#hatvanpuszta
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Alright I'm doing this, one character a fandom
Starting with Hatchetfield, give me a character to draw
I'll then ask for a character from each:
-pokemon
-splatoon
- ace attorney
-stardew valley
- last one is a Surprise I'll decide later
#six fanarts#hatchetfield#hatchetverse#starkid#starkid musicals#art#nightmare time#lords in black#hatvanpuszta#hatchetfield fanart
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A francia köztĂ©vĂ© stĂĄbjĂĄval repĂŒltem Hatvanpuszta fölĂ©
A franciĂĄknak is van köztĂ©vĂ©je, bĂĄr kissĂ© mĂĄs lehet, mint a miĂ©nk.. 60pusztaÂ
#youtube#hadhĂĄzy ĂĄkos#francia#közszolg#köztĂ©vĂ©#tĂ©vĂ©#tv#france#60puszta#hatvanpuszta#kĂșria#fidesz#orbĂĄn viktor
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BedĆ DĂĄvid, a Momentum frakciĂłvezetĆ-helyettese Ă©s Stummer JĂĄnos, a Momentum politikusa HatvanpusztĂĄn akciĂłzott, az ellen tĂŒntetve, hogy a kormĂĄny â egy törvĂ©nyjavaslat segĂtsĂ©gĂ©vel â adĂłfizetĆi pĂ©nzekbĆl felĂșjĂtott kastĂ©lyokat jĂĄtszana ki strĂłmanjainak.
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Ott van az

https://maps.app.goo.gl/RwTMoTWsDman4z2T9
Azt hittem, hogy ez valami vicc, de a gugli ezt Ărta a tĂ©rkĂ©pĂ©re, mikor HatvanpusztĂĄra kerestem rĂĄ. Most akkor vagy Ă©n vagyok nagyon alultĂĄjĂ©kozott, vagy a guglinak van ilyen naprakĂ©sz humora.
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Pottyondy EdinaÂ
Schiffer AndrĂĄs, a Megafon ĂTödik hadoszlopa Facebook posztban vette vĂ©delmĂ©be szegĂ©ny, jĂł OrbĂĄn Viktort, mert egy influenszer (Ă©n) utolsĂł szarhĂĄzinak nevezte. Azzal kezdi Schiffer AndrĂĄs, hogy nem ĂzlĂ©ses szarhĂĄzinak nevezni a miniszterelnököt, mert:
"EgyrĂ©szt azĂ©rt nem, mert Ćk az Ă©n hazĂĄmat kĂ©pviselik akkor is, ha ez nekem nagyon nem tetszik. MĂĄsodszor pedig azĂ©rt nem, mert a jogĂĄllamisĂĄg vĂ©delme nem a brĂŒsszeli panaszkodïżœïżœsoknĂĄl, vagy a SzabadsĂĄg tĂ©ri jĂłpofizĂĄsoknĂĄl kezdĆdik, hanem ott, ha önmagukĂ©rt is tiszteljĂŒk a közös intĂ©zmĂ©nyeinket, fĂŒggetlenĂŒl attĂłl, hogy azt Ă©ppen ki testesĂti meg."
TiszteljĂŒk a közös intĂ©zmĂ©nyeket! Ohhh! AndrĂĄs, mesĂ©lj mĂ©g! TehĂĄt van egy hatalom, ami a sajĂĄt törvĂ©nyeit sem tartja be, a vilĂĄg gazembereivel Ă©s nĂ©pirtĂłival haverkodik, a politikai ellenfeleit pedofilozza, embercsempĂ©szeknek Ă©s pedofilsegĂtĆknek ad kegyelmet, az orszĂĄgot lerabolja, a környezetet pusztĂtja, az oktatĂĄst, az egĂ©szsĂ©gĂŒgyet tönkreteszi, a közmĂ©diĂĄt kisajĂĄtĂtja. De tiszteljĂŒk a közös intĂ©zmĂ©nyeinket! Ăs azĂ©rt szarhĂĄzinak mĂšgse nevezzĂŒk miniszterelnök urunkat. Köszönöm AndrĂĄs a kioktatĂĄst, de az Ă©n hazĂĄmat kĂ©pviselte mĂĄr SzĂĄlasi, RĂĄkosi, KĂĄdĂĄr Ă©s GyurcsĂĄny, Ă©s ha OrbĂĄn Viktor nem is a legrosszabb közĂŒlĂŒk, tisztelet maximum a szolgĂĄitĂłl jĂĄr neki.
Schiffer Ăgy folytatja:
"TegyĂŒk azonban fĂ©lre egy pillanatra az ĂzlĂ©sbeli fenntartĂĄsokat! Ha mondjuk Hatvanpuszta, a magyar vĂz- Ă©s termĆföld-vagyonra telepĂtett akkugyĂĄrak, a munkajog, a sztrĂĄjkjog leĂ©pĂtĂ©se, a foglalkozĂĄs-egĂ©szsĂ©gĂŒgy szĂ©tverĂ©se, a szakszervezetek ellehetetlenĂtĂ©se, a szerzĆdĂ©ssel engedĂ©lyezhetĆ környezetszennyezĂ©s miatt neveznĂ© egy influenszer âutolsĂł sz*hĂĄzinakâ a miniszterelnököt, azt legalĂĄbbis Ă©rteni vĂ©lnĂ©m."
Kedves AndrĂĄs! HasznĂĄltam ezen ĂŒgyek miatt is hasonlĂł jelzĆket OrbĂĄn Viktorra, sĆt mĂ©g szĂĄz dolgot tudok mondani, amiĂ©rt kiĂ©rdemli. Nem azt Ărtam, hogy a kĂ©pmutatĂł hĂĄborĂșs celebkedĂ©s miatt szarhĂĄzi a FĆni, hanem csak megĂĄllapĂtottam, hogy szĂ©gyen, hogy ez az "utolsĂł szarhĂĄzi vezeti az orszĂĄgunkat".
De emiatt mĂ©g nem vĂĄlaszoltam volna. Ami igazĂĄn megdöbbentett az ĂrĂĄsodban, az az orbĂĄni propaganda szĂł szerinti felmondĂĄsa. TehĂĄt nĂ©zzĂŒk, hogyan Ă©rtĂ©keled az Ășgynevezett "bĂ©kemissziĂłt", amit az a miniszterelnök folytat, aki nevezte mĂĄr hĂĄborĂșpĂĄrtinak EurĂłpĂĄt, a magyar ellenzĂ©ket, Von der Leyent Ă©s MZP-t, Bident Ă©s Magyar PĂ©tert, csak egyvalakit nem. Vlagyimir Putyint. Ćt mĂ©g nem nevezte hĂĄborĂșpĂĄrtinak. Tudod AndrĂĄs, a fĂłszert, aki elindĂtotta az egĂ©sz öldöklĂ©st.
TehĂĄt mit mond Schiffer AndrĂĄs? Ezt:
"EurĂłpĂĄban egyetlen vezetĆ veszi a bĂĄtorsĂĄgot, hogy legalĂĄbb meghallgassa a harcolĂł feleket"
TĂ©ny, hogy a nyugati vezetĆk nem talĂĄlkoznak Putyinnal. De ez tĂ©nyleg azt jelenti, hogy nem ismerik az ĂĄllĂĄspontjĂĄt? TĂ©nyleg azt jelenti, hogy szegĂ©ny, bĂ©kepĂĄrti Putyin ott szorong a Kremlben, a vilĂĄgbĂ©ke irĂĄnti olthatatlan szomjĂĄval, egyedĂŒl, mert senkinek sem tudja elmondani?
Nem, AndrĂĄs. Pontosan tudod, hogy nem ezt jelenti. Pontosan tudod, hogy Putyinnak minden kĂ©pessĂ©ge megvan, hogy a feltĂ©teleit Ă©s a szĂĄndĂ©kait kommunikĂĄlja. Pontosan tudod, hogy nyugati Ă©s keleti diplomatĂĄk szĂĄzai keresik a megoldĂĄst a konfliktusra, Ă©s pontosan tudod, hogy amikor ezek a hĂĄttĂ©rben folyĂł tĂĄrgyalĂĄsok eredmĂ©nyre vezetnek, akkor csatlakoznak a miniszterelnökök, elnökök, uniĂłs vezetĆk. Mert mindaddig amĂg Putyinban nincs szĂĄndĂ©k a bĂ©kĂ©re, addig ezek a lĂĄtogatĂĄsok csak az orosz propagandagĂ©pezetet szolgĂĄlnĂĄk. Azt a propagandagĂ©pezetet, ami valĂłban hĂĄborĂșpĂĄrti, ami valĂłban emberek, civilek, gyerekek gyilkolĂĄsĂĄt szolgĂĄlja, Ă©s aminek te is rĂ©sze vagy.
KĂ©ptelensĂ©gnek tƱnt eddig nekem, hogy egy magyar Ă©rtelmisĂ©gi -aki nem DeĂĄk DĂĄniel vagy Bayer Zsolt- az arcĂĄt adja ahhoz a mĂ©dia-hazugsĂĄghoz, hogy OrbĂĄn Viktor, akit megvet a nyugati vilĂĄg, akit lenĂ©z a keleti vilĂĄg, akit megvet Ukrajna Ă©s akit semmibe vesz OroszorszĂĄg (ugye emlĂ©kszel mĂ©g OrbĂĄn elĆzĆ bĂ©kemissziĂłjĂĄra, amikor Putyin biztosĂtotta arrĂłl a nagy magyar ĂĄllamfĂ©rfit, hogy nem lesz hĂĄborĂș, nem tĂĄmadja meg UkrajnĂĄt?), majd kĂ©pes lesz bĂ©kĂ©t teremteni ebben az ĆrĂŒletben. Majd pont OrbĂĄn Viktor lĂĄtogatĂĄsa lesz az, ami utĂĄn bĂĄrki hĂĄtrĂĄbb vonul. Ezzel szemben az az igazsĂĄg, hogy OrbĂĄn Viktor jelenlĂ©te, politikĂĄja olaj a tƱzre, tovĂĄbb szolgĂĄlja az orosz ĂĄldozatisĂĄg narratĂvĂĄjĂĄt, tovĂĄbb szolgĂĄlja a "mindenki felelĆs, csak OroszorszĂĄg kevĂ©sbĂ©" hazugsĂĄgĂĄt.
Schiffer AndrĂĄs Ăgy zĂĄrja gondolatait:
"Ărtem Ă©n, hogy nem az ĂĄrnyalt Ă©rtĂ©kelĂ©stĆl, hanem az Ășgymond erĆs kifejezĂ©sektĆl keletkezik több kattintĂĄs Ă©s csörög sƱrƱbben a kassza, csakhogy a kormĂĄnypropaganda is pont ezen az elven mƱködik."
AndrĂĄs! NyilvĂĄn jĂłl belelĂĄtsz a kormĂĄnypropaganda mƱködĂ©sĂ©be, de azĂ©rt jelzem neked, hogy itt, a mĂĄsik oldalon nem csörög a kassza Facebook posztok utĂĄn. EgĂ©sz pontosan soha egy fillĂ©rt nem kaptam sem Facebook posztĂ©rt, sem a politikai vĂ©lemĂ©nyemĂ©rt semmilyen megrendelĆtĆl. A gyanĂșsĂtgatĂĄs, a ki nem mondott vĂĄdaskodĂĄs viszont nagyon ismerĆs.
Mondd csak ki nyugodtan! "DollĂĄrbaloldal! Soros! NemzetĂĄrulĂł!" - hisz mĂĄr nagyon közel vagy. Ăs sokan lesznek, akik tisztelni fognak, hogy meghajolsz az erĆ Ă©s a hatalom elĆtt. OrbĂĄn Viktor sem tesz mĂĄst Putyinnal.
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egyszerƱen senkit, de tényleg S E N K I T nem tudok irigyelni, akinek egy Hatvanpuszta nevƱ helyen kell laknia
tĆlem a doktor miniszterelnök Ășr egy kristĂĄlypalotĂĄt is Ă©pĂthet oda sövĂ©nylabirintussal meg egy titkos kerttel, amiben tĂŒndĂ©rek jĂĄrnak körtĂĄncot, nekem ez tĂ©nyleg tök mindegy, nem is szoktam soha elolvasni a vonatkozĂł cikkeket, annyira nyilvĂĄnvalĂł, hogy ez kĂĄbĂ© a vilĂĄg legnyomasztĂłbb helye, ahova Ă©peszƱ ember önszĂĄntĂĄbĂłl be nem tennĂ© a lĂĄbĂĄt
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HatvanpusztĂĄtĂłl az alcsĂștdobozi golfklubig minden föld az OrbĂĄn vagy MĂ©szĂĄros csalĂĄd tulajdonĂĄban van. Ăsszesen 277 hektĂĄrrĂłl van szĂł, ami nagyobb, mint az V., a VI. vagy a VII. kerĂŒlet Budapesten. MĂ©szĂĄros LĆrinc 106 hektĂĄr. OrbĂĄn GyĆzĆ 89 hektĂĄr. MĂ©szĂĄros LĆrinc fia 49 hektĂĄr. MĂ©szĂĄros LĆrinc lĂĄnya 9 hektĂĄr. MĂ©szĂĄros LĆrinc 4 Ă©ves unokĂĄja 22 hektĂĄr. MĂ©szĂĄros LĆrinc 1 Ă©ves unokĂĄja 0,3 hektĂĄr. Ha 4 Ă©vesen nem volt 22 hektĂĄrod akkor annyit is Ă©rsz.
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https://www.google.com/maps/place/AlcsĂștdoboz,+Hatvanpuszta,+8087/@47.43414,18.6291031,17z/data=!3m1!4b1!4m6!3m5!1s0x476a0df94932375b:0xf2b42998d81522a9!8m2!3d47.4341389!4d18.629098!16s%2Fg%2F11xnkj_xm?entry=ttu

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A Népszava is egy jó napilap, de a miniszterelnök és a csalådja tabu, csak akkor kapnak ållami reklåmokat
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For many of his supporters, Peter Magyar promises a âreformed Fideszâ and is seen as a younger, fitter version of the current prime minister without the stench of corruption.
Viktor Orbanâs simple cottage is just around the corner. Pancho Arena, an âorganic-styleâ soccer stadium that can accommodate twice the population of the village, faces the cottage. While the local light railway that has become a symbol of corruption under the prime minister is just a few metres down the road.
On Friday, Peter Magyar, Hungaryâs rising star of the opposition, parked his truck in the prime ministerâs iconic hometown of Felcsut to hold a rally for his supporters and throw down the gauntlet to Orbanâs ruling party. Hungarians have a choice, even in the heartland of Fidesz, was the message.
âWe came from the next village, but we donât see any locals around. I guess they are just too afraid to show up,â a young couple, Zsuzsa and Viktor, told BIRN.
Indeed, most of the few hundred people, some waving Hungarian flags, that wandered about the truck whose platoon serves as a stage for Magyar, hailed from the capital Budapest, a 40-minute drive away. Family vans and SUVs were parked along the pebbled sidewalks. Besides the city dwellers, the streets were largely deserted, not a soul venturing into their gardens.
âBrick by brickâ
Magyar, a trim man in his early forties, sporting a slim-fit white shirt, dark jeans and sunglasses, jumped up onto the platoon. A former Fidesz insider from a conservative family and the ex-husband of former justice minister Judit Varga, Magyar burst onto the political stage in mid-February with a YouTube interview in which he lambasted the widespread corruption that has flourished under Fideszâs 15-year rule.
âIf we donât want our children to grow up in a country which is run by a few families, itâs time for a change,â he said in the interview, which has now been viewed more than 2.5 million times.
Call it perfect timing. Fidesz had just been rocked by a scandal in which the president, Katalin Novak, a former Fidesz family minister, pardoned a man convicted of covering up abuse at a public childrenâs home. The crisis triggered her downfall as well as that of the justice minister at the time, Magyarâs former wife Varga. It also dealt a blow to the governmentâs mantra about protecting children and upholding family values.
Economic malaise, high inflation and a stagnating economy has also eroded the ruling partyâs support over the last few years.
Magyar has since become a political phenomenon: in the last three months, he has tirelessly staged rallies, organised a party called TISZA (an acronym for Respect and Freedom, but also the name of Hungaryâs second largest river), and hit the campaign trail hard to mobilise Hungarians outside of Budapest ahead of the June 9 European Parliament and local elections. His party claims he has visited 140 villages, towns and settlements to inform the Hungarian people that they still have a political choice after 15 years of Fidesz rule.
âI have just come from Orbanâs dacha, but he did not invite me in for tea,â Magyar quipped at the rally, referring to the vast Orban family estate, Hatvanpuszta, on the outskirts of Felcsut.
Whatâs left of the independent media in Hungary has reported extensively on this former estate of Habsburg Archduke Joseph, where historic buildings have been secretly converted into a family estate by Orbanâs father, the local businessman Gyozo Orban.
âThere is a palm house, wild animals graze around the artificial lake surrounded by military vehicles. These people preach peace and they use these military vehicles for leisure,â Magyar told the crowd, before repeating his slogan: âWe want to prevent this country from becoming a family estate. We want justice for Hungary!â
âWe are not afraid, we are not afraid,â the supporters chanted back enthusiastically.
Zsuzsa and Viktor, the young couple, believe Magyar is their only hope. They moved back to Hungary from Germany in 2018, but if things continue as they are, they will move again. âI have planted so many trees in my garden, I love it here, this is my home,â Zsuzsa said, almost in tears. âI donât want to go.â
Yet they see a bleak future here under Fidesz. âLook, I pay a lot of money for social security, and now that I need gallstone surgery, I am advised to go to a private hospital and pay 1.2 million forints [about 3,000 euros]. Who on earth can afford this? The Fidesz people build luxury estates, while there is no toilet paper in hospitals or soap in kindergartens,â said Zsuzsa.
Zsuzsa admitted she voted for Orban in 2010, because she thought he would do better than the Socialist government of Ferenc Gyurcsany, which at the time was mired in scandal, âbut he has let us down.â
Viktor, her husband is fed up with the governmentâs lies and propaganda. âThe elderly in our village are literally afraid that their grandchildren will be forced to undergo sex change surgery. You think itâs ridiculous, but this is how propaganda works,â he said.
On stage, Magyar outlines what is at stake at the EU elections. âYou have a choice between the past and the future; between propaganda and truth; East and West; between the Turkic Council and the EU. Yes, we will take back the country,â he finished in a low voice.
The crowd chanted back: âWe take it back, step by step, brick by brick.â
An elderly lady who refused to give her name is less enthusiastic. She admits that there are problems in Hungary, but as far the EU is concerned, she believes prime minister Orban is right. âThe EU wants to send soldiers to Ukraine. I have already told my two sons to get their passports and bags ready, so that they can flee to Mexico if this happens,â she said, echoing the latest government propaganda.
But her friend, who describes herself an âaverage grandmotherâ, reckons anybody is better than Orban.
Behind the scenes
To the tune of The Final Countdown (the 1986 hit from Swedish rock band Europe), Magyar descends from the truckâs stage and makes his way to the small station to board the EU-financed light railway â a 6-kilometre-long line that links the local football stadium with the arboretum.
Its construction in 2015 cost 850 million forints, out of which 600 million forints, or 1.9 million euros, came from EU funds, and the service is losing millions a year, Felcsut not exactly being a tourist hotspot in Hungary. The investment was investigated by the EU and is today a symbol of the blatant embezzlement of public funds.
âThis country has got twice the amount of the Marshall Plan that Germany received after World War II â yet we became the second poorest and most corrupt country in the EU. What an achievement!â Magyar told his supporters on the mini-train that his team hired for the day.
A combination of preacher and influencer, with a boy-next-door appeal, Magyar holds both Orban and his predecessor Gyurcsany responsible for the miserable results since the country joined the EU in 2004. With his calls for a complete change of the political guard, both the government and Hungaryâs hapless opposition are alarmed.
The government turned its propaganda machine on the political upstart, but it has left him so far largely unscathed.
In March, Magyar was accused of verbal and psychological abuse of his ex-wife, who gave an emotional interview about the intimacies of their bad marriage. He was also said to be jealous of his ex-wife over her meteoritic political career that had outshone his role as the director of the state-run Student Loan Centre. Subsequently, he was portrayed as a man with a temper and an outright psychopath. When all that proved insufficient, the Fidesz camp reached for the ultimate insult: that Magyar was a âleftistâ paid for by the US.
Yet Magyarâs popularity keeps on rising. Polls put his nascent TISZA party in second place behind Orbanâs Fidesz and a challenge to all the other opposition forces, winning up to five of Hungaryâs 21 seats in the European Parliament. Fidesz could fall from its current 13 seats to 10 (less than 40 per cent of the vote), which analysts say would be a bad â but not fatal â result for the government.
Magyar has also hinted at the possibility â probably more in hope than expectation â of an early general election, but most serious analysts dismiss this. With the next scheduled election two years away, Orban â a wily political operator â knows that is a long time to keep the hope of change alive.
Questions also swirl around the rapid rise of Magyar and his party. TISZA is largely a one-man show, and even his candidates for the European Parliament â professionals with solid backgrounds selected through an online process â are relatively unknown. Even so, itâs not just BIRN that has noted the highly professional â and expensive â organisation and logistics that lie behind his rallies, media appearances and social media output.
Old wine in new bottles
In policy terms, Magyar chooses his words carefully.
When it comes to the EU, in contrast to Fideszâs tub-thumping railing against Brussels, he says his party would seek a constructive relationship. âWe want to join the European Public Prosecutorâs Office and bring home the frozen funds. We want to complete the rule of law/Article 7 procedureâŠ,â he told BIRN at the rally in Felcsut.
He also said he would seek to join the European Peopleâs Party (EPP) grouping of centre-right parties in the European Parliament if his TISZA party wins any mandates in the upcoming EU elections. This is the same EPP that Fidesz was forced out of in 2020 after years of wrangling over values and policies.
Likewise, on Russiaâs war against Ukraine, heâs wary after getting burnt in a recent radio interview. During that, he alluded to the partial responsibility of the West for war and claimed the US was building a sphere of influence in Ukraine by buying up farmland. Critics accused him of parroting Russian propaganda. Magyar promptly published a Facebook post making clear that Russia is the aggressor and the territorial integrity of Ukraine must be safeguarded, though he failed to criticise Orbanâs stance of blocking international efforts to help Ukraine defend itself.
He also cleaves to the traditional conservative view on the importance of maintaining strong nation states and economic competitiveness, perhaps at the expense of green policies. âWe believe in the four freedoms, but we donât like an over-bureaucratised Europe,â he said, echoing Fidesz slogans.
For some, Magyar promises a âreformed Fideszâ. He is seen as a better version of todayâs Viktor Orban: younger, fitter, conservative, but without the stench of corruption. He supports the fight against illegal migration â a major fear in an EU country with an external border â and agrees with the fortified border fence built by the government.
At an early stage he even toyed with the idea of forming a coalition with Fidesz, though he dismissed this in a recent interview with hvg.hu. âWe will win the 2026 elections and will not need a coalition,â he boldly stated.
âThe genie is out of the bottle â we are gaining strength and people are starting to believe that the system can be changed. Things could happen fast,â he told the media in Felcsut.
Yet what kind of platform any victories that his party racks up in the June 9 EU elections can provide in the domestic arena remains unclear; his expectation of seducing Fidesz members and breaking the partyâs unity has still not materialised to any degree. And even Magyar himself says only after the EU elections will the real work begin.
But first, he tells the media, he needs a good nightâs sleep.
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