#india china face off ladakh

[todaylikes]

Ladakh standoff: Military talks between India-China frank, in-depth; focus was on resolution of issues, says joint statement | India News

Ladakh standoff: Military talks between India-China frank, in-depth; focus was on resolution of issues, says joint statement | India News

India-China Border Row: Amid the tense situation along the LAC, India and China today held the 17th round of military talks on the eastern Ladakh row. According to a joint statement, both sides agreed to maintain stability on the ground. The joint statement said that the talks were frank and in-depth while the focus remained on the resolution of remaining issues. “The 17th round of the…

[mariacallous]

During the recent G-20 summit in Bali, Indonesia, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi got up from the banquet table to shake hands with Chinese President Xi Jinping and have a brief conversation—their first in-person exchange in three years. Although both sides remain tight-lipped about the interaction, it nonetheless raised hopes among observers of a breakthrough in their 30-month border crisis, which began with a deadly clash in Ladakh in 2020. But any resolution that might emerge will not dispel the challenge posed by massive changes at the border undertaken by China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA).

This marks the third straight winter that around 50,000 Indian reinforcements will spend in Ladakh’s inhospitable terrain in the northern Himalayas, warding off an equal number of Chinese troops stationed a few miles away. Despite intermittent dialogue between the two militaries, Indian Army Chief Gen. Manoj Pande recently confirmed that China has not reduced its forces at the Line of Actual Control (LAC). Chinese infrastructure construction along the border is “going on unabated,” he said—confirmed by independent satellite imagery and echoed by the latest U.S. Defense Department report on China. Pande said the situation is “stable but unpredictable.” That unpredictability has become structural.

India and China have so far held 16 rounds of border talks between senior military commanders as well as numerous diplomatic and political engagements, but an agreement on actions to reduce the tensions in Ladakh has been slow to materialize. Of the seven areas in Ladakh where Indian and Chinese soldiers have faced one another since 2020, two have seen no change while the rest have seen each side take a limited step back. The challenge for India is becoming more concerning on the eastern part of the LAC—between the state of Arunachal Pradesh and Tibet—where China has an infrastructure and military advantage, putting New Delhi on the defensive.

The widening power gap between India and China—military, technological, economic, and diplomatic—now constrains New Delhi’s options on the border. It also raises tough questions for India’s geopolitical partnerships, such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (known as the Quad), and its aggressive approach toward Pakistan. The border crisis will hang over India’s decision-making for the foreseeable future.

In October, the Chinese Communist Party held its 20th National Congress, and Xi assumed an unprecedented third term as leader. Among the images broadcasted at the Great Hall of the People minutes before Xi ascended the stage was a video from the Galwan Valley in Ladakh, where at least 20 Indian soldiers and 4 PLA soldiers died in a clash in June 2020. The videos showed PLA regiment commander Qi Fabao standing with his arms outstretched to stop Indian soldiers from advancing. Qi was selected to be a delegate to the Party Congress, underlining the importance of the border crisis to the Chinese Communist Party’s narrative. Harnessing nationalism, the party wants to convey that it will protect what it considers Chinese territory at all costs.

India’s military and political leaders now confront a reality at the border that should have jolted them into serious action: China has a distinct advantage over India, which it has consolidated since 2020. By investing in a long-term military presence in one of the most remote places on Earth, the PLA has considerably reduced the time it would need to launch a military operation against India. New military garrisons, roads, and bridges would allow for rapid deployment and make clear that Beijing is not considering a broader retreat. The Indian military has responded by diverting certain forces intended for the border with Pakistan toward its disputed border with China. It has deployed additional ground forces to prevent further PLA ingress in Ladakh and constructed supporting infrastructure. Meanwhile, New Delhi’s political leadership is conspicuous in its silence, projecting a sense of normalcy.

Beijing refuses to discuss two of the areas in Ladakh, where its forces have blocked Indian patrols since 2020. In five other areas, Chinese troops have stepped back by a few miles but asked India to do the same and create a no-patrolling zone. This move denies India its right to patrol areas as planned before the border crisis began. The PLA has flatly refused to discuss de-escalation, in which both armies would pull back by a substantive distance. The question of each side withdrawing its additional troops from Ladakh is not even on the agenda. A Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson rejected any demand to restore the situation along the LAC as it existed before May 2020. The PLA continues to downplay the severity of the situation, instead emphasizing stability in its ties with India.

If the situation in Ladakh is “stable but unpredictable,” Indian military leaders have told Foreign Policy that major stretches of the LAC’s eastern sector—2,500 kilometers (or 1,553 miles) away—are an even bigger cause of concern. In 1962, this area was the site of a humiliating defeat of the Indian Army at the hands of the PLA. Today, massive Chinese infrastructure development and troop buildup closer to the LAC has placed India at a military disadvantage. In September, Pande said when it comes to infrastructure in the area, “there is lots to be desired to be done.” Recent reports suggest at least three additional PLA brigades remain deployed in the area even after the Party Congress, further worrying Indian military planners.

China officially claims the entire state of Arunachal Pradesh, which includes the Tawang Monastery where the sixth Dalai Lama was born in 1683. Tawang was historically a part of Tibet; Chinese officials, such as Dai Bingguo, who served as China’s boundary negotiator with India from 2003 to 2013, have publicly stated that it would be nonnegotiable in a permanent settlement of the disputed border. As questions arise over the succession of the current Dalai Lama, who is 87 years old, Chinese sensitivities about Tawang will intensify—even more so when linked to its internal security problems in Tibet. In the coming years, it is likely to become a higher priority for China.

Still, it is in Ladakh that the Chinese have built up infrastructure at a frenetic pace, with only military operations in mind: roads, bridges, airfields, heliports, accommodations for troops, and storage and communication infrastructure. Pande noted that one of the biggest developments is the G695 highway, which runs parallel to the LAC and gives the PLA the ability to quickly move from one valley to another. Flatter terrain on the Chinese side already gives Beijing an advantage, now further bolstered by infrastructure—an extensive network of new roads, bridges, and heliports.

In the 1960s, the PLA needed one full summer season to mobilize and launch military operations in Ladakh for the next summer. Now, it would need a couple of weeks to undertake the same operation. Indian military planners must live with this scenario, even if the current border crisis is resolved.

Modi approaching Xi in Bali recalled a short exchange between the two leaders on the sidelines of the G-20 summit in Hamburg, Germany, in 2017. Then, their conversation sparked diplomatic communications between New Delhi and Beijing that aimed to resolve a standoff between Indian and Chinese troops at Doklam in Bhutan, which China claims as its territory. The talks led to disengagement, but the Chinese only stepped back a few hundred yards. They have since consolidated their military deployment and undertaken massive infrastructure development in Doklam, such as roads, helipads, and a military garrison. Even if an immediate crisis was averted, the status quo was permanently altered in China’s favor in Doklam.

A similar resolution of the Ladakh border crisis would carry bigger risks for India. Unlike in Doklam, China has entered areas in Ladakh that Indian troops regularly patrolled until 2020. Reinforcing the LAC over the vast span of Ladakh would require enhanced deployment of Indian ground forces. This permanent instability would put the Indian military under further pressure. With an already limited defense budget—China’s is more than four times as large—shifting more troops to the border would also divert resources from the Indian Navy, where multilateral cooperation with Quad partners to contest China’s influence in the Indian Ocean region is an absolute imperative.

Fearing escalation, India is forsaking even limited offensive options, such as launching a quid pro quo military operation to capture some territory in Tibet to arrive at the negotiating table with a strong hand. New Delhi’s defensive position instead seems to acknowledge its widening gap with Beijing; due to this power differential, it is unable to even use economic or diplomatic instruments to target China. After all, India’s bilateral trade with China—its biggest trading partner—reached record levels this year, with an all-time high trade deficit in Beijing’s favor. The U.S. Defense Department report on China reveals that Beijing has warned U.S. officials not to interfere with its relationship with New Delhi; Kenneth Juster, a former U.S. ambassador to India, said New Delhi doesn’t want Washington to mention Beijing’s border aggression.

India’s defensive posture plays out in its approach to diplomatic engagement and security cooperation. Unlike its Quad partners, India abstained from voting against China on the Xinjiang issue at the United Nations Human Rights Council meeting in October, and its comments on China’s crackdown in Hong Kong or aggression toward Taiwan have been guarded. Modi participated in both the BRICS summit and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit this year, along with Xi; Chinese delegations are still regularly invited to New Delhi for multilateral events. And an Indian military contingent participated with a PLA contingent in a military exercise in Russia this year.

The current situation along the LAC, both in Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh, as well as China’s refusal to discuss issues on India’s agenda for resolving the crisis have added to the structural instability in their relationship. Chinese infrastructure development and the widening gap in power means that this instability will become permanent, even with a solution to the immediate crisis. India’s military will remain under pressure and on guard. Pande made this implicit when discussing future Indian plans on the border in November. “We need to very carefully calibrate our actions on the LAC [so as] to be able to safeguard both our interests and sensitivities … and be prepared to deal with all types of contingencies,” he said.

The risk of an accidental military escalation between Asia’s most populous countries—both nuclear powers—has increased significantly since 2020. This will continue unless Modi and Xi find a new modus vivendi. Establishing guardrails in the relationship will require political imagination and an honest appraisal of relative strengths; failing that, New Delhi faces tough geopolitical choices. It has so far eschewed any security-centric step with the Quad that could provoke Beijing, but murmurs from its partners about reticent Indian policy are bound to get louder. Meanwhile, India’s reliance on Russia for military equipment and ammunition now falls under a cloud of suspicion. And an unstable border with China prevents India from targeting Pakistan, a tactic that has proved politically rewarding for Modi.

The fundamentals of Indian foreign policy that have held steady since the years of former Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru—namely, strategic autonomy and ensuring territorial integrity and sovereignty—will come under greater stress as the border crisis looms over New Delhi. Modi boasts of great ambitions for India as a “Vishwa Guru,” or master to the world—a euphemism for a global superpower. But questions raised by the situation at the border with China continue to limit him.

[rhk111sblog]

Finally, PEACE between India and China as both Sides have nearly completed the withdrawal of Troops and dismantling of Temporary Structures like Guard Posts in the Ladakh Region where their Troops once faced off.

The two Countries agreed to a new Patrolling Agreement recently where they agreed on Areas where they could conduct their Patrols. Both Sides also agreed to inform each other of the Movements of their Patrols as Part of a "Confidence-building" Effort.

Also part of their Agreement was to keep Lines of Communications open at all Levels to prevent any Negative Incidents.

Here is the Link to the Article on The Straits Times Website: https://www.straitstimes.com/asia/south-asia/india-china-have-nearly-finished-removing-troops-guard-posts-from-friction-points-along-disputed

SOURCE: India, China nearly done removing Troops, Guard Posts from Friction Points of Disputed Border {Archived Link}

[blogynews]

"Unveiling the Impasse: The Elusive Resolution in India-China Border Talks"

India and China have failed to reach a breakthrough in their ongoing military confrontation in eastern Ladakh during the 20th round of corps commander-level talks. The discussions, which took place on Monday and Tuesday, focused on defusing the major face-offs at Depsang Plains and Demchok. Despite the dialogue, no significant progress was made, and further talks with the People’s Liberation Army…

[blogynewz]

"Unveiling the Impasse: The Elusive Resolution in India-China Border Talks"

India and China have failed to reach a breakthrough in their ongoing military confrontation in eastern Ladakh during the 20th round of corps commander-level talks. The discussions, which took place on Monday and Tuesday, focused on defusing the major face-offs at Depsang Plains and Demchok. Despite the dialogue, no significant progress was made, and further talks with the People’s Liberation Army…

[livewellnews]

China Skips Confidential G20 Meet In Arunachal: Sources

Over 50 delegates attended the meeting, which is among the dozens of events planned across 50 major cities ahead of the G20 summit in Delhi in September.

New Delhi/Guwahati: China skipped a confidential G20 meeting held in India on Sunday, sources said. The meeting was held in Itanagar, the capital city of Arunachal Pradesh, a northeastern state that China claims is a part of Tibet. India has rejected such claims in the past and maintains Arunachal is its integral part.

Over 50 delegates attended the meeting, which is among the dozens of events planned across 50 major cities ahead of the G20 summit in Delhi in September. India currently holds the G20 presidency.

It is unclear if China has officially lodged a protest with India over the meeting.

Neither Foreign ministry nor China has commented on it.

The weekend meeting was declared confidential and media coverage was not permitted.

Themed 'Research innovation initiative, gathering', the meeting was organised by the Science and Technology department.

The delegates who attended the meet also visited Arunachal Pradesh legislative assembly and a Buddhist monastery in Itanagar. Upon their arrival, they were received by cultural troupes at the airport. They also tasted local cuisines, said officials.

India and Chinese troops had clashed along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in the state's Tawang sector last December, in a face-off that came amid a months-long border standoff in eastern Ladakh.

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh had then accused China of trying to "unilaterally" change the status quo along the LAC.

[xtruss]

How India’s New Bridge to Kashmir Divided a Region

An expensive infrastructure project will bring economic benefits, but Kashmiris fear it will mean more military domination and demographic change.

— January 29, 2023 | By Junaid Kathju, A Kashmir-based Freelance Journalist.

Clouds fill the Chenab Valley beneath the world’s highest railway bridge in northern Jammu and Kashmir on Aug. 30, 2022. Aakash Hassan For Foreign Policy

REASI, Occupied Jammu and Kashmir — Soon the world’s highest railway bridge will open in India’s northernmost state, connecting the Himalayan region of Jammu and Kashmir with the rest of the country—75 years after independence.

Until now, there was only one treacherous road, National Highway 44, that connected the isolated Kashmir Valley with the rest of India. The railway link, however, is considered a game-changer that will bring economic prosperity to the region and give Indian troops year-round overland access to the valley as well as the Chinese border region beyond it—areas that otherwise remain cut off for most of the winter.

In the absence of reliable surface transport, crossing the rugged terrain of Kashmir in winter was a daunting task for Indian troops. On many occasions, convoys of Indian soldiers have been stranded on the highway after inclement weather caused landslides. Moreover, the opening of a rail link would reduce the government’s expenditures, as transporting logistics to the Indian Army would be much cheaper in comparison to the aerial route, which is currently the only option available in winter.

However, rather than being a “symbol of prosperity”—as envisioned by the Indian government—many Kashmiris are skeptical about the purpose of the bridge’s construction given the disputed status of Kashmir between India and Pakistan.

Kashmir, which is one of the most militarized places in the world, is the focus of a United Nations-recognized territorial dispute between India and Pakistan. In 1947, when India was divided along religious lines after the British withdrew from the country, Kashmir was separated into two parts, with India controlling approximately 55 percent of the total land while Pakistan held 30 percent and China controlled the remaining 15 percent from the northeast side of the Ladakh region.

An Indian engineer gives instructions to a cable crane operator at the construction site for the Chenab railway bridge in northern Jammu and Kashmir on March 4, 2015. Rakesh Bakshi/AFP Via Getty Images

The project, announced in 2002 by then-Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, was declared a matter of “national importance,” aimed at accelerating the region’s socioeconomic development, promoting national integration, and (more importantly) strengthening India’s “security infrastructure.”

Constructed at the whopping cost of 14.86 billion Indian rupees (around $182.4 million), the rail bridge is a part of the 69-mile Banihal-Katra railway link in the Reasi district of Jammu and Kashmir. The nearly 1-mile-long bridge, which is being built at a height of almost 1,200 feet, is around 114 feet taller than the Eiffel Tower. Once completed, it will be the tallest rail bridge in the world.

The bridge is being built by Mumbai-based infrastructure firm Afcons Infrastructure and Konkan Railway Corporation.

Rashmi Ranjan Mallick, deputy chief engineer of the project, told Foreign Policy that building the bridge was the toughest job Konkan Railway has ever carried out, and it took around 2,200 people to complete the task.

“Building the bridge was the most difficult mission. We had to face a lot of hurdles in terms of the harsh climate and topography,” Mallick said.

Mallick said the bridge weighs about 30,000 metric tons (or around 66 million pounds).

“The hardest part is done. Currently, we are laying the railway tracks to connect the bridge with the nearest stations,” he added.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi hailed the completion of the final arch of the bridge last year. On Twitter, Modi wrote: “Indians’ capability and confidence are today presenting an example to the world. This construction work not only shows India’s increasing strength in modern engineering and technology but also is an example of the country’s changed work culture.”

Top: Indian laborers work inside a tunnel in northern Jammu and Kashmir on March 4, 2015, to link the existing railway tracks with the new railway bridge over the Chenab River. Rakesh Bakshi/AFP Via Getty Images Bottom: Trucks dot a mountainside in the Himalayas as they work to construct the Chenab bridge in northern Jammu and Kashmir on July 5, 2014. Prakash Singh/AFP Via Getty Images

For the Indian state, the bridge is an engineering marvel; for the majority of Kashmiris, it is a pathway for India to cement its grip over the Himalayan region.

The apprehension of Kashmiris increased after August 2019, when the Modi government unilaterally stripped the state of Jammu and Kashmir of its autonomous status and brought it directly under the central government’s control. In the past three-and-a-half years, New Delhi has implemented several proposals, including the settlement of non-Kashmiris in the valley, which many people see as an effort to transform India’s only Muslim-dominated region into one with a Hindu majority.

According to one of the new laws, anyone who has resided in Kashmir for 15 years or has studied in the territory for seven years and has passed certain examinations will get residency rights and become eligible for government jobs.

Since the new laws came into effect, some Kashmiris are now drawing parallels between Kashmir and Palestine, fearing that India is replicating what they call the “Israeli model of occupation” by bringing Hindus from other states of India to settle in the valley.

Anuradha Bhasin, executive editor of a local English newspaper in Kashmir and author of A Dismantled State: The Untold Story of Kashmir After Article 370, argues that the new laws implemented in Kashmir provide “a pathway … for replicating the Israeli model of occupation and colonisation of the West Bank in Kashmir towards disempowerment and dispossession of the locals, particularly Kashmiri Muslims, to exercise hegemonic control through new settlers.”

Fearful of losing their homeland, Kashmiris tend not to see the railway link in isolation. There is a general perception that instead of bringing economic prosperity to the region, India is prioritizing the railway link so it will be easy for its army to have all-weather connectivity with Kashmir, which, Kashmiris believe, is part of a larger effort to permanently transform the region’s demographics.

For the Indian military, facing an ongoing border dispute with China that has flared recently in eastern Ladakh, seeking efficient land connectivity with the region is essential to supply arms and ammunition to both Ladakh—near the Chinese border—and the valley.

Retired Maj. Gen. S.P. Sinha told Foreign Policy that the bridge holds “great strategic significance” for the mobility of Indian troops and artillery from the rest of India to Kashmir and the Ladakh region.

“Road connectivity has always been an issue for the army to travel to Kashmir during winters. Once the railway starts, it will be more convenient for the Indian troops to commute to Kashmir and Ladakh,” Sinha said.

Apart from taking all the safety measures common to bridges, such as building for earthquake-proofing and wind resistance, the construction companies have also prepared for militant attacks, ensuring that the pillars of the bridge are not vulnerable to explosions. The pillars are made of special thick, blast-proof steel and can absorb TNT blasts. “Given the significance of this bridge, we are leaving no loose ends. We have built the bridge keeping in mind all the aspects, including its strength to withstand any blast,” Mallick said.

Sinha added that having all-weather connectivity to the northern region would prove detrimental for what he called “Pakistan-sponsored cross-border terrorism in Kashmir,” adding, “Having 365 days of connectivity with the valley will be a big advantage for us to face any threat from the neighboring country.”

China is also becoming a major concern. In addition to working on the railway project, the Indian government is also rushing to complete another important project—the Zoji La tunnel near snowbound Sonmarg in central Kashmir. The roughly 8-mile-long, two-lane tunnel would provide all-weather connectivity between Kashmir and Ladakh near India’s border with China.

Sinha, who served in Ladakh during his tenure in the army, said the Zoji La tunnel is as important as the railway project because of China’s presence on the disputed border.

“The railway will connect Jammu with Kashmir, and the tunnel will connect Kashmir with Ladakh. So both the projects have tremendous significance to see defense forces moving up to China in the north,” he said.

A goat is seen at a viewpoint overlooking the new Chenab bridge in northern Jammu and Kashmir on Aug. 30, 2022. Aakash Hassan For Foreign Policy

Sinha said apart from having more travel options, railway connectivity would also cut costs for the military.

“During my service, we were using an IL-76 airplane for transporting logistics for the army in winters,” Sinha said. “It was costlier than the supply we used to receive via road during summer season. So the railway connection will also save a lot of money to the government as well.”

Contrary to Sinha’s assertions, Sheikh Showkat Hussain, a political analyst and prominent scholar of human rights and international law, said the new rail bridge is akin to the Banihal Qazigund Road Tunnel (the current national highway) that India constructed for year-round surface transport between 1954 and 1956 to get easy access into Kashmir from the rest of India.

“Before the construction of the tunnel, India adopted a very mild approach towards the Kashmir dispute,” Hussain noted, explaining that India initially sought “to resolve the issue through U.N.-passed resolutions. But once the tunnel was constructed and they were able to move their army and artillery freely, their behavior changed.”

Hussain contends that after strengthening its grip over Kashmir and Ladakh after the opening of the Banihal Qazigund Road Tunnel, India violated all international norms and declared Kashmir an “integral part” of its territory.

“I think the opening of the railway link is an extension of that grip that India holds over Kashmir and Ladakh,” he added. “And with the China-India faceoff at the Ladakh border at the pinnacle, the opening of the railway link will provide some relief for the Indian Army in terms of mobility.”

Other residents were blunter: “[Kashmiris] know why the government of India has put so much effort and money into this railway project,” said Irfan, a University of Kashmir student studying political science, who wished to use only his first name, fearing reprisals. “They only want to provide a safe corridor for its army and people to come to Kashmir and ascertain its power over us.”

Indian workers clear a path at the bridge construction site overlooking the Chenab Valley in northern Jammu and Kashmir on July 5, 2014. Prakash Singh/AFP Via Getty Images

Near the construction site, locals in the Reasi district—which is predominantly Hindu—told Foreign Policy that the rail link is going to bring prosperity and better connectivity for their hilly region.

Rajinder Kumar—an assistant professor of psychology in Government General Zorawar Singh Memorial Degree College, Reasi—said the bridge will contribute to the region’s economic development and help provide better transportation accessibility.

“The railway project has given employment opportunities to many youth in the district while many people have opened shops near the site to earn their livelihood,” Kumar said. “However, that being a hilly area, the construction of railway has disturbed the ecological balance in the district.”

Sunil Kumar, a local resident who works with Afcons Infrastructure as a designer on the project, said the area is already turning into a tourist spot since the completion of the bridge.

“People from across the country are visiting the place to see the highest railway bridge in the world. It has given a real boost to the tourism sector of Reasi,” said Kumar, who has been associated with the project since 2015.

As the opening of the bridge approaches, the Jammu and Kashmir region remains divided. Although much of the population in Jammu sees the project as a pathway to prosperity and there is no doubt that the railway line will also provide easier transport links for the people of Kashmir to travel outside the valley—especially for apple growers to ferry their produce to big Indian markets on time—decades of distrust between Kashmir and New Delhi have left Kashmiris cynical about the real purpose of this railway line. Rather than an engine of economic growth, they see the development as yet another method for India to strengthen its control over the disputed region.

[newsaryavart]

लद्दाख: चीनी PLA के साथ झड़प में कर्नल संतोष बाबू हुए शहीद

लद्दाख: चीनी PLA के साथ झड़प में कर्नल संतोष बाबू हुए शहीद

[ad_1]

Image Source : TWITTER गलवान घाटी: चीनी PLA के झड़प में कर्नल संतोष बाबू हुए शहीद

नई दिल्ली. सोमवार रात चीन की PLA के साथ हुई खूनी झड़प में भारतीय सेना ने अपने अफसर और दो जवानों को खो दिया। भारतीय सेना के सूत्रों द्वारा दी गई जानकारी के अनुसार शहीद होने वाले अफसर का नाम कर्नल संतोष बाबू है। वो 16 बिहार रेजीमेंट के कमॉंडिंग अफसर थे।  

आपको बता दें कि चीन की सीमा पर…

[weelectronicstudentreviewstuff]

Chinese news outlet Global Times’ Editor-in-Chief dares issue threat to India Image Source : PTI (FILE) Chinese news outlet Global Times' Editor-in-Chief dares issue threat to India (Representative image)

[indizombie]

Tensions on the Indo-China border have spiked to the highest since 1962 after over 20 troops, including an Indian commanding officer, were killed in the face-off in Galwan valley that has seen a six-week long standoff underway with the Peoples Liberation Army. The Indian Army said that the soldiers – including the Commanding Officer of 16 Bihar regiment in charge of the area – died while a `de-escalation process’ was underway. Sources have told ET that this death toll could rise up as some soldiers are currently not accounted for after PLA troops attacked with spiked sticks and stones in the Galwan valley. Chinese side also has casualties but the number is still not known. The Indian death toll is perhaps the worst single day loss in decades and has come at a time when thousands of troops are forward deployed in Eastern Ladakh.

Manu Pubby, 'Over 20 soldiers, including Commanding Officer killed at Galwan border clash with China', Economic Times

[breakingnewsworld]

No clash during incident in no-patrolling zone in early May, say officials

[ds4techofficial]

India, China Foreign Ministers to establish hotline

India, China Foreign Ministers to establish hotline

India’s External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar and his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi, during Thursday’s phone call, agreed to establish a hotline, as both sides stressed the importance of “timely” communication in the wake of last year’s border crisis. A statement from the Ministry of External Affairs said that during the call, the ministers “agreed to remain in touch and establish a…

[newsaryavart]

चीन के सैनिक पत्थर और कंटीली तार लेकर आए थे, अचानक बोला हमला: सूत्र

चीन के सैनिक पत्थर और कंटीली तार लेकर आए थे, अचानक बोला हमला: सूत्र

[ad_1]

Image Source : AP चीन के सैनिक पत्थर और कंटीली तार लेकर आए थे, अचानक बोला हमला: सूत्र

नई दिल्ली:लद्दाख की गलवान घाटी में सोमवार रात चीनी सैनिकों के साथ हुई झड़प में भारतीय सेना के एक अधिकारी और दो जवान शहीद हो गए। सूत्रों से मिली जानकारी के मुताबिक चीन के सैनिक पत्थर और कंटीली तार लेकर आए थे और अचानक भारतीय सैनिकों पर हमला बोल दिया। सूत्रों से मिली जानकारी के…

[newscountryindia]

India-China Start Withdrawal Along Pangong Lake: Chinese Defence Ministry

India-China Start Withdrawal Along Pangong Lake: Chinese Defence Ministry

India and China are locked in a stand-off in eastern Ladakh, along the LAC (File) New Delhi: India and China have begun “synchronised and organised disengagement” from the north and south banks of Pangong Lake, a Chinese defence ministry spokesperson said Wednesday afternoon. India has not yet responded to Colonel Wu Qian’s statement. However, sources told NDTV the government is not denying the…

[indizombie]

There have been numerous face-offs and skirmishes between Chinese and Indian soldiers over their 3,500-kilometre (2,200-mile) frontier, which has never been properly demarcated. The latest is concentrated in the Ladakh region, just opposite Tibet, with Indian officials claiming Chinese troops overstepped the boundary in recent weeks. The alleged movements came after military face-offs at the eastern part of the border near Sikkim in May.

‘India-China border dispute 'killing thousands of pashmina goats'’, Al Jazeera