#indian farm reforms 2020

[brookston]

Holidays 9.30

Holidays

Agricultural Reform Day (Sao Tome and Principe)

Arizona Monsoon Season ends

Army Incompetence Day

Birth of Morelos (Mexico)

Botswana Day (Botswana)

Boy’s Day (Poland)

Chewing Gum Day

Day of Hungarian Folktales (Hungary)

Do Something Wacky With A Grandparent Day

E-mail Debt Forgiveness Day

Frisbee Day

International Blasphemy Rights Day (a.k.a. Blasphemy Day)

International Podcast Day

International Recovery Day

International Thunderbirds Day

International Translation Day (UN)

Jananeta Irawat Birth Day (Manipur, India)

Kokkeisetsu (Japan)

Liberation Day (Abkhazia)

Limb Girdle Muscular Dystrophy Awareness Day

Monkey Bars Day

National Black Funding Day

National Chewing Gum Day

National Day of Remembrance for Indian Boarding Schools

National Kratom Day

National Love People Day

National Microcephaly Awareness Day

National Mud Pack Day

National Nonspeaking / Nonverbal Awareness Day (UK)

National Pet Tricks Day (UK)

National PrepareAthon! Day [also 4.30]

National Puppy Mill Survivor Day

National Sporting Heritage Day (UK)

National Teach Spanish Day

Neonatal Intensive Care Awareness Day

Orange Shirt Day (Canada)

Parsnip Day (French Republic Day)

Peon Day (Warcraft)

Pink Out Day

Rabbit Rabbit Day [Last Day of Every Month]

Recovery Day (Canada)

Rumi Day

Secretary Day (Venezuela)

Thunderbirds Day

Time For Yoga Day

Truth and Reconciliation Day (Canada)

World Pole Dance Day

Food & Drink Celebrations

Austrian Beer Day (Austria)

Extra Virgin Olive Oil Day

Hot Mulled Cider Day

National Hot Mulled Cider Day

National Soufflé Potato Day

World Stroopwafel Day (Netherlands)

5th & Last Saturday in September

Centzon-Totochtin Drunken Rabbit Day [Last Saturday]

Everybody's Day Festival [Last Saturday]

Family Health and Fitness Day USA (Last Saturday]

International Lace Day [Last Saturday]

National Alpaca Farm Days begin [Last Saturday]

National Ghost Hunting Day [Last Saturday]

Nickelodeon’s Worldwide Day of Play [Last Saturday]

Save Your Photos Day [Last Saturday]

World Cyanotype Day [Last Saturday]

World Day of Leukodystrophies [Last Saturday]

Independence Days

Botswana (from UK, 1966)

Republic of Abkhazia (from Georgia, 1983) [unrecognized]

Tinakula (Declared; 2020) [unrecognized]

Feast Days

Aequinoctium Autumnale II (Pagan)

Anthony Green (Artology)

Blue-Feathered Swallowing Swallow (Muppetism)

Feast of Soma (God of Ambrosia & Immortality; India)

Festival of Drunkenness (Ancient Egypt)

Festival of Tereteth (Goddess of the Coconut Toddy; Yap Island, Micronesia)

Gregory the Illuminator (Christian; Saint)

Honorius of Canterbury (Christian; Saint)

Jerome (Christian; Saint)

John Waters Day (Church of the SubGenius; Saint)

Medetrinalia (Fruits Offered to Goddess of Medicine; Ancient Rome)

Molière (Positivist; Saint)

Plan for the 31st if September Day (Pastafarian)

Ridiculous Excuses Day (Pastafarian)

Lucky & Unlucky Days

Taian (大安 Japan) [Lucky all day.]

Uncyclopedia Bad to Be Born Today (because Green Day fans will never leave you alone.)

Premieres

Adjustment Team, by Philip K. Dick (Short Story; 1954)

Alias (TV Series; 2001)

The Ascent Of Rum Doodle, by W.E. Bowman (Novel; 1956)

The Big Chill (Film; 1983)

Bird (Film; 1988)

Blueberries for Sal, by Robert McCloskey (Children’s Book; 1948)

The Boy Friend (Broadway Musical; 1954)

Car Talk (Radio Series; 1977)

Cheers (TV Series; 1982)

The Clock Store (Disney Cartoon; 1931)

Con Man (Web Series; 2015)

Dad, Can I Borrow the Car? (Disney Short Film; 1970)

Death Valley Days (Radio Series; 1930)

Entergalactic (Animated Film; 2022)

The Family of Pascual Duarte, by Camilo José Cela (Novel; 1942)

Fantasy, by Mariah Carey (Song; 1995)

50/50 (Film; 2011)

The Flintstones (Animated TV Series; 1960)

Go Away Stowaway (WB MM Cartoon; 1967)

Grand Ole Opry (TV Series; 1950)

The Graveyard Book, by Neil Gaiman (Novel; 2008)

The Greatest Game Ever Played (Film; 2005)

Into the Blue (Film; 2005)

Little Women (Novel; 1868)

Louis Armstrong Plays King Oliver, recorded by Louis Armstrong (Album; 1957) [1st stereo album]

Love for Sale, by Tony Bennett (Album; 2021)

Luke Cage (TV Series; 2016)

The Magic Flute, by Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart (Opera; 1791)

Marvel Rising: Secret Warriors (Animated Film; 2018)

Methuselah's Children, by Robert A. Heinlein (Novel; 1958)

Miss Peregrine’s Home for Peculiar Children (Film; 2016)

Murder, She Wrote (TV Series; 1984)

Nebraska, by Bruce Springsteen (Album; 1982)

Porgy and Bess, by George Gershwin (Opera; 1935)

The Queen (Film; 2006)

The Rifleman (TV Series; 1958)

The Robe, by Lloyd C. Douglas (Novel; 1942)

The Saint in Europe, by Leslie Charteris (Short Stories 1953) [Saint #30]

Scooby-Doo! And the Monster of Mexico (WB Animated Film; 2003)

A Separate Peace, by John Knowles (Novel; 1959)

Serenity (Film; 2005)

Shine On, by Jet (Album; 2006)

The Steeple-Chase (Disney Cartoon; 1933)

Theme From Shaft, by Isaac Hayes (Song; 1971)

To the Manor Born (UK TV Series; 1979)

You, Me and the Apocalypse (UK TV Series; 2015)

Today’s Name Days

Hieronymus, Urs, Victor (Austria)

Felicija, Grgur, Jerko, Jeronim (Croatia)

Jeroným (Czech Republic)

Hieronymus (Denmark)

Kaur, Kauri, Tauri (Estonia)

Sirja, Siru, Sorja (Finland)

Jérôme (France)

Hieronymus , Urs, Viktor (Germany)

Stratonikos (Greece)

Jeromos (Hungary)

Gerolamo (Italy)

Abgara, Elma, Lamekins (Latvia)

Bytautė, Jeronimas, Sofija, Žymantas (Lithuania)

Hege, Helga, Helge (Norway)

Grzegorz, Hieronim, Honoriusz, Imisław, Leopard, Sofia, Wera, Wiera, Wiktor, Wiktoriusz, Zofia (Poland)

Grigorie (Romania)

Lubov, Nadezhda, Vera (Russia)

Jarolím (Slovakia)

Jerónimo, Sofía, Sonia (Spain)

Helge (Sweden)

Jerome, Jeronima, Gerome, Geromino (USA)

Today is Also…

Day of Year: Day 273 of 2024; 92 days remaining in the year

ISO: Day 6 of week 39 of 2023

Celtic Tree Calendar: Muin (Vine) [Day 26 of 28]

Chinese: Month 8 (Xin-You), Day 16 (Xin-Mao)

Chinese Year of the: Rabbit 4721 (until February 10, 2024)

Hebrew: 15 Tishri 5784

Islamic: 15 Rabi I 1445

J Cal: 3 Shù; Threesday [3 of 30]

Julian: 17 September 2023

Moon: 98%: Waning Gibbous

Positivist: 21 Shakespeare (10th Month) [Molière]

Runic Half Month: Gyfu (Gift) [Day 4 of 15]

Season: Autumn (Day 7 of 89)

Zodiac: Libra (Day 7 of 30)

[mytownblog]

Voices of Resistance: Understanding the Farmer Protests in India

The farmer protests, primarily centered in India, have garnered significant attention globally due to their scale, duration, and the issues they highlight. Initiated in late 2020, these protests primarily revolve around three contentious agricultural laws passed by the Indian government: the Farmers' Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, the Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, and the Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act.

Farmers argue that these laws undermine the existing agricultural marketing structure, leaving them vulnerable to exploitation by corporations and weakening the government-regulated mandi system. They fear that dismantling the mandi system will result in the loss of minimum support prices (MSP) for their crops, leaving them at the mercy of private buyers. Additionally, they express concerns about the lack of provisions for dispute resolution in the new laws and the potential erosion of their bargaining power.

The protests have seen a diverse coalition of farmers from various states, representing different crops and socio-economic backgrounds, coming together to demand the repeal of the contentious laws. Their protests have taken the form of peaceful demonstrations, rallies, road blockades, and even a prolonged sit-in at the borders of Delhi, the capital of India.

Despite multiple rounds of negotiations between the government and farmer unions, a resolution has been elusive. The protests have evolved into a broader movement advocating for agrarian reforms, fair prices for agricultural produce, and support for small and marginal farmers. The farmer protests have not only brought attention to the challenges faced by farmers in India but have also sparked debates about the future of agriculture, land reforms, and the role of the state in regulating agricultural markets.

[acelandscapes-au]

Revolution on the Roads: Delhi Farmer Protest Movement

The “Farmer Protest Delhi Farmer Go Delhi” movement marks a watershed moment in the history of agrarian activism in India. Originating in response to contentious agricultural laws passed by the Indian government, this movement has captured global attention with its scale, resilience, and determination. As farmers, predominantly from the states of Punjab, Haryana, and Uttar Pradesh, converged on the borders of the Indian capital, Delhi, they not only demanded the repeal of the new farm laws but also sought to shed light on the systemic challenges plaguing India’s agricultural sector.

At its heart, the farmer protest in Delhi is a manifestation of the deep-rooted grievances of India’s farming community. The three contentious laws, passed in September 2020, aimed to deregulate agricultural markets, allowing farmers to sell their produce directly to private buyers. However, farmers feared that these laws would dismantle the existing system of government-regulated wholesale markets, leaving them vulnerable to exploitation by large corporations. Despite assurances from the government, farmers remained steadfast in their opposition, viewing the laws as a threat to their livelihoods and autonomy.

Since November 2020, the borders of Delhi have transformed into epicenters of resistance, with makeshift camps and tractor-trolleys serving as symbols of protest. The movement has been marked by its peaceful nature, with farmers employing sit-ins, road blockades, and hunger strikes to amplify their demands. Solidarity has poured in from various quarters, including activists, politicians, and celebrities, further galvanizing the movement and drawing attention to the plight of farmers.

The farmer go delhi for protest has not only been about legislative reform but has also underscored broader issues such as agrarian distress, rural poverty, and the widening gap between farmers and policymakers. For decades, Indian farmers have grappled with inadequate support mechanisms, ranging from access to credit and irrigation to fair prices for their produce. The protest has served as a stark reminder of the urgent need for comprehensive agricultural reforms that prioritize the welfare of farmers and ensure a sustainable future for Indian agriculture.

The resilience of the protesting farmers has been put to the test, particularly in the face of adverse weather conditions, logistical challenges, and attempts to discredit their movement. Despite facing numerous obstacles, including internet shutdowns and barricades erected by authorities, the farmers have remained undeterred in their pursuit of justice. Their unwavering resolve and spirit of unity have inspired admiration and solidarity not only within India but also across the globe.

As the farmer protest in Delhi continues to unfold, it has become a defining moment in India’s socio-political landscape, reflecting the power of grassroots mobilization and collective action. Beyond its immediate objectives, the movement has sparked conversations about democracy, social justice, and the role of citizens in shaping policy decisions. Whether it leads to a resolution remains uncertain, but one thing is clear: the voices of India’s farmers can no longer be ignored, and their struggle has become emblematic of a larger quest for a more equitable and inclusive society.

[anjani1223]

N. Chandrababu Naidu's Leadership: The Driving Force Behind TDP's Success

In the realm of Indian politics, N Chandrababu Naidu stands as a transformative leader who has played a pivotal role in the success of the Telugu Desam Party (TDP). As the architect of the TDP's resurgence, N Chandrababu Naidu’s dynamic leadership has propelled the party to significant TDP Achievements and contributions. This article delves into N. Chandrababu Naidu's leadership and its impact on the TDP's journey, highlighting key accomplishments, Top TDP Contributions, and the party's ongoing efforts. N Chandrababu Naidu assumed leadership of the TDP in 1995, following the legendary Nandamuri Taraka Rama Rao (NTR). Under his stewardship, the party experienced a renaissance characterized by a forward-looking vision and a relentless commitment to progress.

Naidu's tenure as Chief Minister witnessed a series of groundbreaking economic reforms. His visionary "Vision 2020" document laid the groundwork for Andhra Pradesh's transformation into an economic powerhouse, attracting both national and international investments. Naidu's foresight led to the creation of HITEC City, which revolutionized Andhra Pradesh's IT landscape. This bold move not only established Hyderabad as an IT hub but also fueled economic growth and job creation. Under N Chandrababu Naidu’s leadership, the TDP government invested heavily in infrastructure development. The construction of world-class highways, bridges, and other critical facilities improved connectivity and accessibility throughout the state. Naidu's government implemented agricultural reforms, providing farmers with advanced farming techniques, access to credit, and marketing opportunities. This led to increased agricultural productivity and enhanced the livelihoods of rural communities. N Chandrababu Naidu’s commitment to technology-driven governance resulted in initiatives like the "e-Pragati" project and the establishment of the Real-Time Governance Society (RTGS). These efforts enhanced transparency, efficiency, and citizen engagement in government services. The TDP, under Naidu's leadership, contributed significantly to Andhra Pradesh's economic growth. His policies attracted investments, promoted entrepreneurship, and stimulated various sectors, leading to job creation and improved living standards. The party invested in the healthcare and education sectors, resulting in the establishment of new hospitals, schools, and colleges. These institutions improved access to quality services and educational opportunities for the people. The TDP introduced numerous welfare schemes, such as "Amma Vodi," aimed at improving the lives of marginalized communities, women, and senior citizens. These initiatives demonstrated the party's commitment to social inclusion. TDP Live Updates continue to be a valuable resource for staying informed about the party's current activities and strategies. These TDP Live Updates highlight the TDP's outreach efforts, election campaigns, and responses to contemporary issues, providing real-time insights into the party's dynamic approach under Naidu's guidance. N Chandrababu Naidu’s resilience in the face of adversity has been a hallmark of his leadership. He has navigated challenging political landscapes, adapted to changing circumstances, and remained a tireless advocate for the state's development. His ability to lead by example and inspire party members has been instrumental in the TDP's success.

TDP MLAs and leaders have played a vital role in implementing Naidu's vision at the grassroots level. Their dedication to the party's principles and their commitment to serving their constituencies have contributed significantly to the TDP's continued relevance in Andhra Pradesh politics. N. Chandrababu Naidu's leadership has undeniably been the driving force behind the Telugu Desam Party's success. His visionary approach, economic reforms, and commitment to technological advancements have transformed Andhra Pradesh and positioned it as a progressive state. The TDP's Top Achievements, contributions to economic growth, and commitment to social welfare reflect N Chandrababu Naidu’s unwavering dedication to the betterment of the state and its people. As the TDP continues its journey, Naidu's leadership remains pivotal, and TDP Live Updates serve as a testament to the party's ongoing efforts to shape a brighter future for Andhra Pradesh.

[brookstonalmanac]

Holidays 9.30

Holidays

Agricultural Reform Day (Sao Tome and Principe)

Arizona Monsoon Season ends

Army Incompetence Day

Birth of Morelos (Mexico)

Botswana Day (Botswana)

Boy’s Day (Poland)

Chewing Gum Day

Day of Hungarian Folktales (Hungary)

Do Something Wacky With A Grandparent Day

E-mail Debt Forgiveness Day

Frisbee Day

International Blasphemy Rights Day (a.k.a. Blasphemy Day)

International Podcast Day

International Recovery Day

International Thunderbirds Day

International Translation Day (UN)

Jananeta Irawat Birth Day (Manipur, India)

Kokkeisetsu (Japan)

Liberation Day (Abkhazia)

Limb Girdle Muscular Dystrophy Awareness Day

Monkey Bars Day

National Black Funding Day

National Chewing Gum Day

National Day of Remembrance for Indian Boarding Schools

National Kratom Day

National Love People Day

National Microcephaly Awareness Day

National Mud Pack Day

National Nonspeaking / Nonverbal Awareness Day (UK)

National Pet Tricks Day (UK)

National PrepareAthon! Day [also 4.30]

National Puppy Mill Survivor Day

National Sporting Heritage Day (UK)

National Teach Spanish Day

Neonatal Intensive Care Awareness Day

Orange Shirt Day (Canada)

Parsnip Day (French Republic Day)

Peon Day (Warcraft)

Pink Out Day

Rabbit Rabbit Day [Last Day of Every Month]

Recovery Day (Canada)

Rumi Day

Secretary Day (Venezuela)

Thunderbirds Day

Time For Yoga Day

Truth and Reconciliation Day (Canada)

World Pole Dance Day

Food & Drink Celebrations

Austrian Beer Day (Austria)

Extra Virgin Olive Oil Day

Hot Mulled Cider Day

National Hot Mulled Cider Day

National Soufflé Potato Day

World Stroopwafel Day (Netherlands)

5th & Last Saturday in September

Centzon-Totochtin Drunken Rabbit Day [Last Saturday]

Everybody's Day Festival [Last Saturday]

Family Health and Fitness Day USA (Last Saturday]

International Lace Day [Last Saturday]

National Alpaca Farm Days begin [Last Saturday]

National Ghost Hunting Day [Last Saturday]

Nickelodeon’s Worldwide Day of Play [Last Saturday]

Save Your Photos Day [Last Saturday]

World Cyanotype Day [Last Saturday]

World Day of Leukodystrophies [Last Saturday]

Independence Days

Botswana (from UK, 1966)

Republic of Abkhazia (from Georgia, 1983) [unrecognized]

Tinakula (Declared; 2020) [unrecognized]

Feast Days

Aequinoctium Autumnale II (Pagan)

Anthony Green (Artology)

Blue-Feathered Swallowing Swallow (Muppetism)

Feast of Soma (God of Ambrosia & Immortality; India)

Festival of Drunkenness (Ancient Egypt)

Festival of Tereteth (Goddess of the Coconut Toddy; Yap Island, Micronesia)

Gregory the Illuminator (Christian; Saint)

Honorius of Canterbury (Christian; Saint)

Jerome (Christian; Saint)

John Waters Day (Church of the SubGenius; Saint)

Medetrinalia (Fruits Offered to Goddess of Medicine; Ancient Rome)

Molière (Positivist; Saint)

Plan for the 31st if September Day (Pastafarian)

Ridiculous Excuses Day (Pastafarian)

Lucky & Unlucky Days

Taian (大安 Japan) [Lucky all day.]

Uncyclopedia Bad to Be Born Today (because Green Day fans will never leave you alone.)

Premieres

Adjustment Team, by Philip K. Dick (Short Story; 1954)

Alias (TV Series; 2001)

The Ascent Of Rum Doodle, by W.E. Bowman (Novel; 1956)

The Big Chill (Film; 1983)

Bird (Film; 1988)

Blueberries for Sal, by Robert McCloskey (Children’s Book; 1948)

The Boy Friend (Broadway Musical; 1954)

Car Talk (Radio Series; 1977)

Cheers (TV Series; 1982)

The Clock Store (Disney Cartoon; 1931)

Con Man (Web Series; 2015)

Dad, Can I Borrow the Car? (Disney Short Film; 1970)

Death Valley Days (Radio Series; 1930)

Entergalactic (Animated Film; 2022)

The Family of Pascual Duarte, by Camilo José Cela (Novel; 1942)

Fantasy, by Mariah Carey (Song; 1995)

50/50 (Film; 2011)

The Flintstones (Animated TV Series; 1960)

Go Away Stowaway (WB MM Cartoon; 1967)

Grand Ole Opry (TV Series; 1950)

The Graveyard Book, by Neil Gaiman (Novel; 2008)

The Greatest Game Ever Played (Film; 2005)

Into the Blue (Film; 2005)

Little Women (Novel; 1868)

Louis Armstrong Plays King Oliver, recorded by Louis Armstrong (Album; 1957) [1st stereo album]

Love for Sale, by Tony Bennett (Album; 2021)

Luke Cage (TV Series; 2016)

The Magic Flute, by Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart (Opera; 1791)

Marvel Rising: Secret Warriors (Animated Film; 2018)

Methuselah's Children, by Robert A. Heinlein (Novel; 1958)

Miss Peregrine’s Home for Peculiar Children (Film; 2016)

Murder, She Wrote (TV Series; 1984)

Nebraska, by Bruce Springsteen (Album; 1982)

Porgy and Bess, by George Gershwin (Opera; 1935)

The Queen (Film; 2006)

The Rifleman (TV Series; 1958)

The Robe, by Lloyd C. Douglas (Novel; 1942)

The Saint in Europe, by Leslie Charteris (Short Stories 1953) [Saint #30]

Scooby-Doo! And the Monster of Mexico (WB Animated Film; 2003)

A Separate Peace, by John Knowles (Novel; 1959)

Serenity (Film; 2005)

Shine On, by Jet (Album; 2006)

The Steeple-Chase (Disney Cartoon; 1933)

Theme From Shaft, by Isaac Hayes (Song; 1971)

To the Manor Born (UK TV Series; 1979)

You, Me and the Apocalypse (UK TV Series; 2015)

Today’s Name Days

Hieronymus, Urs, Victor (Austria)

Felicija, Grgur, Jerko, Jeronim (Croatia)

Jeroným (Czech Republic)

Hieronymus (Denmark)

Kaur, Kauri, Tauri (Estonia)

Sirja, Siru, Sorja (Finland)

Jérôme (France)

Hieronymus , Urs, Viktor (Germany)

Stratonikos (Greece)

Jeromos (Hungary)

Gerolamo (Italy)

Abgara, Elma, Lamekins (Latvia)

Bytautė, Jeronimas, Sofija, Žymantas (Lithuania)

Hege, Helga, Helge (Norway)

Grzegorz, Hieronim, Honoriusz, Imisław, Leopard, Sofia, Wera, Wiera, Wiktor, Wiktoriusz, Zofia (Poland)

Grigorie (Romania)

Lubov, Nadezhda, Vera (Russia)

Jarolím (Slovakia)

Jerónimo, Sofía, Sonia (Spain)

Helge (Sweden)

Jerome, Jeronima, Gerome, Geromino (USA)

Today is Also…

Day of Year: Day 273 of 2024; 92 days remaining in the year

ISO: Day 6 of week 39 of 2023

Celtic Tree Calendar: Muin (Vine) [Day 26 of 28]

Chinese: Month 8 (Xin-You), Day 16 (Xin-Mao)

Chinese Year of the: Rabbit 4721 (until February 10, 2024)

Hebrew: 15 Tishri 5784

Islamic: 15 Rabi I 1445

J Cal: 3 Shù; Threesday [3 of 30]

Julian: 17 September 2023

Moon: 98%: Waning Gibbous

Positivist: 21 Shakespeare (10th Month) [Molière]

Runic Half Month: Gyfu (Gift) [Day 4 of 15]

Season: Autumn (Day 7 of 89)

Zodiac: Libra (Day 7 of 30)

[historyhermann]

“Far-reaching impacts”: Why the closure of NARA’s Seattle facility still matters

Archivists on the Issues is a forum for archivists to discuss the issues we are facing today. The following is from Burkely Hermann, recent graduate of the University of Maryland – College Park’s graduate program in Library and Information Science, with a concentration in Archives and Digital Curation. Reprinted from my History Hermann WordPress blog. Originally published on Nov. 18, 2020.

Back on February 18, I wrote about the closure of the National Archives and Records Administration (NARA)’s Seattle facility, NAS for short. Recently this issue came to the fore with the publication of an article by Megan E. Llewellyn and Sarah A. Buchanan titled “Will the Last Archivist in Seattle Please Turn Out the Lights: Value and the National Archives” in the Journal of Western Archives.

The NAS facility is key to many different communities. The official page for the facility specifically highlights information they hold about Chinese immigrants and indigenous affairs, along with land records, court records, and genealogical resources. This includes tribal and treaty records of indigenous people living in the Pacific Northwest, and original case files for Chinese immigrants in the 19th century. Volunteers have been trying to index the Chinese immigrant files and create an “extensive database of family history.” This will be interrupted if the files are moved, making the database incomplete.

The NAS facility itself has regional significance. The property the facility sits on was once the location of a prospering farm owned by Japanese immigrant Uyeji family from 1910 to 1942. [1] These immigrants were evicted from their land during World War II and put into concentration camps, like the over 120,000 Japanese Americans. The immigrant Uyeji family never returned to their home, and the land was seized by the U.S. Navy in 1945, after it had been condemned in earlier years, in order to build a warehouse. [2] The warehouse was later converted into a facility and began to be occupied by the National Archives after 1963. This transfer of ownership intersected with the history of Seattle’s development which benefited White people above those of other races, from 1923 onward.

There is more to be considered. As Llewellyn and Buchanan argue in the Journal of Western Archives, the closure of NAS is harmful, a failure at “multiple levels of government,” and was made without considering how valuable marginalized communities in the area see the records held at the facility. [3] 58,000 cubic feet are permanent records of federal agencies in the Pacific Northwest, while 6,600 cubic feet are occupied by records from the Bureau of Indian Affairs alone. [4] Neither should be destroyed per NARA guidance. This amount of cubic feet is equivalent to about 1,871 side-by-side refrigerators or about 1,234 top-mount refrigerators. [5] No matter how the size is measured, the NAS facility is well-used, as is its digital resources, by Asian-Americans, indigenous people, and various researchers. [6] Some indigenous people even called the closure and movement of records to other locations a “paper genocide.” As Bob Ferguson, the Washington State Attorney General, stated in February, moving the records from the NAS facility to states such as California and Missouri, contradicts the purpose of the archives and impedes efforts by local families to research their ancestors.

There are other problems with the closure. Llewellyn and Buchanan pointed out, for one, the errors in the Public Buildings Reform Board (PBRB)’s assessment to close the facility, noting the significant level of foot traffic, the lack of public hearings on the closure, and NARA management agreeing with the decision to close. [7] There is also concern that not all the records held at the NAS facility could be digitized. Some news outlets, like MyNorthwest, have rightly pointed out that large items like bound books and maps might not be “properly scanned” or digitized at all. Llewellyn and Buchanan further note the involved process of digitization, and extra costs researchers will have to pay if the records from the NAS facility are moved. [8]

Readers may be asking what can be done about the closure. Now is not the time to sit back and let the Washington State government do the heavy lifting, nor the Seattle media. In the latter case, the Seattle Times opined against the decision to close the NAS facility. In the case of Washington State, Ferguson, mentioned earlier, proposed a compromise to keep the regional facility of NARA in Washington State, worrying, like others, of the prospect of losing access to “over a century of history.” But his noble efforts have been for naught. The closure is on track, with NARA justifying it based on experience with the COVID-19 pandemic, saying the agency will be “less location dependent” in the future, with users accessing resources remotely rather than in-person. On the legal front, in August, Ferguson filed federal Freedom of Information Act lawsuits for public records against NARA, the Office of Management & Budget (OMB), and the General Services Administration (GSA). He also requested documents from the PBRB the same month. He stated that NARA and OMB failed to respond to requests he made in early February, while the GSA has not sent records it promised in the summer of this year. The PBRB, on the other hand, wanted taxpayers to pay about $65,000 to redact information from documents even though no sensitive information is present, as stated in various articles in the Seattle Times, HeraldNet, and Seattle Weekly. These efforts will likely go forward as Ferguson won the race to be the Attorney General of Washington State against Republican challenger Matt Larkin.

In the short-term, readers should email the OMB Director Russell Vought at Russell.t.vought@omb.eop.gov, the GSA Administrator Emily Murphy at emily.murphy@gsa.gov, Archivist David Ferriero at David.Ferriero@nara.gov, and the PBRB at fastainfo@pbrb.gov, opposing the closure of the NAS facility. Currently, the NAS facility has not been listed by the GSA for sale, whether on its database of real property or its database displaying federal properties being auctioned off. While COVID-19 makes the push for more remote learning attractive, it is still possible and vital to open in-person facilities, in line with existing rules and regulations to ensure the safety of the staff and patrons at specific facilities. In the long-term, if the NAS facility is closed, it could put other NARA facilities in jeopardy, as Llewellyn and Buchanan point out. [9] At the same time, archivists should advocate for a “massive investment in time, money, and planning” to digitize more of NARA’s holdings, as the aforementioned scholars argue for, [10] with not even 1% digitized at the present! Whether the facility is closed or not, there are dark times ahead for NARA, as less government spending may be on the horizon, unless the proposed budget for NARA is approved by the House of Representatives and Senate.

© 2020-2023 Burkely Hermann. All rights reserved.

Notes

[1] Llewellyn, Megan E., and Sarah A. Buchanan, “Will the Last Archivist in Seattle Please Turn Out the Lights: Value and the National Archives and the National Archives,” Journal of Western Archives 11, no. 1 (October 12, 2020): 7, https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1125&context=westernarchives.

[2] Llewellyn and Buchanan, 7-9.

[3] Ibid, 3-4.

[4] Ibid, 4-5.

[5] Karie Lapham Fay, “Dimensions of a Standard Size Refrigerator,” SFGate, December 17, 2018, https://homeguides.sfgate.com/dimensions-standard-size-refrigerator-82262.html. I used the largest size of a side-by-side refrigerator (31 cubic feet) and the largest size of a top-mount refrigerator is 47 cubic feet when using the highest numbers in Fay’s article.

[6] Llewellyn and Buchanan,  5-6.

[7] Ibid, 11-17.

[8] Ibid, 17-19.

[9] Ibid, 24-25.

[10] Ibid, 21.

[seriousbusinessforhumans]

NEW DELHI (IDN) – On February 6, protesters blocked roads at an estimated 10,000 spots across India as part of the ongoing movement against the new farm laws enacted by the national government last year. For over two months, the most populous democracy in the world has witnessed what is being called one of the biggest protests in human history.

Hundreds of thousands of farmers have been rallying against three new laws that have thrown open the agriculture sector to private players. Protesters feel the legislation will allow a corporate takeover of crop production and trading, which would eventually impact their earnings and land ownership.

The movement has overcome regional, religious, gender and ideological differences to build pressure. Leftist farm unions, religious organisations and traditional caste-based brotherhoods called khaps, which make pronouncements on social issues, are working in tandem through resolute sit-ins and an aggressive boycott of politicians.

India’s right-wing government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi of the Bharatiya Janata Party, or BJP, pushed the laws through the parliament in September 2020, despite lacking a majority in the upper house and agriculture being in the jurisdiction of state governments. The protest is a response to the lack of respect for parliamentary democracy and federalism, but its main focus is the pervasive corporate influence on governance.

After limits on corporate contributions were removed and allowed to be made anonymously, 8.2 billion dollars was spent on Indian parliamentary elections in 2019, which exceeded how much was spent on the U.S. election in 2016 by 26 per cent. Most of this money came from corporations and the BJP was the primary recipient.

Farm crisis is the fuel

Farmers are a large electoral block in India, with half the population being engaged in agriculture. No political party can afford to offend them publicly even though policymakers have done little to increase farm incomes and address their indebtedness. Around 300,000 farmers died by suicide between 1995 and 2013, mostly due to financial stress. In 2019, another 10,281 farmers took their lives.

Indian farms are mostly family-owned, and the land is a source of subsistence for millions. Around 86 per cent of farmers, however, till less than five acres while the other 14 per cent, mostly upper castes, own over half of the country’s 388 million acres of arable land.

Farmers in a few north Indian states were able to consolidate their holdings through increased incomes with the introduction of irrigation, modern seeds, fertilisers, machines, market infrastructure and guaranteed price support from the government during the Green Revolution in the 1960s.

But rising input costs and climate crisis have adversely impacted the profits there as well. In Punjab, the most agriculturally-developed state, for instance, the input costs of electric motors, labour, fertiliser and fuel rose by 100 to 290 per cent from 2000 to 2013, but the support price of wheat and rice rose by only 122 to 137 per cent in the same period, according to a government report. Heavy use of chemicals, mono-cropping and farm mechanisation have damaged the soil, affecting productivity and forcing farmers into debt.

Strength and strategy

Punjab saw widespread protests as soon as the laws were enacted. Farmers occupied railway tracks and toll plazas on major roads besides corporate-owned thermal plants, gas stations and shopping malls. Scores of subscribers left Jio, the telecom service owned by the top Indian businessman perceived to be close to Prime Minister Modi.

Farm unions also held regular sit-ins in front of the houses of prominent political leaders forcing an important regional party to leave the national government alliance. Several state leaders of the ruling party resigned from their posts as well. Similar scenes played out in the neighbouring state of Haryana, where leaders were publicly shamed and the helicopter of the elected head of the government was prevented from landing for a public meeting after farmers dug up the helipad area.

In November, thousands of farmers drove their tractor trolleys towards the national capital as they played protest songs by celebrity singers. Stocked with rations, clothing, water and wood for months, they braved tear gas shells and water cannons used by the police along the way. Powerful tractors pushed heavy transport vehicles, concrete slabs and barbed wires that the administration had placed en route out of their way.

Open libraries and medical camps were set up and volunteers offered their skills, ranging from tailoring to tutoring children. Besides speeches by the farm leaders, cultural performances, film screenings and wrestling bouts became a regular feature. More farmers poured in with each passing day.

“These occupations are not just a reaction of wronged citizens who have set out to reform the Indian parliament or assert dissent. Rather, they form an important stage in a still-unfolding narrative of militant anti-capitalist struggle,” wrote Aditya Bahl, a doctoral scholar at the John Hopkins University who is archiving the peasants’ revolts that took place in Punjab in the 1960s and ’70s.

The Indian Supreme Court suspended the implementation of laws and formed a four-member expert committee on Jan. 13 to look into the issue. Farmers have, however, refused to meet the committee members, alleging that many of them have already written or spoken in favour of the laws.

The protests are not only targeting domestic companies and political figures. Farmers have also burnt effigies of Uncle Sam, the World Trade Organisation and IMF, signifying the influence of global trade over domestic agricultural policies. Developed countries have been pressuring India for last three decades to open up its agriculture sector to multinational players by slashing subsidies and reducing public procurement and distribution of food grains to the poor.

Protesters are also seeking a legal right to sell their produce at a guaranteed price. The Indian government usually declares a minimum support price on various crops based on the costs of their production, but only a fraction of the produce is procured at that rate. In the absence of government procurement facilities in their areas, most farmers have to settle for a lower price offered by private traders. A law would make it mandatory for private players to buy the produce at a declared price.

“If Indian farmers are able to get the law on guaranteed price passed through their current agitation, they will become a role model for farmers across the world living under heavy debts,” Sharma continued. “India should put its foot down at the WTO and create much-needed disruption in the world food trade policy for the benefit of the global agriculture sector.”

The movement grows

The BJP-led national government has faced numerous protests over the last six years of its rule..... The country has dropped 26 places in the Democracy Index’s global ranking since 2014 due to “erosion of civil liberties.”

This is the first time peasants have been galvanised in such large numbers against the government. The government has already held 11 rounds of negotiations with farmers’ representatives and offered to suspend the laws for one and a half years on Jan. 20. But farmers are not budging from their demand of the complete repeal of the laws and legal cover for the selling of their crops at a guaranteed price.

On January 26, which marks India’s Republic Day, 19 out of 28 states witnessed protests against the farm laws.

In Delhi, however, a plan to organise a farmers’ tractor march parallel to the official Republic Day function, went awry. A group of protesters clashed with police at multiple spots and stormed the iconic Red Fort, a traditional seat of power for the Mughals, where the colonial British and independent India’s prime ministers have also raised their flags.

The protesters unfurled banners of the farm unions and Sikhs – one of the minority religious groups and the most prominent face of the protests. Mainstream media and ruling party supporters used the opportunity to blame the movement for desecration and religious terrorism. Security forces charged sleeping farmers with batons at one location, filed cases against movement leaders, allowed opponents to pelt campaigners with stones, arrested journalists and shut down the Internet.

The attacks, therefore, ended up lifting the flagging morale of the farmers and helped the movement gain even more supporters, who shunned the government and media narrative. Massive community gatherings of khaps were organised at multiple places over the next few days, extending their support to the protests and issuing a boycott call for the BJP and its political allies.

Mending fault lines

The movement has also been able to overcome regional and gender divisions, and is trying to address caste divides.

The states of Haryana and Punjab are often at loggerheads on the issue of sharing of river waters. Haryana was carved out of Punjab on linguistic lines in 1966, but most of the rivers flow through the current Punjab state. Haryana has been seeking a greater amount of water for use by its farmers, while Punjab’s farmers oppose the demand, citing reduced water flow in the rivers over the years. The current protests have united farmers for a common cause, helping them understand each other even though opponents have made attempts revive the water issue.

Women have also been participating in the protests in large numbers. They are either occupying roads on Delhi’s borders or managing homes and farms in the absence of men, while taking part in protest marches in villages.

“Earlier, we were able to rally only 8,000-10,000 women for a protest. Today that number has swelled to 25,000-30,000, as they recognised the threats posed by the new laws to the livelihoods of their families,” said Harinder Bindu, who leads the women’s wing of the largest farm union in Punjab. “For many women, this is the first time they are participating in a protest, which is a big change because they were earlier confined to household work. Men are getting used to seeing women participate and recognising the value they bring to a movement.”

“When women members participate in sit-ins, men manage the house. I feel this movement will bring greater focus on women’s issues within the farming community – one of which is the need to support the widows of farmers who died by suicide due to financial constraints.”

In Punjab, less than four per cent of private farmland belongs to Dalits, the lowest caste in the traditional social hierarchy of India, even though they constitute 32 per cent of the state’s population. They often earn their livelihoods through farm work or daily wage labour. Even though Dalits have a legal right to till village common land, attempts to assert that right often lead to violent clashes with upper-caste landlords who want to keep it for themselves. Dalits are waging similar battles across India. Researchers recorded 31 land conflicts involving 92,000 Dalits in 2019. A few of the farmers’ unions have supported and raised funds for Dalit agitations in the past.

The movement is gradually encompassing other rural issues beyond the farm laws. In the state of Maharashtra, for instance, thousands of tribal people travelled to the capital Mumbai on Jan. 23 to extend support to the farmers. They also asserted their own long pending demand for land titles under the Forest Rights Act, which recognises traditional rights of scheduled tribes and other forest dwellers on the use of land and other forest resources.

* Manu Moudgil is an independent journalist based in India. He tweets at @manumoudgil.The original version of this article was published on Waging Nonviolence under the title ‘India’s farmers’ protests are about more than reform – they are resisting the corporate takeover of agriculture’.

[vegan-and-sara]

They aren’t done protesting either. They’re still demanding price guarantees for all major crops.

I know everyone in the Anglosphere is focused on the Rittenbitch verdict right now but this is a huge victory following almost one year of the largest protests and strikes in human history

[everythingshouldbereality]

Farm laws explained: Time to end misconceptions and break impasse

Farm laws explained: Time to end misconceptions and break impasse

Image Source : PTI Farmers gather at Singhu border during their sit-in protest against the Centres farm reform laws, in New Delhi. When the farmers launched the ‘Delhi Chalo’ protest on 26 November 2020, no one had expected the agitation against the farm laws to continue for 72 long days. But it has not only reached a stalemate between the farmer leaders and the government but also has…

[newscountryindia]

Farm laws explained: Time to end misconceptions and break impasse

Farm laws explained: Time to end misconceptions and break impasse

Image Source : PTI Farmers gather at Singhu border during their sit-in protest against the Centres farm reform laws, in New Delhi. When the farmers launched the ‘Delhi Chalo’ protest on 26 November 2020, no one had expected the agitation against the farm laws to continue for 72 long days. But it has not only reached a stalemate between the farmer leaders and the government but also has…

[indizombie]

Markets have failed everywhere to enhance farm income, to provide a living income to farmers. A guaranteed income in the form of an assured MSP is what farmers are asking for. This is the real reform that will not only revitalise agriculture but will bring in rural prosperity. Moving beyond market fundamentalism, let us not be again swayed by biased newspaper editorials and the diatribe that TV anchors have relished against farmers. Let us for a change try to understand the reasons behind the farmers' outburst, and in our own little way call for economic justice for farmers.

Devinder Sharma, 'Farmers have done their job', Hans India

[allthebrazilianpolitics]

So, in Brazilian environmental justice news, the Bolsonaro government has certified 53,000 hectares of farms across 13 indigenous lands awaiting demarcation in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul.

Of the thirteen indigenous lands affected by certifications there, ten are traditionally occupied by the Guarani and Kaiowá peoples, who are awaiting the conclusion of the processes of official recognition of lands by the State, which have been paralyzed in all cases. Some of them are the scene of historic clashes between farmers and indigenous people, a situation exacerbated by the records of rural properties on the areas, according to experts.

This is the case of the Ñanderu Marangatu land, which had 72.5% of its area affected by Normative Instruction (IN) No. 09 of Brazil’s National Indian Foundation (FUNAI). There are seven rural properties registered almost entirely within the territory, where the historic Guarani leader Marçal de Souza was also murdered in 1983, known for his pioneering struggle for the right to land and for having met Pope John Paul II in 1980.

Published in April 2020, Funai's regulations facilitated the realization of these registrations, as in practice it authorizes certification of private properties in non-approved indigenous lands — that is, indigenous lands that have not yet had the demarcation completed by a presidential decree of approval. They include territories under study, declared or delimited. The certifications are made in the federal Land Management System (Sigef), maintained by the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA). Mato Grosso do Sul is the state with the highest number of farms certified in these lands. There are 87 properties totaling 53,000 hectares – or 53,000 soccer fields –, an extension that is just behind the numbers identified in Maranhão, whose private properties in incompletely demarcated territories occupy 138,400 hectares.

Furthermore, since the land is not homologated, the governments stop providing basic services, such as artesian wells to guarantee the water supply — the indigenous people, according to the leadership, need to bring water from outside in gallons. “We need [also] a health center, but when we go after it, nobody answers because it can't be done within the resumption area”, they say. “The community feels that the ranchers are still running the reserve, and that makes the community angry.”

Ñanderu Marangatu was the land hardest hit by the FUNAI regulation in Mato Grosso do Sul. The Guarani and Kaiowá once again decided to retake the 9,300-hectare area in 2005, after their ratification decree was published in March of that year — before that, part of them lived in a village near the roadside. In response, owners of the farms overlapping the indigenous land filed a lawsuit asking for the annulment of the demarcation and the repossession. There began a legal battle that led to the suspension of approval by the Federal Supreme Court (STF) in 2005, a situation that continues to this day.

The daughter of a couple of farmers in these lands, a lawyer who opposes indigenous demarcation, until August 2019, held the position of assistant secretary of the Special Secretariat for Land Affairs in the portfolio of then-agriculture minister Tereza Cristina.

For Juliana de Paula Batista, a lawyer for Social-Environmental Institute (ISA), the FUNAI ruling contradicts the Federal Constitution, which in article 231 determines that the rights of indigenous peoples over their territories are original, therefore independent of demarcation and prior to all others. “The normative instruction subverts this order: it places the squatter, who may be an invader who doesn't even have a title, as someone with more legitimacy to be in that area than the indigenous people.”, she explains. Therefore, she classifies the measure as one of the great “affronts to indigenous rights in the Bolsonaro government. “It is the official indigenist agency working in favor of invaders of indigenous lands, and not of indigenous rights. This is a deviation from legality.”, she says.

Furthermore, according to anthropologist Levi Marques Pereira, a professor at the Federal University of Grande Dourados (UFGD) and author of the anthropological expertise on the traditional indigenous occupation in Ñanderu Marangatu, the normative instruction gives more breath to the complex context of agrarian conflicts in the region, which have been going on for decades and have been causing repeated murders of indigenous leaders. This can also be harmful to rural producers in the state, indicates Pereira.

After Ñanderu Marangatu, the indigenous lands most affected by FUNAI regulations are Jatayvary, in Ponta Porã , with 50.1% of its extension compromised, and Potrero Guasu, in Paranhos, with 37.9%.

Pereira explains: “There is a hegemony in agribusiness that is guided by a proposal to refuse any recognition of indigenous land. As it is a very articulated sector, which dominates local – and now national – politics, there is a tendency for the conflict not to be resolved.”, he highlights. “They bet all their cards that at some point the indigenous people will get tired, retire to the reserves, and everything will be fine. And the signaling so far has not been in that direction.”

As a result of ruralist political pressure, the demarcation of Guarani and Kaiowá lands in Mato Grosso do Sul has been at a standstill since the Dilma Rousseff government. The obstacles to approvals come from before — the last one, from Arroio-Korá, took place in 2009, when the president was still Lula, but it was suspended in court for the first time a year later.

Since its publication, the FUNAI rule has been overturned by the Federal Public Ministry (MPF) in 13 states, including seven in the Legal Amazon. In Mato Grosso do Sul, three prosecutors have filed lawsuits against the measure, but so far only one of them has the Court granted an injunction suspending the regulation. In most of the state, it remains in force, since the other requests from the MPF were rejected.

(x)

[infantisimo]

The farmers’ protests in India since November 2020 has resurrected the question ‘who is a farmer?’, and with it, the agrarian political economy exercise of identifying rural classes and examining their nature. In classical agrarian political economy scholarship in India, the capitalist classes or the rural rich are variously identified as landlords, capitalist landlords, rich peasants, big farmers, malik, kisan, bullock capitalists and capitalist farmers. Across these categories, economic diversification is common. The flow of surplus is from the agricultural to the non-agricultural sector. In other words, they diversify to accumulate. In states like Gujarat, agrarian capital seldom returns to agriculture. Private ownership of land is seen as the starting point for accumulation while caste superiority and political connections play a crucial role in maintaining the dominant position held by the rural rich. Some states with tenancy reforms have seen Other Backward Classes (OBCs; the intermediate agrarian classes) join the ranks of the rural rich. It is also notable that the rural rich are almost always male. In the countryside, where older women participate in the production process, they are made invisible by patriarchal norms while their interface with the market is mediated by male relatives. Labour is exploited directly by the employer, without the presence of an intermediary, and often involves social ties which lead to interlocking of factor markets. In the case of female classes of labour, stories of humiliation, often linked to caste, and unpaid labour are a running theme.

Contrary to the analysis of classical political economy approaches described above, our preliminary research across four regions in India (the National Capital Region (around New Delhi), Raipur in Chhattisgarh, Surat in Gujarat, and Bangalore and Mandya in Karnataka) on the production of high-value and organic crops suggests the emergence of a new kind of agrarian capitalist class. We call this class the ‘nouveau riche rural capitalists’. Their emergence demonstrates the ongoing class differentiation in agriculture despite the apparent unity among farmers seen in the farmers’ protests.

The nouveau riche rural capitalists accumulate without owning land and their starting point is ready capital from sources such as industry, trade, profession and inheritance. They use this capital to invest in accessing land at premium locations close to metropolitans, highways and ports through methods such as lease and ‘operations contract’. So, a distinctive feature compared to traditional capitalist classes is that they represent a reverse flow of capital – from the non-agrarian to the agrarian. In Bangalore and Raipur, the owners were successful entrepreneurs and white-collar professionals who diversified into agriculture as a way of expanding their wealth or surplus. In Gujarat, this also included non-resident Indians, and in one case, a capitalist farmer whose son had a Master’s degree in Biotechnology and lived in the city. Many of these capitalists cite hobby and passion, concern for the environment and health, putting idle resources to use and/or having a break from stressful careers are some of their motivations for diversifying.

They concentrate exclusively on high-value crops like fruits, vegetables, flowers, decorative plants like bonsai, organic foods, biodynamic farming or permaculture. They also own greenhouses, farmhouses, highly advanced irrigation systems and in some cases, cold storage. However, like the rural rich, they belong to upper castes and OBCs and they have deep social capital and political networks, although not clamouring for political power directly.

Unlike the rural rich, it is not unusual for the nouveau riche rural capitalist to be a woman. These women are young or middle-aged, urban, highly educated with no background in or knowledge of agriculture. Describing themselves variously as entrepreneurs, farmers, environmentalists, these women farmers either own or lease land – in Chhattisgarh, the owner of a nursery is the wife of a local industrial capitalist while in Surat, the owner is a widow who inherited her husband’s land. These women also organise and control all farm operations, doing manual work only very occasionally, and engage with buyers directly and independently.

The markets for these agricultural enterprises are very niche – weekly farmers’ markets in five-star hotels and public parks, exhibitions in embassies, luxury and boutique hotels, online platforms, foreign countries, large institutions like hospitals, educational institutions etc. They may also offer other niche products and services, e.g. farm-to-table experiences on Airbnb, organic food cafes, hosting paid workshops and developing relevant course content for educational institutions, organizing cooking or gardening lessons and services, supplying air-purifying plants to government and private institutions, manufactured value-added products like hand-made soaps, juices, concentrates, and farm-based shops selling saplings, vermicompost, potting mix and board games made from recycled paper. ‘Their’ market is thus very different from the local markets in villages or the government-regulated Agricultural Produce Marketing Committees (APMCs) or mandis.

The workforce comprises farm managers and labourers, both categories including a significant number of women. Technically skilled, in many cases with a college degree, managers oversee daily farm operations and are client-facing, often dealing with corporate houses to sell the products. These are sought-after positions, advertised on popular Indian employment websites such as Naukri.com.

Labourers are usually migrants from states such as Assam, Bengal, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, employed on a monthly salary and often living on the farms where they work. Work on these farms is not perceived as dirty mud work as the remuneration is higher (in some cases, the monthly salary reported was as high as Rs 18,000 a month which would be only Rs 4,000 to 6,000 per month in a regular village farm ) and timely-paid. In stark contrast to the conditions of labour in the countryside, they are not constantly monitored or harassed and exploitative interlocked markets are absent. Yet, these differences in labouring conditions should not be overstated – the appropriation of surplus value through the labour process is a defining feature. A labourer who is paid Rs 18,000 a month is working to create a bonsai which is sold for Rs 500,000 per piece after all.

As is typical of all capitalists, part of the surplus appropriated by the nouveau riche is used for self-consumption, some of it is reinvested in their farm and related activities and part of it is used to fuel more accumulation, for example, through the purchase of land (for productive and not speculative purposes) or expansion of existing business or investing in cold storages. It also serves the purpose of tax evasion as reported. These strategies are also likely to have implications for the wider political economy. For instance, the demand for land from them is intensifying competition and could increase the tendency towards the dispossession of smallholders.

Finally, these capitalists have benefitted immensely from a favourable policy environment that incentivizes privatisation, marketization and commercialisation, best exemplified by the agenda of the recently passed farm laws. The emphasis of the new farm laws on crop diversification at a pan-India level as the path forward for agricultural development works to the advantage of this class. Of course, diversification has been on the policy table for the past two decades but it only existed at the level of specific states ruled by the Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP). They have also benefitted from subsidies for warehouses, solar energy, greenhouses, private irrigation etc. and it is worth remembering scholarship that informs us that these technologies and infrastructures are rarely resource-neutral.

Our intervention here is intended as a reminder that class is not a monolithic category and interacts in different ways with identities such as gender, weaving a complex web of inequality. Equally, the nouveau riche capitalists are different from other agrarian capitalist classes and their emergence indicates a shift in terms of land, labour and capital relations around agriculture. And so, the contentious farm laws may not cater to farmers as we understand them but to a very distinct class of capitalists who are farmers only in name!

[rajmak]

Here’s why you should be outraged over the Indian Farm Reform Bills that passed in September 2020.

Since 1966, the Indian Government has had a minimum wage for farmers called the “minimum support price”. This minimum support price guarantees that farmers will receive a minimum wage for certain crops they sell. This helps safeguard farmers from giant corporations that could lowball them for the crops they sell.

The farm bills that just passed has no mention of keeping the minimum support price in place. They’re basically not guaranteeing farmers a basic minimum wage. They’re opening up the agricultural market for bigger corporations that can essentially set their own prices and nobody can stop them.

Take a second to think about that. They’re GETTING RID OF MINIMUM WAGE for farmers. How would USA citizens react if Trump passed a law that took away our minimum wage. In order to “create more jobs” they would take away our minimum wage. We would be at the mercy of giant corporations paying us whatever they want. We could get paid 2 dollars an hour and nobody would be able to stop them...

THAT is what’s happening in India. Stay informed and support the people and the movement.

[seriousbusinessforhumans]

February 15, 2021

New Delhi (CNN) Supporters of a young climate activist arrested in India over a farmers' protest "toolkit," later shared by Swedish climate activist Greta Thunberg, have called for her release. Delhi police confirmed the arrest of Disha Ravi, who is in her early 20s, in a tweet on Sunday that accused her of being a "key conspirator in (the) document's formulation & dissemination." The document, unsigned and publicly available on an encrypted sharing site, provides a list of ways supporters can help the ongoing protests. 

The toolkit instructs people to call government representatives, share solidarity hashtags on social media, participate in rallies, and sign petitions. It gained visibility after Thunberg tweeted a link to it on February 4, crediting "people on the ground in India. "The move appeared to anger Indian authorities. The same day, Delhi police announced they had launched a criminal investigation into the toolkit's creators and would look to charge them with sedition, provoking or inciting a riot and criminal conspiracy. 

"Disha is a dedicated climate activist," said one volunteer at the India chapter of Fridays For Future, a global climate activism group founded by Thunberg. "It was difficult to wrap my head yesterday when I came to know about (her arrest), I was shocked."

[leviathangourmet]

(ARCHIVE LINK)

Trump recently signed 3 bills to benefit Native people. One gives compensation to the Spokane tribe for loss of their lands in the mid-1900s, one funds Native language programs, and the third gives federal recognition to the Little Shell Tribe of Chippewa Indians in Montana.

True, but tribal leaders credit bipartisan efforts in Congress for those bills. In 2019, Mr. Trump signed the Spokane Reservation Equitable Compensation Act for the loss of land that was flooded by the Grand Coulee Dam. Interior Secretary Ryan Zinke visited the reservation and pledged to support the bill. But Carol Evans, chairwoman of the Spokane Tribal Business Council, said most of the credit for the law goes to two members of Congress from Washington, Senator Maria Cantwell, a Democrat, and Representative Cathy McMorris Rodgers, a Republican. Mr. Trump also signed the Esther Martinez Native American Languages Programs Reauthorization Act, which revises an existing grant program. That bill was introduced by Senator Tom Udall, Democrat of New Mexico. Lastly, Mr. Trump signed the National Defense Authorization Act of 2019, which included a provision that gave long-overdue federal recognition to the Little Shell Tribe. Tribal Chairman Gerald Gray credits the bipartisan efforts of Senators Jon Tester, a Democrat, and Steve Daines, a Republican, both of Montana, for tucking the tribal recognition provision into the military spending bill.

Trump signed a law to make cruelty to animals a federal felony so that animal abusers face tougher consequences. 

True. A bipartisan group in Congress also deserves credit for the Preventing Animal Cruelty and Torture Act.

Trump signed a bill making CBD and Hemp legal. 

True. Congress also deserves credit for the inclusion of this measure in the 2018 Farm Bill, which Mr. Trump signed.

Trump’s EPA gave $100 million to fix the water infrastructure problem in Flint, Michigan.

Both President Barack Obama and Mr. Trump deserve credit for this allocation, which was set in motion before Mr. Obama left office.

Trump signed a law ending the gag orders on Pharmacists that prevented them from sharing money-saving information.

True. Mr. Trump tweeted in support of this law and deserves credit for using the bully pulpit of the presidency to demand transparency in drug prices. But Congress deserves most of the credit for the unanimous 2018 passage of this transparency law, which prohibits gag orders that prevent pharmacists from sharing prescription drug prices with customers.

Trump signed the “Allow States and Victims to Fight Online Sex Trafficking Act” (FOSTA), which includes the “Stop Enabling Sex Traffickers Act” (SESTA) which both give law enforcement and victims new tools to fight sex trafficking.

True. The bill was crafted and pushed through Congress by Representative Ann Wagner, a conservative Republican from Missouri, who thanked Ivanka Trump for advocating its passage.

Trump signed a bill to require airports to provide spaces for breastfeeding Moms.

True. Congress also deserves credit for the Friendly Airports for Mothers Act of 2017, which was championed by Senator Tammy Duckworth, Democrat of Illinois, and former Representative Stephen Knight, Republican of California.

Trump signed the Save our Seas Act which funds $10 million per year to clean tons of plastic & garbage from the ocean. 

True. The credit for the passage of this legislation goes to a bipartisan group in Congress, namely Senator Dan Sullivan, a Republican from Alaska, Senator Sheldon Whitehouse, a Democrat from Rhode Island, and Senator Cory Booker, a Democrat from New Jersey.

Issued an executive order requiring the Secretaries of Defense, Homeland Security, and Veterans Affairs to submit a joint plan to provide veterans access to access to mental health treatment as they transition to civilian life.

True.

Trump signed into law up to 12 weeks of paid parental leave for millions of federal workers.

True. Tucked into the National Defense Authorization Act was a provision that gave all federal workers 12 weeks of paid parental leave for the first time in history.

President Trump signed the Preventing Maternal Deaths Act that provides funding for states to develop maternal mortality reviews to better understand maternal complications and identify solutions & largely focuses on reducing the higher mortality rates for Black Americans.

True. Congress passed this act with broad bipartisan support, including 190 co-sponsors in the House.

In 2018, President Trump signed the groundbreaking First Step Act, a criminal justice bill that enacted reforms that make our justice system fairer and help former inmates successfully return to society.

True. The Trump administration championed these reforms. Credit also goes to criminal justice reform advocates from across the political spectrum who pushed these changes for years.

The First Step Act’s reforms addressed inequities in sentencing laws that disproportionately harmed Black Americans and reformed mandatory minimums that created unfair outcomes. 

True.

Over 90% of those benefiting from the retroactive sentencing reductions in the First Step Act are Black Americans.

True.

Trump signed legislation forgiving Hurricane Katrina debt that threatened HBCUs.

True.

Trump received the Bipartisan Justice Award at a historically black college for his criminal justice reform accomplishments.

True. Students protested.

Trump’s U.S.D.A. committed $124 Million to rebuild rural water infrastructure. 

This is true, though in 2016 Mr. Trump pledged to spend more than $800 billion on infrastructure.

Trump appointed 5 openly gay ambassadors. 

True.

Trump ordered Ric Grenell, his openly gay ambassador to Germany, to lead a global initiative to decriminalize homosexuality across the globe.

Richard Grenell is leading an effort to decriminalize homosexuality around the globe. Mr. Grenell has said that Mr. Trump supports this effort, though its existence appeared to take Mr. Trump by surprise.

Signed the first Perkins C.T.E. reauthorization since 2006, authorizing more than $1 billion for states each year to fund vocational and career education programs.

True.

Executive order expanding apprenticeship opportunities for students and workers.

True. Attempts to expand and modernize apprenticeships, a goal shared by Democrats, are widely seen as a bipartisan bright spot in the Trump administration.

Signed an executive order that allows the government to withhold money from college campuses deemed to be anti-Semitic and who fail to combat anti-Semitism.

True, though the American Civil Liberties Union expressed concern that the order could be used to punish constitutionally protected criticism of Israel or the Israeli government.

Trump’s DOJ and the Board Of Prisons launched a new “Ready to Work Initiative” to help connect employers directly with former prisoners. 

This is true, though it is unclear how many people have been able to participate in it.

Trump directed the Education Secretary to end Common Core. 

Mr. Trump promised in 2016 to end Common Core, but according to PolitiFact, 37 states still use some version of it.

Companies have brought back over a TRILLION dollars from overseas because of the TCJA bill that Trump signed.

True. TCJA refers to the president’s 2017 overhaul of federal tax law.

The Pledge to America’s Workers has resulted in employers committing to train more than 4 million Americans.

In 2018, President Trump launched the Pledge to America’s Workers, aimed at boosting the private sector’s role in training American workers. Companies signed on, to much fanfare. But there is evidence that resources for training are actually going down.

Under Trump, the FDA approved more affordable generic drugs than ever before in history.

True. Scott Gottlieb, the former commissioner of the Food and Drug Administration, was praised for his efforts to streamline the process of drug approval before he left the administration.

Reformed Medicare program to stop hospitals from overcharging low-income seniors on their drugs — saving seniors 100’s of millions of $$$ this year alone. 

It’s true that the Trump administration changed the rules for how Medicare pays for prescription drugs through the 340B program, lowering the rate that hospitals are reimbursed for drugs, which in some cases lowers co-payments for seniors, according to the Kaiser Family Foundation. It is not clear how much seniors have saved through this change.

Secured $6 billion in new funding to fight the opioid epidemic. 

According to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, $9 billion in new grant funding was awarded to states and local communities to help increase access to treatment and prevention services during the first three years of the Trump administration.

NATO allies increased their defense spending because of his pressure campaign.

True. Although NATO countries were already modestly increasing their military spending before Mr. Trump took office, there is evidence that his public complaints led to a deal that allowed the United States to decrease its own spending, while some other countries increased their share each year that he has been in office.

Moved U.S. Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem. 

True.

The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act signed into law by Trump doubled the maximum amount of the child tax credit available to parents and lifted the income limits so more people could claim it.

True. According to the Tax Foundation, the Tax Cut and Jobs Act doubled the maximum child tax credit from $1,000 to $2,000, while the phaseout threshold was increased from $75,000 to $200,000 for single filers and $110,000 to $400,000 for married couples filing jointly.

It also created a new tax credit for other dependents.

True. There is now a nonrefundable $500 credit for certain dependents who do not meet the child tax credit eligibility guidelines.

In 2018, President Trump signed into law a $2.4 billion funding increase for the Child Care and Development Fund, providing a total of $8.1 billion to states to fund child care for low-income families.

It is true that Mr. Trump signed this bill. Congress should also get the credit for passing it.

In 2019 President Donald Trump signed the Autism Collaboration, Accountability, Research, Education and Support Act (CARES) into law, which allocates $1.8 billion in funding over the next five years to help people with autism spectrum disorder and to help their families. 

It is true that Mr. Trump signed this bill into law. Congress deserves the credit for passing this legislation, which received such broad support that 173 House members and 41 senators were co-sponsors.

In 2019 President Trump signed into law two funding packages providing nearly $19 million in new funding for Lupus specific research and education programs, as well an additional $41.7 billion in funding for the National Institutes of Health (NIH), the most Lupus funding EVER.

True. The measure was championed by the bipartisan Congressional Lupus Caucus.