#gujarat election 2019

[easterneyenews]

Narendra Modi: Everything About The PM Of India

Narendra Modi, the current Prime Minister of India, is a leader who has left an indelible mark on the nation's political, economic, and social landscape. Known for his dynamic leadership, visionary policies, and charismatic personality, Modi has transformed India in numerous ways. This comprehensive blog delves into everything about Narendra Modi, offering insights into his early life, political journey, significant achievements, and influence on India and the world.

Early Life and Background

Narendra Damodardas Modi was born on September 17, 1950, in Vadnagar, a small town in northern Gujarat, India. Coming from a humble background, Modi's early life was marked by hardship and determination. He helped his father sell tea at the local railway station, an experience that shaped his understanding of grassroots issues and the common man's struggles.

Education and Early Interests

As per the UK Newspapers News Modi completed his schooling in Vadnagar and later pursued a degree in political science, earning an M.A. from Gujarat University in Ahmedabad. His early interest in serving the nation led him to join the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a Hindu nationalist organization, in the early 1970s. Modi set up a unit of the RSS’s students’ wing, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, in his area, where he honed his leadership skills and ideological beliefs.

Political Journey

Modi's political journey began with his active involvement in the RSS, which eventually led to his association with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 1987. Within a year, he was made the general secretary of the Gujarat branch of the party. Modi played a pivotal role in strengthening the party’s presence in the state, contributing to the BJP's success in the 1995 state legislative assembly elections and the formation of the first-ever BJP-controlled government in India.

Chief Minister of Gujarat

In 2001, Narendra Modi was appointed the Chief Minister of Gujarat, following the poor response of the incumbent government to the Bhuj earthquake. He entered his first-ever electoral contest in a February 2002 by-election, winning a seat in the Gujarat state assembly.

Modi’s tenure as chief minister was marked by both achievements and controversies. His role during the 2002 communal riots in Gujarat drew international criticism, with allegations of condoning the violence or failing to act decisively to stop it. Despite these controversies, Modi’s political career in Gujarat was marked by repeated electoral successes in 2002, 2007, and 2012, establishing him as a formidable leader within the BJP.

Rise to National Leadership

Modi's success in Gujarat laid the foundation for his rise to national prominence. In June 2013, Modi was chosen as the leader of the BJP’s campaign for the 2014 elections to the Lok Sabha. His campaign focused on development, good governance, and anti-corruption, resonating with millions of Indians. In the 2014 elections, he led the BJP to a historic victory, securing a clear majority of seats in the Lok Sabha.

First Term as Prime Minister (2014-2019)

Modi was sworn in as Prime Minister on May 26, 2014. His first term was marked by several significant initiatives and reforms aimed at transforming India:

Goods and Services Tax (GST): Launched in 2017, GST is one of the most significant tax reforms in India's history, simplifying the indirect tax structure.

Demonetization: In 2016, Modi announced the demonetization of high-value currency notes to curb black money and counterfeit currency.

Swachh Bharat Abhiyan: Launched in 2014, this nationwide cleanliness campaign aimed to eliminate open defecation and improve solid waste management.

Digital India: An ambitious program to transform India into a digitally empowered society and knowledge economy.

Make in India: Aimed at making India a global manufacturing hub, this initiative encourages companies to manufacture their products in India.

Modi's foreign policy achievements included hosting Chinese President Xi Jinping and making a highly successful visit to New York City, where he met with U.S. President Barack Obama.

Second Term as Prime Minister (2019-2024)

The Modi-led BJP won a majority again in the 2019 general election. His second term saw continued efforts to promote Hindu culture and implement economic reforms:

Revocation of Jammu and Kashmir's Special Status: In October 2019, Modi's government revoked the special status of Jammu and Kashmir, bringing it under the direct control of the union government.

COVID-19 Pandemic Response: Modi took decisive action to combat the COVID-19 outbreak, implementing strict nationwide restrictions and promoting vaccine development and distribution.

Despite facing protests and criticism for some policies, such as agricultural reforms, Modi's leadership remained influential. The BJP faced setbacks in state elections in late 2018, but Modi's charisma and a security crisis in Jammu and Kashmir boosted his image ahead of the 2019 elections.

Third Term as Prime Minister (2024-Present)

In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP won 240 seats, and the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) secured 293 of the 543 seats, allowing Modi to become Prime Minister for a third consecutive term. Although the BJP did not secure a majority on its own, the NDA's coalition support ensured their continued governance.

Personal Life and Public Image

Narendra Modi is known for his disciplined lifestyle, early morning yoga sessions, and simple living. Despite his high-profile status, he remains deeply connected to his roots and continues to draw inspiration from his early life experiences.

Communication and Public Engagement

Modi's communication skills are unparalleled, often using social media and public addresses to connect with citizens. His monthly radio program, "Mann Ki Baat," has become a popular platform for sharing his thoughts and initiatives with the nation.

Conclusion

Narendra Modi's journey from a small-town boy to the Prime Minister of the world's largest democracy is a testament to his resilience, dedication, and visionary leadership. His impact on India's socio-economic fabric, governance, and international relations is profound and continues to shape the country's future.

Whether admired or criticized, Narendra Modi's influence on India and the global stage is undeniable. His story is not just about a political leader but also about the transformative power of determination and leadership.

Stay tuned to our blog for more updates and in-depth analyses of Narendra Modi's policies, initiatives, and their impact on India and the world.

[mariacallous]

India is in the middle of a 44-day exercise to elect its next government, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi tipped to return his Bharatiya Janata Party to power for a third consecutive term. Modi, who aims to win nearly three-quarters of the country’s 543 parliamentary seats, has surprised many observers by using dehumanizing anti-Muslim language on the campaign trail—rhetoric that is more direct than that of his past speeches.

So far, the BJP campaign has focused on creating an irrational fear among India’s Hindu majority that if Modi doesn’t return as prime minister, a share of their private wealth and affirmative action job quotas will be given to Indian Muslims. Modi and his party have doubled down on this narrative at a moment when reports suggest that their quest for a supermajority is unlikely to succeed. The brazen continuation of such anti-Muslim rhetoric differentiates this campaign from the two others that have put Modi in the prime minister’s office.

Hate speech is a criminal offense in India, and it is specifically barred during an election campaign. However, Modi chose the three leaders of India’s Election Commission, the agency charged with conducting free and fair polls, and it has ignored his flagrant violations of the election code. As a result, as the campaign continues through the end of May, so too will Modi’s anti-Muslim tirades. India is expected to announce its election results on June 4.

If the BJP wins and Modi is once again crowned prime minister, his Islamophobic rhetoric will not simply disappear. Many political leaders campaign in poetry and govern in prose, but hateful rhetoric has real-life consequences. Modi’s campaign speeches have put a target on Indian Muslims’ backs, redirecting the anger of poor and marginalized Hindu communities away from crony capitalists and the privileged upper castes. It underscores an attempt to make members of the Muslim minority second-class citizens in a de facto Hindu Rashtra, or state.

These social schisms need only a small spark to burst into communal violence, which would damage India’s global status and growth. Furthermore, Modi’s campaign rhetoric is matched by the BJP’s choice to not put up candidates in Muslim-majority Kashmir, reducing its stake in ensuring robust democracy in a region that New Delhi has ruled directly since 2019. His language will also have a direct bearing on India’s fraught ties with its neighbor Pakistan. Finally, the state-backed ill treatment will likely not be limited to Indian Muslims—meaning that other religious minorities, such as Christians and Sikhs, will also be affected.

Around 200 million Muslims live in India—the second-largest Muslim population in the world, after that of Indonesia. Few mainstream Indian political leaders have plummeted to such depths in castigating these citizens. Modi’s campaign rhetoric makes clear that if he is elected to a third consecutive term, the nation’s Muslims will stand politically disempowered, economically marginalized, and deprived of their constitutional rights.

Modi’s political rise came in the wake of significant violence against Muslims in Gujarat in 2002, when he was the state’s chief minister. Due to his role in the violence, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States all temporarily barred his entry. Leading the party’s campaign to victory in the state assembly in the same year, his campaign speeches were full of crude language against Muslims. But the BJP’s electoral success in Gujarat—winning the next two assembly elections before the launch of Modi’s national campaign—ultimately gave Modi political credibility within an extreme fringe of the party.

By 2011, Modi had started reinventing himself as a business-friendly leader with an eye on a national role. By the time he became prime minister three years later, the narrative of a so-called Gujarat model of economic development concealed his anti-Muslim ideological moorings. Modi’s mask slipped occasionally, but he often spoke with a dog whistle. Mostly, the prime minister reiterated an imagination of India as a Hindu nation. In a post-9/11 world, Modi presented an alternative model of battling Islamic terrorism and consolidated a Hindu majoritarian voter base—delivering a stunning election victory in 2019 after an attempted airstrike against an alleged terrorist training camp inside Pakistan.

This year, Modi has not campaigned on his track record of the past decade or on the party manifesto for the next five years as often as he has attempted to further polarize Hindus and Muslims. In a speech given on April 21, Modi suggested that the opposition Indian National Congress party, if elected, would redistribute property to Muslims. The party would “calculate the gold with [Hindu] mothers and sisters” and transfer it “among those who are infiltrators and have more children,” he said—using terms by which his supporters regularly describe Muslims.

Elsewhere, Modi alleged that Congress was helping Muslims in a plot to take over India: “The opposition is asking Muslims to launch vote jihad,” he said in March. Speaking at a rally in Madhya Pradesh in early May, Modi said that voters would have to choose between “vote jihad” and “Ram Rajya,” the latter being a term referring to a mythical, idealized society that purportedly existed during the rule of Lord Rama, the hero of the famous Hindu epic Ramayana.

The prime minister’s economic advisory council soon released a paper that sought to stoke anxieties about a decline in the proportion of Hindus in India; during the period it covered—1950 to 2015—India’s population actually increased by five Hindus for every one Muslim citizen, but BJP leaders soon deployed the report to further demonize Indian Muslims.

The party’s official messaging has echoed Modi’s rhetoric. A now-deleted video posted on the Instagram account for the BJP’s Karnataka branch this month said, “If you are a non-Muslim, Congress will snatch your wealth and distribute it to Muslims. Narendra Modi knows of this evil plan. Only he has the strength to stop it.” It was followed by an animated clip depicting Congress leader Rahul Gandhi hatching a plan to benefit Muslims at the expense of Hindu groups.

Other Indian democratic institutions have done no better. Despite formal complaints from opposition parties and civil society groups, the election commission has neither punished nor restrained Modi. A petition in the Delhi High Court seeking immediate action against Modi for his “communally divisive speeches” was dismissed, with the judges arguing that it was “without merit” because the commission was already looking into the matter. “We can’t presume that they won’t do anything,” one judge said. But as the elections near the finish line, that is precisely what has happened.

Some observers are likely to dismiss Modi’s recent language as par for the course during an election campaign, when tempers run high. However, most surveys and polls have predicted an easy victory for the prime minister and the BJP; he has no need to resort to pandering to base emotions with toxic rhetoric. In an interview, Modi denied that he had uttered a word against Indian Muslims; he was proved wrong by fact-checkers and video evidence. India’s top political scientist said that through his denials in interviews, Modi is trying to influence the naive chroniclers while he continues with his anti-Muslim speeches for the masses and his supporters. Modi’s No. 2, Amit Shah, insists that the party will continue with this anti-Muslim campaign. By persisting with hateful speech, the BJP leadership is fueling a narrative that is likely to intensify discrimination against Indian Muslims during Modi’s rule.

As prime minister, Modi has spearheaded a project for the political disempowerment of Indian Muslims. For the first time in the history of independent India, the ruling party does not have a single Muslim member of parliament. In the current election, the party has put up just one Muslim candidate—on a list of 440—who is running for an unwinnable seat in Kerala. More broadly, religious polarization has made it difficult for Muslim candidates to win seats in areas without an overwhelming Muslim majority. During recent elections, there have been complaints of authorities barring voters in Muslim-majority localities in BJP-ruled states. Modi’s message to Indian Muslims is unequivocal: You do not matter politically.

India’s Muslims are economically disadvantaged, too. A 2006 committee under Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s Congress government found that the Muslim community faced high levels of poverty and poor outcomes on almost all socioeconomic indicators. India’s opposition parties have promised a new socioeconomic survey that could inform future policy without a focus on religion. Modi’s government, by contrast, opted to not conduct even the regular census in 2021—the first such instance in 140 years—due to COVID-19; it has not been conducted since.

Rather than relying on data, Modi and his supporters prefer an emotional response that pitches poor and marginalized Hindus against Muslims. India is a highly unequal country: About 90 percent of the population earns less than the average income of $2,800 per year. This gap has widened under Modi, with the richest 1 percent now owning 40 percent of India’s wealth. By othering Muslims, Modi puts them at risk of becoming the object of other deprived groups’ ire, which could lead to further communal violence. A Muslim man was allegedly lynched in Gujarat during the current election campaign, without making national  headlines.

Islamophobia is at the core of the project to make India a Hindu state. Modi and the BJP frequently weaponize terrorism discourse to delegitimize critics and political opposition. In Kashmir, where the BJP is not running candidates this election, this tactic has fueled anger and hostility. The high turnout in the region seems to be an expression of rage against Modi’s 2019 decision to revoke its semi-autonomous status. When the ruling party leaders conflate Islam with terrorism, there is little chance of extending any hand of peace toward Pakistan, either. Modi and his ministers have vowed to take back Pakistan-administered Kashmir by force if necessary—no matter the grave risk of conflict between two nuclear-armed countries.

Finally, Modi’s rhetoric does not bode well for other religious minorities in India. In the border state of Manipur, the largely Christian Kuki community has suffered state-backed majoritarian violence for more than a year. In Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populated state, Christian priests and worshippers are being jailed, beaten, and threatened by both Hindu majoritarian groups and state police. Meanwhile, the BJP has demonized the Sikh farmers who led protests against agricultural laws in 2020 and 2021, labeling them as separatist Khalistani terrorists. (Last year, Modi’s government was accused of involvement in the killing of a Sikh separatist leader in Canada as well as in an attempted assassination in New York.)

Muslims, Sikhs, and Christians are India’s biggest religious minorities; they make up nearly one-fifth of the country’s population. To disempower these groups would spell the end of the historical bond between India and ideas of universal justice, human rights, and democracy. A majoritarian Indian state—a Hindu Rashtra—would instead make a covenant with bigotry, discrimination, and violence. The bipartisan U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom has repeatedly asked Washington to blacklist Modi’s government for its suppression of religious freedom, but the Biden administration has refused to act so far.

However, the evidence is there for all to see—and Modi has further substantiated the charge of bigotry with his campaign speeches targeting Indian Muslims. No matter if the BJP achieves its supermajority, this rhetoric will have significant consequences for India. Modi is serving a warning. The world should take note before it is too late.

[thoughtlessarse]

Narendra Modi’s electoral success in Gujarat between 2001 and 2014 and on the Indian scene since then stems from his novel blend of populism and Hindu nationalism (Hindutva). Hindutva grew out of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (National Volunteer Organization, RSS), a paramilitary-style nationalist group founded in 1925 to bulk up young Hindus both physically and morally so they could stand up to Muslims, who were depicted as a danger to the majority. Modi joined the RSS as a child and devoted his life to it, pursuing no other careers and even living apart from his wife. He rose through the ranks, eventually becoming the chief minister of Gujarat (his home state) in 2001. The following year, he oversaw an anti-Muslim pogrom that left some 2,000 dead— a strategy of religious polarization that won him the December 2002 regional elections. Similar successes in 2007 and 2012 made Modi the obvious prime ministerial candidate for his Bharatiya Janata Party (Indian People’s Party, BJP) in 2014. But he left behind the RSS tradition of collective decision-making, putting himself front and center and striving to connect directly with “his” people. Rather than relying on the activist network, Modi held rally after rally where he showcased his flair for speechmaking. He also founded his own television channel, worked social media, and employed a revolutionary strategy: using holograms to simultaneously lead one rally in hundreds of places. Modi even distributed masks printed with his likeness to deepen supporters’ identification with him. In short, he saturated the public arena so as to embody the masses—a task made easier by his low-caste origins, on which he has built a complete narrative. (He worked as a teaboy in his father’s shop.) However, the “masses” meant only the Hindu majority, which he was busy stirring up against one target in particular: Muslims. As in the 2014 elections, in 2019 “Moditva”—Modi’s idiosyncratic hybridization of right-wing nationalist ideology, Hindutva and a personality cult—triumphed on the strength of BJP landslides in the north and west. This success allowed him to bend to his will both the RSS and the BJP—whose MPs had ridden to victory on his coattails—fashioning a government of faithfuls and a parliament of yes-men. The other institutions soon succumbed too—even the Supreme Court, once a beacon of independence. In the summer of 2014, Modi advanced a constitutional reform that would have changed the appointment process for judges, until then picked by a collegium of peers. His co-optation, opposed by the entire political class, would have replaced the collegium with a five-member commission. The Supreme Court eventually declared the amendment unconstitutional, but Modi still got his way: Of the nominees submitted by the collegium, his government finalized appointments only for those he liked. The court thus resigned itself to proposing candidates who were apt to please him.

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[abhishekpandey123]

Elections in India

India’s national election will take place in phases over 44 days. Here’s why it takes so long

Nearly 970 million people or over 10% of the global population are eligible to vote in India’s general elections. The mammoth exercise is the biggest anywhere in the world and will take 44 days before results are announced on June 4.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is aiming for a third consecutive term in office. He is set to compete against a diverse yet faltering coalition of opposition parties who are finding it difficult to counter his popularity. The majority of polls forecast a comfortable victory for the nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party, solidifying his position as one of the most prominent and influential leaders in the country.

WHY DOES IT TAKE SO LONG?

Two primary factors contribute to this situation: the vast expanse of India, the most populous nation globally, and the intricate logistics required to enable each eligible voter to participate in the electoral process.

Over the years, the duration of voting has wavered. It took nearly four months to complete the vote in India’s first elections in 1951-1952, after it gained independence from British rule, and just four days in 1980. In 2019, voting took 39 days, and this year’s election is the second longest.

With 969 million registered voters, the size of India’s electorate is bigger than the combined population of the 27 European Union member states. This includes 18 million first-time voters, and around 197 million who are in their 20s.

The vote to choose 543 lawmakers for the lower house of Parliament takes place over seven phases. India’s 28 states and eight federal territories will vote at different times. Each phase is one day, with the first held on April 19 and the last on June 1.

Some states may complete their voting process within a day, while others might require more time. For instance, Uttar Pradesh, the largest state in India with a population of 200 million, equivalent to the size of Brazil, will conduct voting over seven days. This extended duration of the voting process in India's general elections has been criticized by Modi's opponents, who argue that it provides an advantage to the prime minister in terms of campaigning and travel, particularly in states where his party is not as strong.

EVERY VOTE COUNTS

The Election Commission of India is responsible for ensuring that a voting booth is accessible within a 2-kilometer radius of each voter. Chakshu Roy from PRS Legislative Research emphasized the extensive efforts election officials must undertake to enable every voter to cast their ballot. Around 15 million election officials and security personnel will travel across deserts and mountains, utilizing various modes of transportation such as boats, walking, and even horseback riding, to reach all voters.

It can be especially arduous. In 2019, when India last held elections, a team of polling officers trekked over 480 kilometers (300 miles) for four days just so a single voter in a hamlet in the remote state of Arunachal Pradesh, which borders China, could exercise their right.

Officials also traveled to a village tucked away high up in the Himalayas in 2019 to install a booth at 15,256 feet (4,650 meters), the highest polling station anywhere in the world.

This time too, polling stations will be installed in remote places, including one inside a wildlife sanctuary in southern Kerala state and another in a shipping container in western Gujarat state.

TIGHT SECURITY

Security is cited as a significant factor behind the multi-phase elections in India, according to experts. In order to ensure safety, a large number of federal security forces, who typically guard borders, are mobilized and work in conjunction with state police. Their primary responsibilities include preventing violence, escorting electoral officials, and transporting voting machines. Previous elections in India have been marred by deadly clashes between supporters of rival political parties, particularly in West Bengal. However, the presence of heavy security forces has contributed to a decrease in such incidents over the years, resulting in relatively peaceful voting. The geographical diversity of the country, with its rivers, mountains, snow, and jungles, poses challenges for the movements of security forces. Despite these obstacles, the chief election commissioner, Rajiv Kumar, has emphasized their commitment to ensuring a smooth voting process by going the extra mile for the convenience of voters.

[techno-99]

Narendra Modi Story

Narendra Modi (born September 17, 1950, Vadnagar, India) Indian politician and government official who rose to become a senior leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). In 2014 he led his party to victory in elections to the Lok Sabha (lower chamber of the Indian parliament), after which he was sworn in as prime minister of India. Prior to that he had served (2001–14) as chief minister (head of government) of Gujarat state in western India.

After a vigorous campaign—in which Modi portrayed himself as a pragmatic candidate who could turn around India’s underperforming economy—he and the party were victorious, with the BJP winning a clear majority of seats in the chamber. Modi was sworn in as prime minister on May 26, 2014. Soon after he took office, his government embarked on several reforms, including campaigns to improve India’s transportation infrastructure and to liberalize rules on direct foreign investment in the country. Modi scored two significant diplomatic achievements early in his term. In mid-September he hosted a visit by Chinese President Xi Jinping, the first time a Chinese leader had been to India in eight years. At the end of that month, having been granted a U.S. visa, Modi made a highly successful visit to New York City, which included a meeting with U.S. Pres. Barack Obama.

As prime minister, Modi oversaw a promotion of Hindu culture and the implementation of economic reforms. The government undertook measures that would broadly appeal to Hindus, such as its attempt to ban the sale of cows for slaughter. The economic reforms were sweeping, introducing structural changes—and temporary disruptions—that could be felt nationwide. Among the most far-reaching was the demonetization and replacement of 500- and 1,000-rupee banknotes with only a few hours’ notice. The purpose was to stop “black money”—cash used for illicit activities—by making it difficult to exchange large sums of cash. The following year the government centralized the consumption tax system by introducing the Goods and Services Tax (GST), which superseded a confusing system of local consumption taxes and eliminated the problem of cascading tax. GDP growth slowed from these changes, though growth had already been high (8.2 percent in 2015), and the reforms succeeded in expanding the government’s tax base. Still, rising costs of living and increasing unemployment disappointed many as grandiose promises of economic growth remained unfulfilled.

This disappointment registered with voters during the elections in five states in late 2018. The BJP lost in all five states, including the BJP strongholds of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Chhattisgarh. The rival Indian National Congress (Congress Party) won more state assembly seats than the BJP in all five elections. Many observers believed that this portended bad news for Modi and the BJP in the national elections set for the spring of 2019, but others believed that Modi’s charisma would excite the voters. Moreover, a security crisis in Jammu and Kashmir in February 2019, which escalated tensions with Pakistan to the highest point in decades, boosted Modi’s image just months before the election. With the BJP dominating the airwaves during the campaign—in contrast to the lacklustre campaign of Rahul Gandhi and Congress—the BJP was returned to power, and Modi became India’s first prime minister outside of the Congress Party to be reelected after a full term.

In his second term Modi’s government revoked the special status of Jammu and Kashmir, stripping it of autonomy in October 2019 and bringing it under the direct control of the union government. The move came under intense criticism and faced challenges in court, not only for the questionable legality of depriving Jammu and Kashmir’s residents of self-determination but also because the government severely restricted communications and movement within the region.

In March 2020, meanwhile, Modi took decisive action to combat the outbreak of COVID-19 in India, swiftly implementing strict nationwide restrictions to mitigate the spread while the country’s biotechnology firms became key players in the race to develop and deliver vaccines worldwide. As part of the effort to counter the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, Modi undertook executive action in June to liberalize the agricultural sector, a move that was codified into law in September. Many feared that the reforms would make farmers vulnerable to exploitation, however, and protesters took to the streets in opposition to the new laws. Beginning in November, massive protests were organized and became a regular disruption, particularly in Delhi.

Modi’s policies backfired in 2021. Protests escalated (culminating in the storming of the Red Fort in January), and extraordinary restrictions and crackdowns by the government failed to suppress them. Meanwhile, despite the remarkably low spread of COVID-19 in January and February, by late April a rapid surge of cases caused by the new Delta variant had overwhelmed the country’s health care system. Modi, who had held massive political rallies ahead of state elections in March and April, was criticized for neglecting the surge. The BJP ultimately lost the election in a key battleground state despite heavy campaigning. In November, as protests continued and another set of state elections approached, Modi announced that the government would repeal the agricultural reforms.

[phoenixx-news]

Amitbhai Anilchandra Shah (Amit Shah) – A Biography

Early Life and Education

Amitbhai Anilchandra Shah, born on October 22, 1964, in Mumbai to Mrs. Kusum Ben and Mr. Anilchandra Shah, hails from a family with deep roots in Gujarat. His grandfather was a prosperous merchant (Nagar Seth) in Mansa, a small princely state of the Baroda State of Gaikwad. Shah spent his early years in Mansa, where he received his primary education. His upbringing was steeped in the ‘Indian Value Tradition,’ under the guidance of eminent scholars from the Gaikwad State, focusing on Indian scriptures, historical texts, grammar, and epics.

Influences and Early Political Engagement

After completing his primary education, Shah’s family relocated to Ahmedabad. Influenced by his mother, an ardent Gandhian, Shah embraced the simplicity of Khadi. His fascination with the biographies of patriots and the writings of K.M. Munshi deeply influenced his young mind.

At the age of 13, during the 1977 general elections amidst the Emergency period, Shah actively participated in the campaign, supporting Maniben Patel, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel’s daughter, who contested from the Mehsana Lok Sabha seat as a Jana Sangh candidate.

Early Political Career

Shah’s formal political journey began at 16 when he joined the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) as a young Swayamsevak in 1980. By 1982, he was the joint secretary of the Gujarat unit of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) and worked as a polling agent for the BJP in 1984. He joined the BJP Yuva Morcha in 1987 and became involved with the Deendayal Research Institute, serving as its treasurer for eight years. This period allowed him to learn from the social reformer Nanaji Deshmukh.

Rise in the BJP

In 1989, Shah became the BJP secretary of Ahmedabad, playing a pivotal role during the Ram Janmabhoomi movement and the Ekta Yatra. He managed election campaigns for senior leaders like L.K. Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee in Gandhinagar until 2009. Shah’s association with Narendra Modi began in the 1990s when Modi was the BJP’s Organization Secretary in Gujarat. Shah’s business acumen helped him significantly when he became the chairman of the Gujarat Pradesh Finance Corporation in 1995, turning around the corporation’s financial health.

Political Achievements in Gujarat

Shah was appointed the National Treasurer of the BJP’s Yuva Morcha in 1997 and won the Sarkhej assembly by-election by a margin of 25,000 votes. He continuously won assembly elections until 2012, with increasing margins each time. As an MLA, Shah facilitated numerous development projects and became the state secretary of Gujarat BJP in 1998, and state vice-president within a year.

Leadership in Cooperative Sector and Further Political Roles

At 36, Shah became the youngest chairman of the Ahmedabad District Co-operative Bank (ADCB) in 2000, transforming its financial status. He was appointed as the convener of the BJP’s National Cooperative Cell in 2001. He played a crucial role in the 2002 Gujarat assembly elections under Narendra Modi’s leadership and served as a minister in the Gujarat government, holding key portfolios like Home, Traffic, Prohibition, Parliamentary Affairs, Law, and Excise.

National Politics and BJP Presidency

In 2013, Shah became the BJP’s National General Secretary. During the 2014 elections, he was pivotal in the BJP’s success in Uttar Pradesh, securing 73 seats. On July 9, 2014, Shah became the BJP National President. Under his leadership, the BJP expanded its organizational base and achieved significant electoral successes, forming governments in states like Assam, Tripura, Manipur, Haryana, and Maharashtra. He was re-elected as the national president in 2016 and became a trustee of the Somnath Temple Trust the same year.

Ministerial Roles and Legislative Achievements

In 2017, Shah was elected to the Rajya Sabha from Gujarat and continued to strengthen the party’s presence across India. He contested the 2019 Lok Sabha elections from Gandhinagar, winning by a significant margin. Appointed as the Home Minister in 2019, Shah played a crucial role in major legislative changes, including the abrogation of Article 370 and the enactment of the Citizenship Amendment Act.

Contributions to Security and Disaster Management

Shah has been instrumental in resolving long-standing issues in Kashmir and the northeastern states, implementing a zero-tolerance policy against Left-Wing Extremism, and improving disaster management protocols. His efforts have bolstered internal security and the National Disaster Response Force’s (NDRF) effectiveness.

Ministry of Cooperation and Personal Life

In 2021, Shah was appointed as the Minister of Cooperation, focusing on revitalizing the cooperative movement. Despite his busy political career, Shah enjoys various cuisines, old films, and chess. He has not traveled abroad since 2006, maintaining a disciplined and spiritual lifestyle.

Amitbhai Anilchandra Shah’s journey from a young activist to one of India’s most influential politicians is marked by strategic acumen, dedication to public service, and a deep commitment to the nation’s security and development.

[novumtimes]

BJP Got Blessings Now Its Time To Work: PM Modi Tells Odisha MPs

Last Updated: August 06, 2024, 00:07 IST PM Modi met all MPs from Odisha on Monday. (Image: News18) Prime Minister Modi asked BJP MPs to work on ground and take the central government schemes to the masses. Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Monday met BJP Odisha MPs and said that the people of the state have given a massive mandate to the party and now it’s time for the elected members to work for them. “The BJP has been accepted by the people of Orissa, and that’s the reason we have this kind of mandate. But now we must keep their trust intact by working for the cause of the people,” PM Modi said during a 45-minute long meeting with BJP MPs on Monday. It was round of introduction for the various MPs from the saffron party, many of them being first time, members of Parliament. “It is okay to be able to win the election in the manner which we did, but winning elections alone is not okay, we need to deliver to people and work for people. That’s the real challenge,” Prime Minister Modi told party MPs. The message from PM Modi was clear and direct. Despite the kind of success that the party was able to meet in the eastern state — both in the Lok Sabha and the Assembly elections. There was plenty of scope for the party to expand its footprint further. Not only the Prime Minister asked his partymen to work on ground and take the central government schemes to the masses, he also spoke to them about going to the last mile in their reach out. The Prime Minister also cited the example of the Gujarat model that everybody speaks about. In fact, he also shared a number of anecdotes from his own journey as the Gujarat Chief Minister. In one of the main initiatives that the party needs to take was the engagement with the youth. “Prime Minister Modi said that the one that the youth can really have is on cleanliness. Therefore it was important to Connect the youth with the benefits of schemes like Swachh Bharat Abhiyan.” A source said adding that they have been given a task to connect about 1.5 lakh youth with this By the end of 2024. Focus should be on humility and not arrogance of power, PM Modi said. In fact, he asked them To hold small tiffin meetings with the party karyakartas at the grassroot level. On the lighter front, the prime minister also also joked with Senior party MP Sangeeta Singh Deo who has been victorious from bolangir. Sangeeta’s husband Kanak Vardhan Singh Deo is the deputy CM in the Odisha government. Referring to another member of Parliament, Pradeep Kumar Panigrahy, who has been elected from Behrampur. PM Modi said he is known for his loud voice and aggression, which has been witnessed earlier in Rajya Sabha as well. The Prime Minister cracked up with him and said that his voice was so loud that it could reach Gujarat from the Parliament itself. The BJP scripted history in the state of Odisha after coming to power with a majority in the state overtaking from the Naveen Patnaik-led BJD government. The state has three cabinet ministers – Ashwani Vaishnav Dharmendra Pradhan and Jual Oram in the central government. The party was able to win 20 out of 21 Lok Sabha seats, taking its tally a long way forward after Having 12 MP in 2019. Railways Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw is currently the sole Rajya Sabha MP for the saffron party from Odisha. Catch the latest developments on Bangladesh Unrest And Sheikh Hasina with our live blog. Source link via The Novum Times

[atomxmedia]

Prashant Kishor and Yogendra Yadav’s Contrasting Predictions for Lok Sabha Elections 2024

Renowned political analysts Prashant Kishor and Yogendra Yadav have recently offered their predictions for the outcome of the ongoing Lok Sabha elections in 2024. While both analysts have provided their insights, their forecasts diverge on crucial points, adding intrigue to the electoral landscape. Here’s an in-depth look at their predictions and the implications for the political scenario:

1. Prashant Kishor’s Projections:

Kishor foresees a scenario where the BJP replicates its performance from the 2019 Lok Sabha elections but falls short of crossing the 370-seat mark.

He suggests that while the BJP may not exceed 400 seats, it is unlikely to drop below the 270-seat threshold necessary to form a government independently.

Kishor’s analysis underscores the significance of alliances and coalition politics in securing a majority in the Lok Sabha.

2. Yogendra Yadav’s Forecasts:

In contrast, Yadav presents a more conservative outlook for the BJP, predicting that the party will struggle to surpass the 300-seat mark.

He emphasizes the challenges faced by the BJP in achieving its ambitious ‘400 paar’ claim, suggesting that the party’s seat tally may fall short of expectations.

Yadav’s projections highlight the potential for shifts in the political landscape, particularly in key states, which could influence the final outcome of the elections.

3. Alignment with Alliance Dynamics:

Both analysts acknowledge the importance of alliances in shaping the electoral arithmetic.

Kishor’s assessment recognizes the role of NDA allies in bolstering the BJP’s prospects, albeit within a defined seat range.

Yadav’s analysis raises the possibility of the INDIA bloc, led by the opposition, emerging as a formidable challenger to the NDA, contingent on developments in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.

4. Regional Insights and Seat Projections:

Yadav provides a detailed breakdown of seat projections across various regions, offering insights into potential gains and losses for the BJP.

His projections suggest nuanced dynamics in states like Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Puducherry, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, and Odisha, with implications for the BJP’s overall performance.

Additionally, Yadav anticipates significant shifts in heartland states like Maharashtra, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and others, which could shape the final outcome of the elections.

5. Impact of Regional Factors:

Yadav’s analysis underscores the influence of local dynamics, including state-specific issues and political narratives, on electoral outcomes.

He highlights the potential for surprises in states like Karnataka, West Bengal, Northeastern states, Punjab, Chandigarh, Himachal Pradesh, and Jammu and Kashmir, which may defy conventional expectations.

6. Implications for the NDA and Opposition:

Kishor and Yadav’s divergent forecasts offer contrasting narratives for the BJP-led NDA and the opposition alliances.

While Kishor’s projections suggest continuity in the BJP’s dominance, albeit within defined parameters, Yadav’s analysis hints at potential vulnerabilities and opportunities for the opposition to capitalize on.

In conclusion, Prashant Kishor and Yogendra Yadav’s predictions provide valuable insights into the evolving dynamics of Indian politics, highlighting the complexities and uncertainties inherent in electoral forecasting. As the elections unfold, the accuracy of these projections will be closely scrutinized, shaping the narrative of India’s democratic journey.

Read more: Marketing News, Advertising News, PR and Finance News, Digital News

[warningsine]

NEW DELHI (AP) — Nearly 970 million people — or over 10% of the global population — are eligible to vote in India’s general elections that start Friday and last to June 1. The mammoth exercise is the biggest anywhere in the world and will take 44 days before results are announced on June 4.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is seeking a third successive term. He will face off against a broad but flailing alliance of opposition parties that are struggling to challenge his appeal. Most surveys predict Modi’s Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party will win comfortably, cementing him as one of the country’s most popular and consequential leaders.

WHY DOES IT TAKE SO LONG?

It boils down to two key reasons: the sheer size of India, the world’s most populous country, and the astonishing level of logistics needed to ensure that every registered voter is able to cast their ballot.

Over the years, the duration of voting has wavered. It took nearly four months to complete the vote in India’s first elections in 1951-1952, after it gained independence from British rule, and just four days in 1980. In 2019, voting took 39 days, and this year’s election is the second longest.

With 969 million registered voters, the size of India’s electorate is bigger than the combined population of the 27 European Union member states. This includes 18 million first-time voters, and around 197 million who are in their 20s.

The vote to choose 543 lawmakers for the lower house of Parliament takes place over seven phases. India’s 28 states and eight federal territories will vote at different times. Each phase is one day, with the first held on April 19 and the last on June 1.

While some states will cast their ballots in a day, voting elsewhere may take longer. The largest state, Uttar Pradesh, which is the size of Brazil with 200 million people, will vote on all seven days, for example.

General elections in India tend to take weeks to conduct, but Modi’s opponents also say it gives him an advantage as it makes it easier for the prime minister, the public face of the BJP, to travel and campaign, especially in states where they are weak.

EVERY VOTE COUNTS

The Election Commission of India, which oversees the vote, has to make sure there is a voting booth available within 2 kilometers (1.2 miles) of every voter.

“Election officials have to travel to great lengths to ensure that even a single voter can exercise their franchise,” said Chakshu Roy of PRS Legislative Research, an independent think tank.

Some 15 million election officials and security staff will traverse the country’s deserts and mountains — sometimes by boat, foot and even on horseback — to try to reach every voter.

It can be especially arduous. In 2019, when India last held elections, a team of polling officers trekked over 480 kilometers (300 miles) for four days just so a single voter in a hamlet in the remote state of Arunachal Pradesh, which borders China, could exercise their right.

Officials also traveled to a village tucked away high up in the Himalayas in 2019 to install a booth at 15,256 feet (4,650 meters), the highest polling station anywhere in the world.

This time too, polling stations will be installed in remote places, including one inside a wildlife sanctuary in southern Kerala state and another in a shipping container in western Gujarat state.

TIGHT SECURITY

Experts say a key reason behind the multiphase elections in India is about security.

Tens of thousands of federal security forces, who usually guard borders for instance, are freed up and deployed alongside state police to prevent violence and transport electoral officials and voting machines.

Deadly clashes involving supporters of rival political parties, particularly in the eastern state of West Bengal, had marred previous elections. But such violence has tapered over the years, thanks to heavy security, and voting has been relatively peaceful.

“Look at the geography of the country … there are rivers, mountains, snow, jungles … think of the security forces’ movements. They will have to travel through the length and breadth of the country,” Rajiv Kumar, the chief election commissioner, said on Saturday. “We will walk the extra mile so voters don’t have to.”

[ezivoteofficial]

Modi's leadership evolution: 1.0, 2.0, what could be the big move for Modi 3.0

Nearly two decades of the Modi government, popularly termed as Modi 1.0 and Modi 2.0 is over and now comes the time for voter’s decision. Will Modi 3.0 arrive in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections? The answer lies in the choice of voters who chose BJP twice in the 2014 and 2019 elections. We are offering you a brief overview of how this tenure went and what were the prominent factors behind the remarkable victory. Also, we will have a close look at the factors that the BJP will be putting forward to continue this journey.

Factors that helped the Modi government win the 2014 general elections

BJP’s victory in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections gave them 272 seats out of 543 seats in the parliament. Being the first total majority win in the greatest democracy in nearly three decades, the triumph over the oldest political party, the Indian National Congress, was noteworthy. Here are the key factors behind the victory:

Hope for a better economy: Before 2014, India’s economic growth was hampered by the average percentage being 5 to 8. However, Modi’s Gujarat and its economy were on a progressive pace in comparison to other states. This hope of betterment gave the masses a good reason to cast their vote for the current government.

Fighting Corruption: Corruption is always a burning issue in the largest democracy. A lot of high-profile corruption cases came into the picture associated with the Congress-led coalition government before 2014. This was effectively used in Modi’s election campaign and he was portrayed as people’s ‘Watchman’ or ‘Chowkidar’.

Promises to the young voters: Youth in India have many hopes and aspirations about their future. Promises of education and job opportunities for sure attracted young voters hoping for betterment amid elections.

Know more ezivote

[werindialive]

“This is just the beginning, and we need to move forward,” Modi at the inauguration ceremony of Surat Diamond Bourse

Prime Minister Narendra Modi unveiled the Surat Diamond Bourse and a new terminal at the Surat City Airport on Sunday. During the inauguration ceremony, PM Modi said that during his third term, India would become the 3rd largest economy in the world. He also added that the Surat Diamond Bourse is the largest office complex in the world.

In his address, the Prime Minister further said that the bourse measuring a whopping over 6.7 million sq ft of floor space, symbolizes “new India’s capabilities and resolutions.” The bourse, he said, represents the abilities of Indian designers, materials, and concepts.

In another event, Prime Minister Modi also unveiled a new terminal at the city’s airport. The new terminal was built at the cost of ₹353 crore and is designed with an amalgam of heritage aesthetics and sustainability features to facilitate seamless trade and travel, read a press statement.

“Surat has contributed significantly to Gujarat and the country, but in my opinion, it has even greater potential. According to me, this is just the beginning, and we need to move forward,” Modi said.

“As you all know, in the last 10 years, India has risen above the 10th position in global economic strength and is now ranked fifth in the world,” he added. “Now, your Prime Minister Modi guarantees that in his third innings, India will definitely be among the top three economies in the world.”

After assuming his office in 2014 Modi has run a second term after the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) led its alliance to victory in 2019. The upcoming Lok Sabha election 2024 will be the third term for NDA if the party wins.

“The government has also set targets for the next 25 years; whether it’s a $5 trillion or $10 trillion goal, we are working towards all of them,” Modi said.

“We are also working on taking the country’s exports to record heights. In this regard, the responsibility of Surat, especially its diamond industry, has increased manifold,” the Prime Minister said. “All the industry leaders of Surat are present here, and the city should decide how it can contribute to the country’s growing exports.”

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[blogynews]

"The Shocking Revelation: Intriguing Details Unearthed as Nine Influential Figures of Rajya Sabha Take a Jaw-Dropping Oath"

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, along with eight other Members of Parliament, took the oath as Rajya Sabha members on August 21. The ceremony was presided over by Chairman Jagdeep Dhankhar in the Rajya Sabha chamber at Parliament House. This is Jaishankar’s second term as a Rajya Sabha MP, having been first elected in 2019. He expressed his gratitude to the people of Gujarat, Prime…

[blogynewz]

"The Shocking Revelation: Intriguing Details Unearthed as Nine Influential Figures of Rajya Sabha Take a Jaw-Dropping Oath"

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, along with eight other Members of Parliament, took the oath as Rajya Sabha members on August 21. The ceremony was presided over by Chairman Jagdeep Dhankhar in the Rajya Sabha chamber at Parliament House. This is Jaishankar’s second term as a Rajya Sabha MP, having been first elected in 2019. He expressed his gratitude to the people of Gujarat, Prime…

[blogynewsz]

"The Shocking Revelation: Intriguing Details Unearthed as Nine Influential Figures of Rajya Sabha Take a Jaw-Dropping Oath"

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, along with eight other Members of Parliament, took the oath as Rajya Sabha members on August 21. The ceremony was presided over by Chairman Jagdeep Dhankhar in the Rajya Sabha chamber at Parliament House. This is Jaishankar’s second term as a Rajya Sabha MP, having been first elected in 2019. He expressed his gratitude to the people of Gujarat, Prime…

[trustednewstribune]

Rahul Gandhi To Be MP Again, Can Contest Polls After Supreme Court Order

Modi Surname Case: The trial judge has awarded the maximum sentence of two years in the case, the top court observed in its judgement, adding that it would not have attracted disqualification if the sentence was a day lesser.

New Delhi: Congress leader Rahul Gandhi's conviction in a criminal defamation case over his 'Modi surname' remark was put on hold by the Supreme Court today, which said that while his remarks were not in good taste, his disqualification from parliament would affect his constituents.

The trial judge had awarded the maximum sentence of two years in the case, the top court observed, pointing out that it would not have attracted disqualification as an MP if the sentence was a day lesser.

Rahul Gandhi had in April told a sessions court in Surat his conviction by a magistrate's court in the 2019 defamation case was erroneous, patently perverse, and he was sentenced in a manner so as to attract disqualification as a Member of Parliament. He had said he was treated harshly by the trial court, which was "overwhelmingly influenced" by his status as an MP.

No doubt that the utterances by the petitioner were not in good taste, the Supreme Court said today, "and the petitioner ought to have been more careful in making speeches".

"The ramifications of disqualification not just affect the right of the individual but also the electorate," it said.

This was Rahul Gandhi's last chance before acquittal, and will allow him to attend the parliament and contest elections, his lawyer earlier argued in the court, adding that the High Court had reserved its judgement for 66 days, and due to conviction in the case, Mr Gandhi has already lost two Parliament sessions.

A Supreme Court bench of Justices BR Gavai, PS Narasimha, and Sanjay Kumar was hearing Rahul Gandhi's request for a stay on his conviction. The Gujarat High Court had earlier refused to stay his conviction in the criminal defamation case.

Senior Advocate Abhishek Manu Singhvi, representing Rahul Gandhi, said the trial has been completed, and Mr Gandhi has even been convicted, yet there is no evidence so far.

Mr Singhvi said this is the first time 30 crore people have held to be an identifiable class. "They are amorphous, non-homogenous...communities, castes, and groups with appellation 'Modi' are totally different," he said.

Justice Gavai had at the beginning of the hearing said Mr Gandhi will have to make out an exceptional case for a stay on conviction, to which Mr Singhvi said he was not arguing conviction today.

Mr Singhvi argued the complainant Purnesh Modi's original surname is not Modi, and he had changed it.

"The complainant Purnesh Modi himself said that his original surname was not Modi. He belongs to Modh Vanika Samaj," he argued, and claimed not a single of the persons Mr Gandhi had named during his speech have sued him.

"Interestingly, everybody who is aggrieved in this very 'small' community of 13 crores, the only people suing are BJP office-holders. Very strange," Mr Singhvi said.

The Supreme Court then pointed out that the trial court has also spoken about Mr Gandhi's criminal antecedents.

"They have cited 13 cases but no conviction in any of those cases. How are these cited for criminal antecedents? I am not a hardened criminal...No conviction despite...look at the chart. Full of cases filed by BJP karyakartas, but never any conviction," Mr Singhvi responded.

Advocate Singhvi then pointed out that the High Court treats this as a serious offence involving a moral turpitude.

"Not a single material of moral turpitude. Not a single judgement. This is non-cognisable, bailable, and compoundable. Not against society, not kidnapping, rape, murder...maximum sentence of 2 years... How can this become an offence involving moral turpitude?" he said.

There's no other case where two years sentence has been given, he added.

Mr Gandhi while maintaining that he was not guilty, on Wednesday requested the top court to stay his two-year conviction, enabling him to participate in the ongoing sittings of the Lok Sabha and sessions thereafter.

At a rally in Karnataka's Kolar in April 2019, Rahul Gandhi, in a dig at Prime Minister Narendra Modi, said, "How come all the thieves have Modi as the common surname?".

In an affidavit before the top court, the former Wayanad MP said that he has always maintained that he is not guilty of the offence and that the "conviction is unsustainable" and if he had to apologise and compound the offence, "he would have done it much earlier".

Rahul Gandhi has challenged the trial court order in the Surat Sessions court, where the appeal is pending.

[legalupanishad]

Gujarat HC Denies Stay on Rahul Gandhi Conviction: Explained

This article on 'Gujarat HC Denies Stay on Rahul Gandhi Conviction: Explained' was written by Anukriti Prakash, an intern at Legal Upanishad.

INTRODUCTION

In a recent turn of events, reports indicate that the Gujarat High Court has denied a request to stay Rahul Gandhi's conviction in a defamation case involving the surname "Modi." This signifies that Rahul Gandhi has indeed been convicted for defaming others by utilizing the "Modi" name. As of now, Rahul Gandhi has been charged with criminal defamation under Sections 499 and 500 of the Indian Penal Code. Furthermore, Rahul Gandhi's request for a stay of execution was granted by the Gujarat High Court.  The public is now curious about the potential effects on political discourse. A comprehensive analysis of this legal battle requires a thorough understanding of the facts and legal aspects. This controversial verdict has resonated highly in the Indian political sphere, considering Rahul Gandhi is a notable leader of the Indian National Congress. This case stands as a reminder to public figures of the immense responsibility that comes with their words and the consequences that may occur when the use of those words is misconstrued. This article will offer insight into the details of the case, the implications of the verdict legally, as well as its effect on the Indian political system.

FACTS OF THE RAHUL GANDHI DEFAMATION CASE

The case involves a defamation complaint filed against Rahul Gandhi by a BJP leader named Mehsana for his remark on the surname 'Modi'. In 2019, while addressing an election campaign in Karnataka, Rahul Gandhi said, "Nirav Modi, Lalit Modi, Narendra Modi... how come they all have Modi as a common surname?". Rahul Gandhi's defamatory statement targeting the Prime Minister and the Modi community has resulted in serious legal consequences. In 2020, Gandhi was convicted of defamation and had to face a two-year imprisonment sentence. Seeking redemption, he lodged an appeal against the conviction. On March 23, Gandhi was sentenced to two years in jail under sections 499 and 500 of the IPC after a BJP leader and former Gujarat minister, Purnesh Modi, filed a criminal defamation case against the Congress leader. On April 20, the Surat Sessions Court accepted his appeal, suspended his sentence, but refused to stay his conviction. Gandhi's membership remained suspended because there was no stay of execution. Gandhi argued before the high court that a possible sentence of two years in prison for a bailable, non-cognizable offense could result in the loss of his Lok Sabha seat. Disappointed by the verdict, Gandhi attempted to halt his conviction, by appealing in Gujrat High Court.

ISSUES OF THE CASE

- Whether Rahul Gandhi's statement linking the surname 'Modi' to corruption during a political rally in 2019 was defamatory; and - Whether it had caused harm to the reputation of the plaintiff, who is a Gujarat MLA.

JUDGMENT

Recently, the Gujarat High Court made a contentious decision by refusing to stay Rahul Gandhi's conviction in a defamation lawsuit. This case involved the former president of the Indian National Congress and his comments during a political rally in 2019. Gandhi had claimed that the surname "Modi" had connections to corrupt acts. However, the plaintiff argued that this statement harmed his and his family's reputation. As a result, Rahul Gandhi was charged under Sections 499 and 500 of the Indian Penal Code, which addresses criminal defamation. Rahul Gandhi's statement was determined by the court as defamatory and led to public shame and disgrace for the plaintiff. As a result of this finding, the appeal against conviction was dismissed, affirming the lower court's fair judgment. The recent legal verdict which has reignited the debate surrounding freedom of expression in India and the use of criminal defamation laws to silence dissent and criticism, has reverberated throughout the Indian political landscape — most pertinently for Rahul Gandhi, a prominent leader of the Indian National Congress who was embroiled in the case. This serves as a poignant reminder that public figures, such as Gandhi, must be diligent with their language, as they are not temporarily beyond the scope of defamation lawsuits. As a result, the implications are evident and this potent factor emphasizes the gravity of the prevailing problem and the need for balanced dialogue in the public arena.

ANALYSIS/CONCLUSION

In India, the conviction of Rahul Gandhi has ignited worries regarding the freedom to express oneself. This has triggered a debate on the suppression of disagreement and disapproval through criminal defamation laws. Critics claim that these laws frequently muzzle those who raise their voices against those in authority, including journalists, activists, and other prominent figures. The case is a stark reminder that public figures cannot evade legal consequences and should exercise caution in their statements. The legal ruling on Indian politician Rahul Gandhi is sure to cause a turbulence in the complex landscape of Indian politics. The conviction carries immense implications and may put the future of the Indian National Congress in jeopardy. This result has made it imperative to reconsider India's criminal defamation laws and the effects they potentially have on the right to freedom of speech and expression. In spite of holding public figures accountable for their words, it is equally essential to safeguard that laws are not misused to stifle any dissenting opinion. The judgement has consequently established an even more serious discussion surrounding the need for effectual legal reforms in India to ensure that laws accommodate the modern-day scenario and protect citizens' original rights. This trial has magnified the need for preserving a fair balance between the right to express one's thoughts and the right to keep one's honour intact.

REFERENCES

Sounak Mukhopadhyay, “Gujarat HC refuses to stay Rahul Gandhi’s conviction”, Live Mint, 7 July 2023, available at:  https://www.livemint.com/news/india/rahul-gandhi-defamation-case-gujarat-high-court-dismisses-rahul-gandhis-review-plea-to-suspend-conviction-11688695850059.html (last visited on 10 July 2023). Saeed Khan, “Defamation case: Gujarat HC rejects Rahul Gandhi’s plea for stay on conviction”, The Times of India, 7 July 2023, available at: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/defamation-case-gujarat-hc-rejects-rahul-gandhis-plea-for-stay-on-conviction/articleshow/101565702.cms (last visited on 10 July 2023). Read the full article