#khaleda zia release period

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Khaleda Zia is being released

President Md. Sahabuddin said that a decision has been taken regarding the release of BNP Chairperson Khaleda Zia. 

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With the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s 15-year autocratic regime, Bangladesh’s political landscape is shifting into a new dimension. As the once-dominant Awami League (AL), led by Hasina herself, and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) struggle to maintain their grip, a political vacuum has set the stage for a realignment. Amid the weakening of traditional parties, the weakness of leftist factions and people’s frustration with the AL-BNP power cycle, Islamist groups are seizing the moment to step into the spotlight.

For example, Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), which had operated at a minimal level during the Hasina regime, especially in public university campuses through their student wing Bangladesh, Islami Chhatrashibir, and by promoting Islamic preachers around the country, is now reasserting its presence. Now JI is expanding its influence from urban centers to rural areas and among conservative sections of the population.

Bangladesh’s political landscape is characterized by a wide array of parties, including 44 active political parties. Among these are 13 Islamic parties, which are becoming increasingly prominent. Key players in this movement include JI, Islami Andolan Bangladesh, and Bangladesh Khelafat Majlis. Hefazat-e-Islam, though not a political party, wields significant influence through its large support base and vocal leader, Mamunul Haque. The group gained popularity during the 2013 protests at the capital’s Shapla Chattar.

While the AL committed to secularism and modernization, promoting economic development and a secular state, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has traditionally appealed to nationalist sentiments, with a focus on social justice, which grants the party a more conservative agenda than that of the AL but less in line with the ideas of Islamists.

Islamist parties do promote a political model of governance based on Islamic doctrine and, therefore, focus on an inclusive policy toward Sharia within the political context. It is worth mentioning that around 90 percent of the population in Bangladesh practices Islam. Hindus comprise 8 percent of the population. Christians, Buddhists, and others account for the remainder.

Although the BNP is still considered the largest opposition party, it was substantially weakened during Hasina’s rule. Years of harassment and imprisonment by the AL government along with internal strife took a heavy toll on the party. The recent release of former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia and the potential return of her son Tarique Rahman could give the party some momentum. Yet it may not regain its erstwhile importance.

Moreover, the absence of a robust leftist presence has also inadvertently paved the way for radical parties to gain prominence. Historically, leftist parties like the Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB) played crucial roles in historical movements. However, today, these parties are numerically small and significantly divided by internal dissensions. The AL’s crackdown is also one of the main reasons for their weakness.

A look at the past indicates that the advent of Islamist parties in a popular opposition has created a comfortable environment for extremism to operate, whether intentionally or unintentionally. In fact, during the period beginning with 1991-1996 under the BNP, Islamist parties like JI gained more influence. There was a greater inclusion of religious rhetoric into mainstream politics during this period.

This influence became more entrenched when the BNP came to power again in 2001 in coalition with Islamist parties. Data shows an increase in extremist activities during this period. Groups such as Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami (HuJI) and Hizb Ut Tahrir (HTB) carried out bombings and targeted foreign diplomats, judges, and writers, including the perpetration of a spate of bombings across the country in 2005. The most alarming aspect is that the HTB is now actively protesting in various places demanding the lifting of the ban on the outfit. The organization was banned in 2009 due to its calls for the establishment of a caliphate, which is a threat to national security and democratic values.

Apart from political activities, Islamist parties have gained significant popularity through social welfare, disaster relief, and educational support work. Their grassroots humanitarian initiatives, especially during recent floods in Cumilla, Feni, and Noakhali, have built a strong community presence and trust, expanding their support beyond mere politics.

In contrast, since August 5, numerous accusations surfaced against BNP leaders for engaging in illicit activities especially extortion and attacks on AL leaders, leading to public disillusionment. Although the BNP has suspended several implicated activists, the damage to their credibility poses a significant concern.

Despite gaining popularity among people day by day, Islamist parties are now aiming for coalition-building — a new development, as traditionally, they had differing theological bases.

Mia Golam Parwar, secretary of JI, recently told BBC Bangla, “We hope that all the Islamic parties will do the election in a coalition. A desire for unity is clearly noticeable among the parties, which we never saw in the past.”

At a rally in Dhaka on August 31, Islami Andolan Bangladesh’s Senior Naib-e-Ameer Mufti Syed Muhammad Faizul Karim hinted at a potential alliance between Islami Andolon Bangladesh and JI. He said that if there is consensus, the two parties could unite.

He remarked, “Today, I say to Jamaat: a golden opportunity is approaching. The election will not take place tomorrow. This is a remarkable chance to fight the election together.”

This coalition, comprising some parties that were earlier fragmented, may just prove to be a game-changer in the case of Bangladesh. If the coalition wins, many believe there will be an increase in Islamist representation and possibly a policy change in the growing inclination toward conservative and religiously aligned governance.

However, the process of coalition building will face various obstacles on different theological beliefs. For example, the bone of contention for the alliance would be differing views regarding shrines, as one group has a pro-veneration stance toward these places of worship whereas another group is against this type of veneration. Ideological differences promote vandalism activities, which make efforts toward attaining a consolidated posture difficult. Already many shrines have been vandalized in various places around the country.

Moreover, historical and political baggage, like the controversial past of JI during the Liberation War in 1971, add difficulties to forging a cohesive coalition. Many parties don’t like JI for their involvement with Pakistan during the war and its different political agenda.

Moreover, while Islamic political parties have generally performed well in street protests, they haven’t done as well at the ballot box. In the 1991 national election, JI won only 18 seats among 300 in the coalition of the BNP. In the 2001 elections, JI secured only 17 seats. Yet, this was followed by a series of setbacks. By the 2008 elections, JI could only manage to obtain two seats through its four-party alliance with the BNP.

So, the current political vacuum in Bangladesh presents both opportunities and challenges for Islamist parties and the people of the country. While their rise is facilitated by the weakening of mainstream parties and growing public discontent with the AL and the BNP alternating in power, the path ahead is fraught with obstacles, including internal theological differences and historical baggage. The success of Islamist parties in forming a cohesive coalition and gaining electoral success will significantly shape Bangladesh’s future political landscape. As the country navigates this transitional period, the balance between radicalism and moderation will be crucial in determining the stability and direction of Bangladesh’s democracy.

[todaynewsj]

Khaleda Zia's sentence was suspended

BNP chairperson Begum Khaleda Zia's sentence has been suspended for another six months. However, he will not be able to leave the country during this period. Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Anisul Haque made the announcement on Thursday (September 3) afternoon. The relevant file has been sent to the Ministry of Home Affairs with the approval of the Ministry of Law. He said that the release period of Begum Zia has been extended for another six months on the previous condition. He is being released on two conditions. They are - at this time he has to stay at home in Dhaka and he can not go abroad. Earlier, Khaleda Zia was released on March 25 after her family appealed to the government for her release. The application sought to be taken abroad for advanced treatment in the UK. But then the government did not allow him to leave the country. This time too, an application has been made for permission to take him abroad. He said that the application for Khaleda Zia's release was sent to the concerned branch of the Home Ministry on August 25. On March 24, Law Minister Anisul Haque told a press conference at her Gulshan residence that Khaleda Zia's sentence had been suspended in accordance with subsection 1 of section 401 of the Criminal Procedure Code. Begum Zia was convicted on February 8, 2018, in a corruption case and went to the old central jail on Nazimuddin Road. Read the full article

[ericfruits]

Bangladesh’s ruling party appears to be easing up ahead of elections

LIKE THE great, restless rivers that snake across Bangladesh, the country’s democracy seems to change shape with every season. Its people have voted in ten national elections since independence in 1971, but on each occasion the political landscape has looked radically different. There have been times of single-party dominance, of army rule, of fiery protest and boycott, and also times when, after millions of voters have peacefully cast their ballots, parties have politely alternated in power.

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One constant, since the 1990s, has been the bitter rivalry between two powerful women, Sheikh Hasina Wajed, the leader of the Awami League and current prime minister, and Khaleda Zia, a two-time former prime minister and head of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), who is now in prison. Another constant is that when the electoral game has appeared to be fair, voter turnout has been strong. When it has looked tilted, voters have stayed at home.

Only weeks ago it seemed a safe bet that the 11th election to the 350-seat parliament, which is due to be held some time in the next three months, would be of the low-turnout, low-credibility sort. The Awami League, which came in on a landslide in 2008 but has grown fat and bossy after so long in power, seemed determined to secure a third consecutive five-year term by hook or by crook. All of a sudden, however, the mood has changed. The country’s 165m people might just get a competitive—although certainly not fair—election.

Changing tide

October brought not one, but two big surprises. In mid-month the BNP, which had appeared to be on the ropes, dropped its long-standing alliance with far-right Islamists and instead joined a coalition of smaller, secular parties to form a broad opposition group. Known as the Jatiya Oikya Front, its figurehead is 82-year-old Kamal Hossain, a widely respected constitutional lawyer. More surprising still was that the increasingly authoritarian Awami League, which has relentlessly hounded the BNP, turned suddenly sweet. The police (who, like the country’s army and courts, are beholden to the government) took a pause from arresting BNP activists by the van-load, and instead granted permission for Oikya rallies, even in the capital, Dhaka. As Awami League thugs stopped ripping down every rival election poster, Sheikh Hasina herself invited the new front’s leaders for talks, promising to consider their demands for guaranteeing fair elections.

With both big parties scrambling to lure smaller players, and the contest shaping into a rivalry between big coalitions, two rounds of these talks have been held, the most recent on November 7th. Although signalling graciousness, Sheikh Hasina shows little inclination to meet Oikya’s demands. These include ending the trials and imprisonment of her political opponents, among them Ms Zia (pictured), who was jailed in February and is serving a ten-year sentence on charges of embezzling from an orphanage; dissolving parliament and forming a neutral caretaker government during the election period; and ensuring security for and oversight of the voting.

The Awami League has suggested that it may consider releasing prisoners and that it intends to shrink its own government to an election-period skeleton administration. But it says it will not bend the constitution to suit opposition demands—despite the fact that, from 1996 until 2011, when the Awami League itself changed the rules, the constitution required caretaker governments to oversee elections.

The Oikya Front has hinted that it may call for street protests if there is no accommodation, yet it is clearly also hesitant to provoke a clampdown or declare a boycott. The BNP still has a strong grass-roots following, and by all accounts the relentless persecution of recent months has stirred a surge of sympathy for it. Moreover, aggressive tactics backfired on it in the election of 2014 when, angered by the Awami League’s rule changes, it first sponsored violent street protests, then boycotted the polls.

The experience of being excluded from parliament has been a bitter one for Ms Zia and her followers. Their absence allowed the Awami League not just to extend tentacles of influence throughout the state and to threaten the business interests of wealthy BNP loyalists, but also to clobber the BNP rank and file. By the BNP’s count, the Awami League has instigated no fewer than 90,000 lawsuits against it, entangling some 2.5m party workers in endless litigation. During the month of September alone, the party reckons that more than 4,500 of its members were arrested on trumped-up charges. Ms Zia herself is fighting 34 separate cases; her son Tarique, the party’s acting chairman, lives in exile in London. He is sentenced to life imprisonment at home.

But for all Sheikh Hasina’s polite talk, the Awami League may be less inclined to compromise than the BNP. Like the BNP leader, who is the widow of a murdered former president, the Awami League’s boss is a survivor of tragedy. Her father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who led the country to independence from Pakistan, was murdered along with most of his family in 1975. In power, Sheikh Hasina has appeared increasingly vindictive not just towards political rivals, but towards a growing range of perceived enemies. “She has lost her moral compass,” whispers a middle-aged writer in a noisy café, reflecting fears felt broadly across Bangladeshi society.

Four decades after Bangladesh’s liberation war, the Awami League pushed through constitutional changes allowing for the trial and execution of old men who had fought against Sheikh Hasina’s father. Since May police have been licensed to shoot suspected drug dealers on sight. The tally of extra-judicial killings so far stands at 264. When students in Dhaka protested in August against lawless driving, the party sent club-wielding thugs to quell them. When a prominent photojournalist documented the attacks live on Facebook he was dragged from his house by an anti-terror squad. Now in prison, he was derided by Sheikh Hasina in an interview as “mentally sick”. Besides, she noted, his great-uncle had been a pro-Pakistan minister. “Sometimes blood speaks, you understand that,” she said, as if in explanation.

But the Awami League does not have to rely on ruthlessness. Under its rule the economy has enjoyed unprecedented growth. Last year GDP expanded by 7.3%, faster than India or Pakistan. Opinion polls show broad satisfaction with the government. A decade of assiduous pampering of police and army officers has bought loyalty, and put paid to fears of coups. The country’s most powerful neighbour, India, tends to support the Awami League. And despite her 71 years Sheikh Hasina is clearly capable of change: ignoring her party’s staunchly secular roots, she has lately outflanked the BNP by winning over the Hefajat-e-Islam, an organisation of arch-conservative clerics. Will these advantages persuade her to let democracy run its natural course, or will she instead keep trying to tame the current?

This article appeared in the Asia section of the print edition under the headline "Eddy or current?"

[vsplusonline]

Bangladesh releases Khaleda Zia from jail for 6 months amid coronavirus

New Post has been published on https://apzweb.com/bangladesh-releases-khaleda-zia-from-jail-for-6-months-amid-coronavirus/

Bangladesh releases Khaleda Zia from jail for 6 months amid coronavirus

Bangladesh on Wednesday released jailed former prime minister and main opposition leader Khaleda Zia for six months on condition that she would stay at home, amid the coronavirus outbreak in the country.

The 74-year-old opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party chief is serving a 17-year prison term in two graft cases since February 8, 2018.

Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal said Zia was freed conditionally on humanitarian grounds after Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina”s approval.

Wearing a mask and clad in a black saree, Zia came out of the jail in a wheelchair. She was flanked by her supporters and party workers. She rode a car to her home in Dhaka”s posh Gulshan colony.

Earlier, Kamal said required procedures were completed for her release for six months under her younger brother Shamim Iskandar”s custody on two conditions requiring her to stay at her residence during the period and she could not leave the country.

Kamal said Zia would not be able to take part in any political activity during the period.

On Tuesday, Law Minister Anisul Huq said the BNP chief the decision to free Zia was taken in line with Prime Minister Hasina’s directives and considering the age of the former prime minister.

“…Zia will be released for a period of six months and she must stay in her own house,” the minister said.

Senior party leaders including BNP’s secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir and others were seen struggling to keep away the party activists in view of the Covid-19 outbreak, saying the social distancing was crucial for their 74-year-old ailing leader.

Kamal said Hasina decided to free her for six months as Zia’s brother Eskandar and sister Selima Rahman recently met the premier with an appeal for the BNP leader”s release.

Zia served thrice as the premier since 1991. Her party suffered a miserable defeat in the 2018 elections bagging only six seats in 300-seat parliament.

Her conviction on “moral turpitude” charges debarred her from contesting the polls.

She was sent to jail in February 2018 by a local court on charges of embezzling foreign donations meant for an orphanage, named after her slain husband and president Ziaur Rehman, during her premiership between 2001 and 2006.

Rehman, a military ruler-turned-politician, was the founder of the BNP.

She was convicted in another corruption case later the same year, though her party claims both cases are politically motivated.

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Khaleda Zia needs to be sent abroad for treatment

The BNP thinks that the modern system required for Khaleda Zia's treatment is not in the country, she needs to be sent abroad. So. However, Khaleda Zia's family has to apply for this. BNP leaders say it is up to the family when the application will be made and in what process. The team will only help the family. BNP chairperson Khaleda Zia released on condition of an executive order by the government. The condition is not to take part in any political activities and to seek medical treatment in the country and not abroad. The six-month release period is coming to an end in September. Meanwhile, party leaders say Khaleda Zia's advanced treatment could not be confirmed due to the Corona situation. They claim that the modern system required for the advanced treatment of Khaleda Zia is not possible in Bangladesh. So he has to be sent abroad. He needs an advanced hospital for treatment. Which is in London and America, said AZM Zahid Hossain, a member of Khaleda Zia's medical board. Barrister Mahbubuddin Khokon, the joint secretary general of the BNP, claimed that the release request depended on Khaleda Zia's family and the government. An application will be made to the government for the release of Khaleda Zia. He said he would not go abroad for treatment. Karōnāẏa khālēdā jiẏāra sucikiṯsā nā ha'ōẏāẏa mānabika kāraṇē'i sarakāra tāra muktira biṣaẏē sid'dhānta nēbē balē āśā karachēna dalēra bhā'isa cēẏāramyāna ayāḍabhōkēṭa khandakāra māhabuba hōsēna. Read the full article

[vsplusonline]

Former Bangladesh PM Khaleda Zia released from jail on humanitarian grounds

New Post has been published on https://apzweb.com/former-bangladesh-pm-khaleda-zia-released-from-jail-on-humanitarian-grounds/

Former Bangladesh PM Khaleda Zia released from jail on humanitarian grounds

Former prime minister of Bangladesh and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) chairperson Khaleda Zia was released from jail as per a government decision to stay her conviction for six months and free her on humanitarian grounds considering her age.

The 75-year-old BNP chief was set free on Wednesday from Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib Medical University (BSMMU).

Khaleda Zia came out from the BSMMU with her family members at around 4.14 pm.

Khaleda Zia’s sister Selima Rahman, younger brother Shamim Eskander and his wife Kaniz Fatema went to receive her at the hospital.

Earlier in the day, home minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal said the BNP chairperson Khaleda will stay under her younger brother Shamim Eskander’s custody over the period of six months.

At around 2.40 pm, Khaleda’s personal vehicles along with her personal security members were seen entering the BSMMU compound.

With permission from the authorities, four doctors and one nurse, who were part of the medical team appointed for Khaleda at BSMMU, were seen entering the hospital.

Khaleda was kept in room 612 and 613 of the prison cell at the BSMMU before release.

Meanwhile, BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir was also seen in the BSMMU compound.

BSMMU had been providing her with treatment for various health complications since April, 2019.

Khaleda Zia, who served as Bangladesh prime minister twice from 1991 to 1996 and 2001 to 2006, is expected to head straight to her Gulshan home in Dhaka upon her release.

Earlier on Tuesday night, BNP senior joint secretary general Ruhul Kabir Rizvi urged party leaders and activists not to gather in front of BSMMU over the release, citing health risks for the party chief and others amid the coronavirus outbreak.

TWO CONDITIONS FOR KHALEDA’S RELEASE

On Tuesday, law minister Anisul Huq confirmed the government decision and said Khaleda would be released on the conditions that she does not leave the country and she receives treatment at home.

The government suspended her sentence for six months according to the Sub-Section 1 of Section 401 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC), he said.

The minister also said the recommendation to release the BNP chief was sent to the home ministry on Tuesday and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has already given them directives in this regard and informed them to grant Khaleda’s release following legal procedure.

However, BNP secretary general Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir said they will decide about Khaleda’s treatment abroad, which is not allowed on the release order, after discussing the matter with Tarique Rahman, Khaleda’s son and also the acting chairperson of BNP, and the party high command.

KHALEDA’S CONVICTION

On July 3, 2008, the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) filed the Zia Orphanage Trust graft case against Khaleda and others with Ramna police station accusing them of misappropriating Tk 2.1 crore (Rs 1.88 crore roughly) in donations meant for a trust to be formed in her husband’s name.

On February 8, 2018, a special court convicted Khaleda and sentenced her to five years’ imprisonment in the graft case. Later, she was sent to serve her jail sentence at a special jail at the old Dhaka central jail building at Nazimuddin Road.

On January 28, 2019, the high court released the full text of its verdict, doubling the jail term of Khaleda in the graft case to 10 years from five years.

On the other hand, the BNP chief and three others were sentenced to seven years imprisonment in Zia Charitable Trust case on October 29, 2018. The ACC filed the case on August 8, 2011, with Tejgaon police against four people, including Khaleda Zia, accusing them of abusing power in raising funds for the trust from unknown sources.

KHALEDA’S FAMILY PLEAS FOR HER RELEASE

Earlier, Khaleda’s family members submitted an application to the home ministry seeking her release from jail on humanitarian grounds.

Her younger brother Shamim Eskander filed an application this month with the ministry for her release with an executive order.

After filing the application, Shamim, Khaleda’s sister Selima Islam, and Selima’s husband Rafiqul Islam met with Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and informed her about the application for Khaleda’s release through an executive order from her.

The law ministry also had sent a recommendation to the home ministry in this regard.

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