#kerala election

[mylasttwobraincellsandi]

The count is done in Kerala! Looks like it’s 16 seats for congress, 2 for Muslim league, 1 to LDF and 1 for BJP (why Thrissur why? I get that it’s Suresh Gopi but come on.). Over all my home state did not let me down!

[eveningkeralanews]

‘പരാജയം സമ്മതിക്കുന്നു, ബിജെപി വാഗ്ദാനങ്ങൾ പാലിക്കുമെന്ന് പ്രതീക്ഷിക്കുന്നു’; തോൽവിയ്ക്ക് പിന്നാലെ ആദ്യ പ്രതികരണവുമായി കെജ്രിവാൾ #delhielection

‘പരാജയം സമ്മതിക്കുന്നു, ബിജെപി വാഗ്ദാനങ്ങൾ പാലിക്കുമെന്ന് പ്രതീക്ഷിക്കുന്നു’; തോൽവിയ്ക്ക് പിന്നാലെ ആദ്യ പ്രതികരണവുമായി കെജ്രിവാൾ #delhinews

ദില്ലി: ഒടുവില്‍ എ.എ.പിക്ക് അടിതെറ്റിയെന്ന് സമ്മതിക്കുകയാണ് ആംആദ്മി പാർട്ടി നേതാവ് അരവിന്ദ് കെജ്രിവാൾ. തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിലെ പരാജയം സമ്മതിക്കുന്നുവെന്ന് തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിലേറ്റ കനത്ത തോൽവിക്ക് പിന്നാലെ ആദ്യ പ്രതികരണവുമായി കെജ്രിവാൾ പറഞ്ഞു. ക്രിയാത്മകമായ പ്രതിപക്ഷം ആയിരിക്കും. ബിജെപി വാഗ്ദാനങ്ങൾ പാലിക്കുമെന്ന് പ്രതീക്ഷിക്കുന്നുവെന്നും കെജ്രിവാൾ പറഞ്ഞു. പാ‍ര്‍ട്ടിയിലെ മുൻനിര നേതാക്കളായ കെജ്രിവാളും മനീഷ്…

[keralatimesnews]

ട്രംമ്പിനോട് യാചിച്ച് ബ്രിട്ടീഷ് ചാന്‍സലര്‍; നിയോ നാസി എന്ന് വിളിച്ച് അധിക്ഷേപിച്ചു; തോല്‍പ്പിക്കാന്‍ ആളെ അയച്ചു; എലന്‍ മസ്‌കുമായി കൊമ്പുകോര്‍ത്തു; തന്നെ തീര്‍ക്കാന്‍ ഇറങ്ങിയ ബ്രിട്ടനോട് ട്രംപ് ക്ഷമിക്കുമോ?

[rightnewshindi]

चुनाव आयोग ने यूपी, पंजाब और केरल की 14 सीटों पर मतदान की तिथि बदली, यहां देखें पूरी लिस्ट

By-Election Date Changed: चुनाव आयोग ने उत्तर प्रदेश की 9 विधानसभा सीटों समेत कई राज्यों की 14 सीटों पर उपचुनाव की तारीख बदल दी है। अब तक इन सीटों पर 13 नवंबर को मतदान होना था, लेकिन अब वोटिंग 20 तारीख को कराई जाएगी। यूपी में भाजपा, आरएलडी और बसपा ने मांग की थी कि कार्तिक पूर्णिमा के पहले से ही मेला लगता है और लोग बड़ी संख्या में गंगा स्नान के लिए जाते हैं। ऐसे में कार्तिक पूर्णिमा बीतने के बाद…

[argus-news]

Today in Politics: PM Modi and Rahul Gandhi Campaign in Kerala; SC to Hear Kejriwal’s Plea Against ED Arrest

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and former Congress president Rahul Gandhi are set to make significant appearances in Kerala on Monday as part of their electoral campaigns leading up to the Lok Sabha polls.

Modi is scheduled to address two public meetings in Thiruvananthapuram and Thrissur, aiming to bolster the BJP's presence in a state where it has historically struggled to secure Lok Sabha seats. The BJP's candidates include Union minister Rajeev Chandrashekar and actor Suresh Gopi. This marks Modi's sixth visit to Kerala this year, reflecting the party's determination to make inroads into the state's political landscape.

Rahul Gandhi, on the other hand, will hold a public meeting in his constituency Wayanad, where he is seeking re-election for a second term. His visit is expected to galvanize support for the United Democratic Front (UDF), which had won 19 out of 20 seats in Kerala in the 2019 elections. Rahul's candidacy is seen as a strategic move to consolidate the Congress party's position in the state.

In a separate development, the Supreme Court is set to hear Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal's plea challenging his arrest by the Enforcement Directorate (ED). Kejriwal faces allegations of money laundering related to the Delhi excise policy case. The court's decision will have significant implications for the ongoing legal battle surrounding Kejriwal's arrest and the broader political landscape in Delhi.

Meanwhile, BJP leaders continue their campaign efforts across various states. Union Home Minister Amit Shah will address rallies in Tripura and Manipur, while Union Defence Minister Rajnath Singh will attend a rally in support of BJP candidate Jitender Singh in Jammu and Kashmir. Congress leaders, including Priyanka Gandhi Vadra and Mallikarjun Kharge, are also actively engaged in campaigning, underscoring the intense political activity leading up to the elections.

[postforsaji]

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[flashmalayalam]

ലോകസഭാ തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ്, സിപിഎം സ്ഥാനാർത്ഥികളെ പ്രഖ്യാപിച്ചു

ലോകസഭാ തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിലേക്കുള്ള മണ്ഡലങ്ങളിലെ സിപിഎം സ്ഥാനാർത്ഥികളെ പ്രഖ്യാപിച്ചു. മൂന്ന് ജില്ലാ സെക്രട്ടറിമാരും രണ്ട് വനിതകളും ഒരു മന്ത്രിയും സ്ഥാനാർത്ഥി പട്ടികയിൽ ഉൾപ്പെട്ടിട്ടുണ്ട്. ആറ്റിങ്ങൽ — വി. ജോയ്, വടകര — കെ. കെ ശൈലജ, പത്തനംതിട്ട- തോമസ് ഐസക്, ആലത്തൂർ — കെ. രാധാകൃഷ്ണൻ, കണ്ണൂർ..continue reading

[edu-information]

Kerala School Uses Voting Machines For Student Election

Around 149 students participated in the event by casting their votes in the drill. The elections were conducted for choose the leader of the school.

New Delhi: In order to inculcate a sense of civic responsibility and an understanding of electoral process among young learners, students of Vizhinjam Government Harbour Area LP School in Kerala participated in a comprehensive mock election with electronic voting machines (EVMs). The mock election was organised with the collaborative efforts of the government school teachers, including the headmaster and the committee members.

Under the initiative, the students were made to go through a complete electoral process by following a mock drill of elections. The students were taught to demonstrate their aptitude in organising a field election, which included setting up EVMs, handling postal ballots, conducting result tabulation and declaring outcomes.

Around 149 students participated in the event by casting their votes in the drill. The elections were conducted for electing the leader of the school. The contest was held between four students. The top contender Murshida won the election with 46 votes and was elected as the school leader. The election process was led by another student called Munira.

The mock drill of the election was conducted with the help of a specially designed piece of software which helped in teaching the students about the intricacies of the country’s election system, its procedure and methods.

The process helped the students to understand the procedures of the elections by performing tasks involved in the electoral system. The students learnt through their new experiences about the submission of nomination papers and the election campaign, followed by the voting process. Official duties, from presiding officer to polling assistant, were performed by the children themselves. The students undertook the responsibility of creating a model EVM and control unit, emulating the actual electronic voting machines used in real elections.

The students actively engaged in a comprehensive mock election, demonstrating their aptitude in arranging a field election, which included setting up electronic voting machines (EVMs), handling postal ballots, conducting result tabulation, and declaring outcomes.

[apparentlyyours]

So uhh yesterday I had a debate with one of my friends. We were talking about the exit polls and the elections. He's a bjp supporter, I am Congress supporter. I said that to the common man, it doesn't matter which party win, we're still gonna suffer cuz both parties are corrupt. He started saying that BJP isn't corrupt and it's doing so much good for our country. I called bs on this. Brought up Manipur, agniveer, unemployment in UP and MaHa and how the industries are being shifted to gujrat, how poverty increased, the farmer's protests, Kerala MLA's kid, Ramkrishna cafe attack, mujra and mangalsutra too. He didn't respond to any of these, said I've been fooled by the media, that the opposition is brainwashing me. He tried mansplaining too, saying how he wants to help me get better and be educated cuz I'm uneducated rn. How he wants me to be humbled. I also brought up hindutva, how I am deeply terrified of having to leave my country if hindu rashtra is established cuz I am a minority religion. He said I should be grateful that I get privileges (minority religions don't get privileges, castes do btw). He also stated that bjp is doing good for Indian brotherhood and oneness. The irony.

Just thought I'd share this here lmao. Avg bjp antics

[eveningkeralanews]

ഉപതിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ മഷി പുരട്ടുന്നത് ഇടതു നടുവിരലിൽ; നിർദേശവുമായി തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ് കമ്മിഷൻ

തിരുവനന്തപുരം; വരാനിരിക്കുന്ന തദ്ദേശസ്ഥാപന ഉപതിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ മഷി പുരട്ടുന്നത് വോട്ടറുടെ ഇടതു നടുവിരലിൽ ആകണമെന്ന് സംസ്ഥാന തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ് കമ്മിഷന്റെ നിർദേശം. ലോക്സഭാ തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ ചൂണ്ടു വിരലിൽ പുരട്ടിയ മഷി അടയാളം പൂർണമായും മായാത്തതിനാലാണ് തീരുമാനം. ഈ നിർദ്ദേശം ജൂലൈ 30ന് നടക്കുന്ന ഉപതിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിനു വേണ്ടി മാത്രമുള്ളതായിരിക്കും. സംസ്ഥാനത്തെ 49 തദ്ദേശസ്ഥാപന വാർഡുകളിലേയ്ക്കാണ് ജൂലൈ 30ന് ഉപതിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ്…

[keralatimesnews]

ട്രംപിനെതിരെ വീണ്ടും ലൈംഗികാരോപണവുമായി മുൻമോഡൽ; ‘ഞാൻ ട്രംപിനെ പരിചയപ്പെടാനായി എത്തി’; പിന്നാലെ എന്റെ ശരീരത്തിൽ കടന്നുപിടിക്കാൻ ശ്രമിച്ചു’; ‘ഞാൻ ഒരു നിമിഷം മരവിച്ചു പോയി’<br>

[rightnewshindi]

पंचायत प्रधान का चुनाव रद्द करने के मामले में डीसी हमीरपुर तलब, जानें हाई कोर्ट ने क्या कहा

पंचायत प्रधान का चुनाव रद्द करने के मामले में डीसी हमीरपुर तलब, जानें हाई कोर्ट ने क्या कहा

Shimla News: जनवरी 2021 में हुए पंचायत चुनावों को डीसी हमीरपुर ने रद्द करने के आदेश जारी किए थे , जिसे पंचायत प्रधान रतन चंद ने हाई कोर्ट के समक्ष चुनौती दी है। न्यायाधीश संदीप शर्मा ने अपने आदेश में कहा कि इस मामले में संभावित गंभीर परिणाम वाले आदेश जारी करने से पहले जिलाधीश हमीरपुर की उपस्थिति जरूरी है। कोर्ट ने कहा कि प्रथम दृष्टया संबंधित पंचायत चुनाव में नियमों की अनदेखी की गई। खासकर मत…

[depressedraisin]

bjp lost singular majority in lok sabha they lost in punjab bengal manipur kerala uttar pradesh smriti irani's downfall bjp defeat in ayodhya modi won but had a embarassingly thin victory margin coalition era and resurgence of regional parties is back things look hopeful for a stronger opposition youngest MP elected in a dalit woman and mother of two

[reddest-flower]

The Soviet intervention in Hungary and the Khrushchev revelations produced in Europe a process that led – gradually – to the Eurocommunism of the Communist Party of Spain’s leader Santiago Carrillo, who said, in 1976, ‘once Moscow was our Rome, but no more. Now we acknowledge no guiding centre, no international discipline’. This was a communism that no longer believed in revolution but was quite satisfied with an evolutionary dynamic. The European parties, correct in their desire for the right to develop their own strategies and tactics, nonetheless, threw themselves onto a self-destructive path. Few remained standing after the USSR collapsed in 1991. They campaigned for polycentrism but, in the end, achieved only a return to social democracy.

Amongst the Third World communist parties, a different orientation became clear after 1956. While the Western European parties seemed eager to denigrate the USSR and its contributions, the parties in the Third World acknowledged the importance of the USSR but sought some distance from its political orientation. During their visits to Moscow in the 1960s, champions of ‘African socialism’ such as Modibo Keïta of Mali and Mamadou Dia of Senegal announced the necessity of non-alignment and the importance of nationally developed processes of socialist construction. Marshal Lin Biao spoke of the need for a ‘creative application’ of Marxism in the Chinese context. The young leader of the Indonesian Communist Party – Dipa Nusantara Aidit – moved his party towards a firm grounding in both Marxism-Leninism and the peculiarities of Indonesian history. [...]

In the Third World, where Communism was a dynamic movement, it was not treated as a religion that was incapable of error. ‘Socialism is young’, Che Guevara wrote in 1965, ‘and has its mistakes.’ Socialism required ceaseless criticism in order to strengthen it. Such an attitude was missing in Cold War Europe and North America [...] After 1956, Communism was penalized by the Cold Warriors for the Soviet intervention in Hungary. This played some role in the Third World, but it was not decisive. In India, in 1957 the Communists won an election in Kerala to become the ruling party in that state. In 1959, the Cuban revolution overthrew a dictatorship and adopted Marxism-Leninism as its general theory. In Vietnam, from 1954, the Communists took charge of the north of the country and valiantly fought to liberate the rest of their country. These were communist victories despite the intervention in Hungary.

[...]

Much the same history propelled the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) forward from 1951, when it had merely 5,000 members, to 1964, when it had two million party members and an additional fifteen million members in its mass organizations (half of them in the Indonesian Peasants’ Front). The party had deep roots in the heavily populated sections of east and central Java but had – in the decade after 1951 – begun to make gains in the outer islands, such as Sumatra. A viciously anti-communist military was unable to stop the growth of the party. The new leadership from the 1953 Party Central Committee meeting were all in their thirties, with the new Secretary General – Aidit – merely thirty-one years old. These communists were committed to mass struggles and to mass campaigns, to building up the party base in rural Indonesia. The Indonesian Peasants’ Front and the Plantation Workers’ Union – both PKI mass organizations – fought against forced labour (romusha) and encouraged land seizures (aksi sepihak). These campaigns became more and more radical. In February 1965, the Plantation Workers’ Union occupied land held by the US Rubber Company in North Sumatra. US Rubber and Goodyear Tires saw this as a direct threat to their interests in Indonesia. Such audacity would not be tolerated. Three multinational oil companies (Caltex, Stanvac and Shell) watched this with alarm. US diplomat George Ball wrote to US National Security Advisor McGeorge Bundy that in ‘the long run’ events in Indonesia such as these land seizures ‘may be more important than South Vietnam’. Ball would know. He oversaw the 1963 coup in South Vietnam against the US ally Ngô Đình Diệm. The West felt it could not stand by as the PKI got more aggressive.

By 1965, the PKI had three million party members – adding a million members in the year. It had emerged as a serious political force in Indonesia, despite the anti-communist military’s attempts to squelch its growth. Membership in its mass organizations went up to 18 million. A strange incident – the killing of three generals in Jakarta – set off a massive campaign, helped along by the CIA and Australian intelligence, to excise the communists from Indonesia. Mass murder was the order of the day. The worst killings were in East Java and in Bali. Colonel Sarwo Edhie’s forces, for instance, trained militia squads to kill communists. ‘We gave them two or three days’ training,’ Sarwo Edhie told journalist John Hughes, ‘then sent them out to kill the communists.’ In East Java, one eyewitness recounted, the prisoners were forced to dig a grave, then ‘one by one, they were beaten with bamboo clubs, their throats slit, and they were pushed into the mass grave’. By the end of the massacre, a million Indonesian men and women of the left were sent to these graves. Many millions more were isolated, without work and friends. Aidit was arrested by Colonel Yasir Hadibroto, brought to Boyolali (in Central Java) and executed. He was 42.

There was no way for the world communist movement to protect their Indonesian comrades. The USSR’s reaction was tepid. The Chinese called it a ‘heinous and diabolical’ crime. But neither the USSR nor China could do anything. The United Nations stayed silent. The PKI had decided to take a path that was without the guns. Its cadre could not defend themselves. They were not able to fight the military and the anti-communist gangs. It was a bloodbath.

[...]

There was little mention in Havana of the Soviet Union. It had slowed down its support for national liberation movements, eager for detente and conciliation with the West by the mid-1960s. In 1963, Aidit had chastised the Soviets, saying, ‘Socialist states are not genuine if they fail to really give assistance to the national liberation struggle’. The reason why parties such as the PKI held fast to ‘Stalin’ was not because they defended the purges or collectivization in the USSR. It was because ‘Stalin’ in the debate around militancy had come to stand in for revolutionary idealism and for the anti-fascist struggle. Aidit had agreed that the Soviets could have any interpretation of Stalin in terms of domestic policy (‘criticize him, remove his remains from the mausoleum, rename Stalingrad’), but other Communist Parties had the right to assess his role on the international level. He was a ‘lighthouse’, Aidit said in 1961, whose work was ‘still useful to Eastern countries’. This was a statement against the conciliation towards imperialism of the Khrushchev era. It was a position shared across many of the Communist Parties of the Third World.

Many Communist parties, frustrated with the pace of change and with the brutality of the attacks on them, would take to the gun in this period – from Peru to the Philippines. The massacre in Indonesia hung heavily on the world communist movement. But this move to the gun had its limitations, for many of these parties would mistake the tactics of armed revolution for a strategy of violence. The violence worked most effectively the other way. The communists were massacred in Indonesia – as we have seen – and they were butchered in Iraq and Sudan, in Central Asia and South America. The image of communists being thrown from helicopters off the coast of Chile is far less known than any cliché about the USSR.

Red Star Over the Third World, Vijay Prashad, 2019

[sivavakkiyar]

The demand for a caste census continues to gain popularity. After Bihar published the results of its case census in October, pressure is growing on the Karnataka government to release its findings. Andhra Pradesh has started its caste census and there are increasing calls for a similar exercise in Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal.

With direct implications for reservations in education and public sector jobs, welfare provisions and political mobilisation, caste censuses could be decisive to uncovering power relations in the country.

The 2024 general elections are due soon and a caste census may momentarily seem to have diminished in importance, given the gains made by the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance with inauguration of the Ram temple in January. But its significance will doubtless become apparent after the election when the challenges of poverty, unemployment and related issues of resource distribution rise to the fore.

So far, the focus in caste census discussions has largely been on ascertaining the populations of caste communities and tackling problems related to the multiplicity of jati names. How people identify themselves is shaped by a complex mix of tradition, personal beliefs political positioning and the influence of community organisations. Understanding identities is, therefore, a weighty task.

At the same time, equal attention must be paid to the opportunity presented by the exercise to measure land ownership by caste. Caste censuses can reveal crucial patterns in how power in India is enmeshed in land. Most importantly, the caste census has the potential to bring land reform back to political agendas.