem er bis vor kurzem saß, in letzter Zeit einen ziemlich guten Job gemacht hatte. Er traf einige gute Termine und diversifizierte Armeniens Außenpolitik, ohne sich vollständig auf Russland zu verlassen. Seine Premierministerin, Karen Karapetyan – die vor ein paar Wochen den Posten innehatte und offenbar bald zurückkehrt – brachte 7 Prozent Wirtschaftswachstum und höhere Investitionen. Im vergangenen Jahr wurde zwischen Armenien und der Europäischen Union ein neues umfassendes und erweitertes Partnerschaftsabkommen unterzeichnet, um die Mitgliedschaft der von Russland geführten Eurasischen Wirtschaftsunion unter Wladimir Putin auszugleichen.

Wir sollten die Ereignisse in Armenien nicht geopolitisch betrachten Prisma. Sie sind entschieden keine Ablehnung von Russland. Armenien blickt auf zwei geschlossene Grenzen mit Aserbaidschan und der Türkei – ein Ergebnis eines seit 30 Jahren andauernden Konflikts um das Territorium von Berg-Karabach. Das Militärbündnis des Landes mit Russland ist davon abhängig und wird für die nationale Sicherheit als wesentlich erachtet. (Die neue Opposition will Russlands wirtschaftlichen Einfluss auf die Wirtschaft verringern, aber das ist eine andere Sache.)

Auch lehnt der faktische Oppositionsführer Pashinian nicht die Konsenslinie des politischen Establishments ab, die dagegen ist Zugeständnisse über Karabach, mit dem die Armenier seit 1994 in Aserbaidschan kämpften.

Bei den Ereignissen vom 23. April geht es um mehr als einen Mann. Sie sind das Ergebnis eines Systems, das sich über 20 Jahre hinweg gebildet hat, in dem sich Wirtschaft und Politik verschmelzen, in dem viele kriminelle Typen und Veteranen des Karabach-Konflikts lukrative Sektoren der Wirtschaft ergriffen und nicht aufgegeben haben. In dieser Zeit ist die Emigration zu einem Sicherheitsventil geworden, das einige der begabtesten Talente des Landes blutete, die in diesem System keine angemessene Beschäftigung finden konnten.

In dieser Hinsicht unterscheidet sich Armenien nicht von anderen postsowjetischen Ländern, wie z wie Russland, Belarus und Aserbaidschan. Die Achillesferse dieses Regimes – dass es sich entschied, die Proteste nicht mit Gewalt zu brechen – war ebenfalls ein Verdienst. Sargsyan kam vor einem Jahrzehnt unter umstrittenen Umständen an die Macht, als die Proteste der Opposition im März 2008 unterdrückt wurden und 10 Menschen starben. Offensichtlich wollte er dieses Mal keinen noch größeren Kampf führen.

Es wurde 1649 über Englands abgesetzten König Charles I. berichtet, als er William Shakespeares Macbeth in Erinnerung rief, dass "nichts in seinem Leben ihn wie der Verlassen Sie es. "Wenn Sargsyan weiterhin einen Übergang verhandeln kann, bei dem er die Bühne verlässt und das oligarchische System von Armenien demontiert wird, wird er ein ähnliches politisches Epitaph erhalten.

Aber jetzt beginnt ein hartes Verhandeln zwischen einem verwurzelten politischen System und einem Überschwang aber unorganisierte öffentliche Bewegung. Demokraten und Autoritäre in der gesamten Region werden auf das Ergebnis wetten und bereit sein, die eine oder andere Seite zu gewinnen. Russland wird diesen Prozess ein wenig nervös beobachten und zweifellos leise Botschaften senden, um die nächste armenische Regierung daran zu erinnern, dass ihr einziger wahrer Freund immer noch in Moskau ist.

Thomas de Waal ist Senior Associate der Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Narek Aleksanyan

Fast zwei Wochen anhaltenden friedlichen zivilen Ungehorsams dauerte es, bis Sersch Sargsyan am 23. April sein Amt niederlegte und als Ministerpräsident zurücktrat.

Dem Jubel auf den Gesichtern der Tausenden zu urteilen Wer sich auf dem Platz der Republik versammelte, um das Ende der zehnjährigen Herrschaft von Sargsyan zu feiern, diese zwei Wochen voller Kundgebungen, Märsche, Schulboykotts, Polizeibrutalität und Einschüchterung waren den Preis wert

In den kommenden Tagen und Wochen eine neue Regierung müssen geformt werden, und die Emotionen der Menschen werden auf die Aufgabe verlagert, die Grundlagen für ein neues Armenien zu schaffen.

Aber jetzt ist Partyzeit.

]

Achtung! Dieser Artikel wurde automatisch von Englisch in Deutsch übersetzt. Den Original Artikel finden Sie hier: Quelle

قالب وردپرس

0 notes