#its just on some level ive been thinking about notions of justice for lack of a better term
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man i havent seen like anybody talking about it--probably because i do my level best to block every transphobe i can find and purposefully avoid twitter as much as possible--or else i wouldnt say anything but the sophie from mars situation seriously has been breaking my brain. i dont wanna be the exact guy i would criticize in this situation and shift focus from the victims but i truly thought she was one of the most incisive political commentators on youtube, i actively looked forward to her perspectives & shared them with so many people around me. its hard on some level to not feel shocked and blindsided particularly because she was someone who consistently and articulately spoke about abuse and exploitation.
#myposts#not to make this about myself <- guy living inside a single experiential perspective#its just on some level ive been thinking about notions of justice for lack of a better term#so its like . okay im in the process of divesting myself psychically from what justice looks like that is retributive and carceral etc#and the thing im coming up against here is like. not that? its not an instinctive 'heres what should be Done with her'#its a complete absence of that. its a what can i do. i feel like i have an obligation of some sort but i dont know what it is#and i know thats a holdover of like the mob justice aspect of this. i need to be fuming and malding and destroying her career#and make her never come back raaaargh. i dont think that. i cant even really bring myself to i have such respect for her#its literally just like. this completely sucks? and i want it to be made right on some level but i dont know how to do that#and even if i did i wouldnt be the person to do it. so i kinda have to sit on top of my hands and not think about it??#and also like not think too hard about how thats kinda...a consequence of the fact its happening in a public forum#like the reason you do that is so people see it. not even necessarily to get them that mad but just like you are going to#so its....the only reason i have this feeling is because i have been dragged into this on some level?#and then it is kinda the natural question of why i suppose. but i dont have answers to any of that#i know enough to know that despite the fuming ive seen from people this is how abuse happens or at least how it can happen#and that the solution really cant be just divesting from abusers because thats how it happens#and ironically thats something i feel she really helped me grasp#i dont want to make it an exercise in politics but its really making me think about the politics.
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âHarrison Bergeronâ ¡ Kurt Vonnegut ¡ 1961
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Contains spoilers.
United States, 2081 AD. Amendments to the US Constitution have brought about widespread equality, to the exclusion of no one. That venerated phrase of the 1776 Declaration of Independence declaring that âall men are created equalâ has been enacted literally, enforced by the tyrannical Handicapper General and her agents. The society that emerges is an absurdist dystopia whose denizens are hobbled via inconvenient and unwieldy contraptions. Radio earpieces emit shrieking tones to restrict extraneous thought, athletes and dancers stagger beneath sash weights and bags of birdshot, and masks and prosthetics render attractive people hideous, so that no single person might take advantage of their innate intelligence, strength, agility, or beauty.
Meanwhile, George and Hazel Bergeron are at home watching TV, when the broadcast is interrupted by a news bulletin revealing that Harrison, their fourteen-year-old son, has escaped from gaol, where he had been held on suspicion of plotting against the government. âHe is a genius and an athlete, is under-handicapped, and should be regarded as extremely dangerousâ, the announcer warns. Just then, Harrison himself bursts into the studio and hijacks the broadcast, attempting to stage a coup. Unquestionably, itâs high-farce satire, dripping with irony. Rather more contestable is what it is, exactly, that Vonnegut is satirising.
Most predominantly, âHarrison Bergeronâ has been read as ridiculing an excessive desire for equality, describing a project of egalitarianism taken to certain extremities. Strangely, this has led to the story, by an ostensibly socialist writer, becoming widely celebrated amongst conservatives. It was, for instance, a favourite of William F. Buckley, who re-published it in National Reviewâallegedly mistaking the writer for a fellow conservative,i he declared Vonnegut âone of the handful of genuinely great writers of science fictionâ.ii
Through a centre-right lens, by parodying egalitarianism, Vonnegutâs story likewise parodies, by extension, modern liberal and leftist politics,iii out of which egalitarianism has emerged a central tenet.iv In the society of âHarrison Bergeronâ, the pursuit of equality has arguably been taken to its logical conclusion, with the Handicapper General, Diana Moon Glampers, serving as a despotic figurehead for leftist overreach, backed by state power and her own propensity for violent force. âHarrison Bergeronâ would therefore seem to be a prophetic warning of where societal trends are taking us, and itâs been widely cited as such (by journalists, lawyers, and even a Supreme Court justice).v
A second reading, in direct opposition to the first, posits Vonnegut as in fact parodying that very same equality-gone-too-far worldview outlined above, constructing an absurd strawman of egalitarianism in order to mock conservative paranoia. Accordingly, the wider interpretation of âHarrison Bergeronâ has made it into an example of Poeâs law, which holds that extreme parody, when not overtly identified as such by its author, will inevitably be misconstrued as genuine belief.vi Darryl Hattenhauer, a scholar arguing for such a reading, claims that the 1961 short story satirises Cold War-era hysteria surrounding communism and socialism. In support, Hattenhauer points to Vonnegutâs personal politics, as espoused in speeches, interviews, and throughout his written work. âIf âHarrison Bergeronâ is a satire against the Leftâ, says Hattenhauer, âthen it is inconsistent with the rest of Vonnegutâs [âŚ] oeuvre.âvii
But the best evidence for this interpretation comes from the text itself. If Diana Moon Glampers is the storyâs villain, what are we to make of its titular heroâNietzschean Ăbermenschviii and embodiment of the resistanceâwhose grand entrance elevates the story, literally, to new heights of absurdity? Fourteen years old and seven feet tall, Harrison Bergeron rends the TV-studio door off its hinges and tears apart his shackles with the ease of Godzilla. âI am the Emperor!â, he declares, âa greater ruler than any man who ever lived! Now watch me become what I can become!âix Selecting himself a ballerina for an empress, the couple dance, soaring sylphlike into the air where they find themselves suspended in space, having transcended Newtonian laws entirely. At which point, Glampers bursts in with a shotgun and blasts them dead.
The sceneâs so overdone, in other words, that itâs difficult to take anything about it at face value. And so grandiose a figure is Harrisonâone hardly less dictatorial than Glampers herselfxâthat itâs hard not to read the suddenness with which heâs dispensed as a violent rejection of his being any genuine Randian saviour.xi âCritics have missed the object of this textâs satire because they miss the irony of the narrationâ, says Hattenhauer. âThey do not recognise the narration as unreliable. (Given what we know about the author [and his politics], the narrator cannot be the authorial delegate.) [âŚ] Perhaps such critics [âŚ] are interpellated into the very ideology that the text satirizes.âxii
Itâs useful at this point to distinguish between different notions pertaining to equality. Generally speaking, the ideal espoused within liberalism is âequality of opportunityâ,xiii which isnât opposed to social hierarchy as such, so long as individuals are free to compete for their place within its ranks and can do so on equal terms with others (as opposed toâin the case of a caste systemâbeing assigned a place at birth).xiv But many critics of egalitarianism fear that whatâs actually being proposedâor what inevitably occurs in practiceâare forms of âequality of outcomeâ, which equalise âwhere people end up rather than where or how they beginâ.xv (The storyâs mode of egalitarianism is âequality of outcomeâ taken to extremesxviâa kind of compulsory equality arrived at âby delimiting positive qualities rather than ameliorating shortcomingsâ.xvii) And to be fair to said critics, equality of outcome is a metric sometimes used to assess the extent to which equality of opportunity might existâa crude metric at that, since it relies on inference (a lack of diversity among staff at a particular workplace might strongly suggest, but doesnât necessarily prove, biases within the hiring process).xviii And when thereâs talk of targets and quotas in order to redress some of these disparities, warning bells start ringing, and it can all start to feel a bit like âHarrison Bergeronâ, to some.
Nonetheless, âthe object of Vonnegutâs satire is not all leveling [processes]â, argues Hattenhauer. âRather, the object of his satire is the popular misunderstanding of what leveling and equality entail.âxix Hattenhauer proceeds to cite a letter he received from Vonnegut in 2000, which he uses to establish that the character with whom the writer most identifies isnât Harrison Bergeron, but Diana Moon Glampers.xx âI canât be sure, but there is a possibility that my story âHarrison Bergeronâ is about the envy and self-pity I felt in an over-achieversâ high school in Indianapolis quite a while ago nowâ, reads the excerpt. âSome people never tame those emotions. John Wilkes Booth and Lee Harvey Oswald and Mark David Chapman come to mind. âHandicapper Generals,â1 if you like.âxxii
As Hattenhauer would have it, Vonnegutâs apparent identification with Glampers constitutes a form of sympathy for the character and, in turn, her ideological purpose.xxiii He asserts, moreover, that in order to get the story published in popular magazines of the day, Vonnegut had to disguise its politics. âJust as Twain could not have sold Adventures of Huckleberry Finn and Puddânhead Wilson if their sympathy with African-American characters had been obvious, so Vonnegut could not have sold a story overtly sympathetic to leveling.âxxiv Here, it all gets a bit tenuous. Yes, student-aged Kurt Vonnegut mightâve shared Glampersâ envy of overachievers, but it doesnât follow that Vonnegut the adult writer remained sympathetic to his earlier tendencies, nor Glampersâ leveling agenda. I donât know what else Vonnegut mightâve expressed within the full letter, but the excerpt suggests that if the story warns about anything, itâs about becoming like Glampers by letting antisocial and destructive feelings run amok (hence his invocation of Booth, Oswald, and Chapman). And to the extent that he admits a likeness between himself and Glampers, I think Vonnegut is being self-depreciating, making light of his youthful preoccupations.
Indeed, in an unpublished letter to the Lawrence Journal-World from 2005, Vonnegut appears to endorse the rather more traditional interpretation of his story, and to warn against individuals like Glampers. âMy story mocks the idea of legally eliminating envy by outlawing excellenceâ, he writes. âMay I say to those who know my story, which ends in the execution of an enviably gifted student by a Handicapper General: We have always had Handicapper Generals among us, empowered by envyâŚ.âxxv We shouldnât take this statement as the final word on the matterâhe was bothered, at the time he wrote it, with an article the newspaper had run and may have been simplifying the storyâs themes to make a pointâand it certainly doesnât refute that there appears to be various layers of irony at play within the work. But it remains the most explicit statement Iâve encountered by Vonnegut regarding authorial intent.
However, Vonnegutâs equivocating in the earlier letter (to Hattenhauer) seems meaningful, too. That he âcanât be sureâ what the storyâs about, and can only entertain âa possibilityâ, suggests that his creative instincts are at least partly influenced by unconscious choices, as Hattenhauer acknowledges.xxvi
Aaron Rabinowitz, a philosopher-in-residence at Rutgers University, thinks thereâs strong textual support to make the case that âHarrison Bergeronâ ultimately parodies rightwing attitudes, but believes the story to be multifaceted. â[It] is like one of those really good pieces of art where you can debate the meaning and the interpretationâ, he says.
âThe reason that [Vonnegut is] so effective at the satire, I think, is partly because heâs sincere about his fear of government-enforced uniformity. He is a socialist but he is a wild-hippy socialist. And [in] a lot of his stories, I think he is critical of the idea that you would limit peopleâs freedom of expression in various ways.âxxvii
Similarly, Benjamin Reed, a writer and English professor at Texas State University, draws from a biography of Vonnegut by Charles L. Shields in order to argue that Vonnegutâthough he publically advocated socialism and tends to be claimed by leftists as a fellow radicalâwas in fact a more complicated and reactionary thinker than is widely acknowledged, which contradictions allowed Vonnegut to astutely reconstruct the ideological polarities existing within society at the time of the Cold War.xxviii Regarding the political purpose behind âHarrison Bergeronâ, Reed warns, therefore, against âtoo heavily adducing Vonnegutâs personal beliefs to clarify his intentionsâ.xxix Instead, he draws our attention to the storyâs structure, noting that âHarrison Bergeronâ is bookended by scenes of George and Hazel watching TV. âIn one sense, thatâs the whole story. Fade in: George and Hazel watch television. Blackout. There is no change of physicality, no jumping forward or backward in time. The drama of Harrison and the ballerinas and the Handicapper General exist within the Bergeronsâ TV set, as a play within a play.âxxx Through this structure, according to Reed, Vonnegut critiques the âRandian allegoryâ that plays out on TV by situating it within an âanti-Randian morality taleâ comprising the wider story.xxxi
Reed, who proceeds to sideline partisan politics altogether, hereby introduces another interpretation of the storyââHarrison Bergeronâ as a satire about the consumption of mass media in the American home. The mid 1950s had seen television become a fixture of most North-American households,xxxii replacing books and magazines as the dominant mode of entertainment, effectively costing Vonnegut his job as a freelance short-story writer for popular magazines.xxxiii âVonnegut, ever concerned with weapons of mass destruction, had found one in nearly every living room in Americaâ.xxxiv
The handicapping of denizens is, for Reed, a sardonic metaphor for the cognitive decline wrought by televisual mass media, its effects observable âupon society at every levelâthe family, the nation, and human civilizationâ.xxxv In the current era of portable devices, perpetual connectivity, and endless streaming, the story, read in this way, is more pertinent than ever.xxxvi Beneath the high farce and hilarity runs a terrible undercurrent of sadness and loss. The final moments are a portrait of two parents, following the broadcast of their sonâs execution, alone in their living room. George, returning from the kitchen with a beer, asks Hazel why sheâs been crying. âI forgetâ, she says vaguely. âSomething real sad on television.âxxxvii
That such a short, sparse story can yield a number of conflicting-yet-plausible interpretations suggests something of the talent behind its creation. Some time ago, I borrowed Vonnegutâs novel Mother Night (1961) from the library, but, even though I liked its themes, it somehow failed to resonate with me. I picked up another by him laterâCatâs Cradle (1963), I thinkâonly to abandon it partway through. The very funny âHarrison Bergeronâ, though, has renewed my faith in Vonnegut.
Read 19 September, 2018. Reread 1 February, 2019.
1 [sic]? I recently had the pleasure of meeting Aaron Rabinowitz, co-host of the podcast Philosophers in Space, an episode of which was the impetus behind my reading the Vonnegut story and subsequently writing this post.xxi I mentioned it to him, the post, which he was later generous enough to read. He wondered if perhaps the plural form of âHandicapper Generalâ ought to be rendered âHandicappers Generalâ (as in âattorneys generalâ or âgovernors generalâ) rather than âHandicapper Generalsâ. Perhaps so. In any case, the phrasing is Vonnegutâs own, so Iâve retained left it as is. [Endnote added 3 September, 2019.]
i William F. Buckley, in John J. Miller, âThe Many-Sided Sci-Fi Masterâ, National Review, 16 October, 2017.
ii Jerome Klinkowitz, Vonnegut in FactâThe Public Spokesmanship of Personal Fiction, United StatesâThe University of South Carolina Press, 1998, page 15.
iii Darryl Hattenhauer, âThe Politics of Kurt Vonnegutâs âHarrison Bergeronââ, Studies in Short Fiction, volume 25, number 4, fall, 1998 / Kevin D. Williamson, âInching toward âHarrison Bergeronââ, National Review, 7 May, 2015.
iv Gerald Gaus, Shane D. Courtland, and David Schmidtz, âLiberalismâ, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, edited by Edward N. Zalta, 22 January, 2018 / âLeftâ, The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics and International Relations, fourth edition, edited by Garrett Brown, Iain McLean, and Alistair McMillan, United KingdomâOxford University Press, 2018 / Andrew Reeve, âLiberalismâ, The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics and International Relations.
v See, for instance, Peter Ferrera and Stephen Moore, âThe Poverty of Equalityâ, The American Spectator, volume 45, number 3, April, 2012, pages 26â30 / Scott Rothschild, âVonnegutâLawyers Could Use a Literary Lessonâ, Lawrence Journal-World, 5 May, 2005 / âPGA Tour, Inc. v. Martinâ, 532 US 661, Supreme Court of the United States, 29 May, 2001, page 706 / Williamson, âInching toward âHarrison Bergeronââ.
vi Aaron Rabinowitz and Thomas Smith, â0G23âHarrison Bergeron and Equality of Outcomeâ, Philosophers in Space (podcast), 19 September, 2018 / Tomberry, âPoeâs Lawâ, Know Your Meme, 22 November, 2017.
vii Hattenhauer, âThe Politics of Kurt Vonnegutâs âHarrison Bergeronââ, pages 387â388.
viii Rabinowitz and Smith, â0G23âHarrison Bergeron and Equality of Outcomeâ / Benjamin Reed, âTechnologies of Instant AmnesiaâTeaching Kurt Vonnegutâs âHarrison Bergeronâ to the Millennial Generationâ, Teaching American LiteratureâA Journal of Theory and Practice, volume 8, number 1, spring, 2015, pages 56â57.
ix Kurt Vonnegut, âHarrison Bergeronâ, Welcome to the Monkey House (1968) / Palm SundayâAn Autobiographical Collage (1981), United KingdomâVintage, 1994, page 11. (emphasis in original).
x Hattenhauer, âThe Politics of Kurt Vonnegutâs âHarrison Bergeronââ, page 391.
xi Rabinowitz and Smith, â0G23âHarrison Bergeron and Equality of Outcomeâ / Reed, âTechnologies of Instant Amnesiaâ, pages 56â57.
xii Hattenhauer, âThe Politics of Kurt Vonnegutâs âHarrison Bergeronââ, page 392.
xiii Terence Ball et al., âLiberalismâ, EncyclopĂŚdia Britannica, 21 January, 2019.
xiv Richard Arneson, âEquality of Opportunityâ, The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, edited by Edward N. Zalta, 25 March, 2015.
xv Anne Phillips, âDefending Equality of Outcomeâ, The Journal of Political Philosophy, volume 12, number 1, March, 2004, page 1.
xvi Rabinowitz and Smith, â0G23âHarrison Bergeron and Equality of Outcomeâ / Reed, âTechnologies of Instant Amnesiaâ, page 59.
xvii Reed, âTechnologies of Instant Amnesiaâ, page 55.
xviii Rabinowitz and Smith, â0G23âHarrison Bergeron and Equality of Outcomeâ.
xix Hattenhauer, âThe Politics of Kurt Vonnegutâs âHarrison Bergeronââ, page 387.
xx Ibid., page 388.
xxi Rabinowitz and Smith, â0G23âHarrison Bergeron and Equality of Outcomeâ.
xxii Kurt Vonnegut, letter to Darryl Hattenhauer, 23 October, 2000, in Hattenhauer, âThe Politics of Kurt Vonnegutâs âHarrison Bergeronââ, page 388.
xxiii Hattenhauer, âThe Politics of Kurt Vonnegutâs âHarrison Bergeronââ, page 387.
xxiv Ibid., pages 388â389.
xxv Kurt Vonnegut, unpublished letter to the editor of the Lawrence Journal-World, 12 May, 2005, in Tristan L. Duncan, â(Handi-)Capping Equality and ExcellenceâThe Unconstitutionality of Spending Caps on Public Educationâ, The Urban Lawyer, volume 45, number 1, winter, 2013, page 183, note 2, and page 202, note 81.
xxvi Rabinowitz and Smith, â0G23âHarrison Bergeron and Equality of Outcomeâ.
xxvii Ibid.
xxviii âBenjamin ReedâTeaching ââHarrison Bergeronââ, The Daily Vonnegut, 2 June, 2017 / Reed, âTechnologies of Instant Amnesiaâ, pages 53â55.
xxix Reed, âTechnologies of Instant Amnesiaâ, page 53.
xxx Ibid., page 58.
xxxi Ibid., page 56 (emphasis in original).
xxxii Robert J. Thompson and Steve Allen, âTelevision in the United Statesâ, EncyclopĂŚdia Britannica, 18 October, 2017.
xxxiii âBenjamin ReedâTeaching ââHarrison Bergeronââ / Reed, âTechnologies of Instant Amnesiaâ, pages 61â62.
xxxiv Reed, âTechnologies of Instant Amnesiaâ, page 57.
xxxv âBenjamin ReedâTeaching ââHarrison Bergeronââ.
xxxvi Reed, âTechnologies of Instant Amnesiaâ, pages 63â65.
xxxvii Vonnegut, âHarrison Bergeronâ, page 13.
#harrison bergeron#kurt vonnegut#national review#welcome to the monkey house#william f buckley#william f. buckley
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