#gujarat assembly election

[rightnewshindi]

हिमाचल के सीएम सुखविंदर सुक्खू का बड़ा मिशन: दिल्ली से केरल तक दौरा, कांग्रेस हाईकमान ने सौंपी अहम जिम्मेदारी

Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu News: हिमाचल प्रदेश के मुख्यमंत्री सुखविंदर सिंह सुक्खू मंगलवार को शिमला से दिल्ली के लिए रवाना हो गए हैं। इस बार उनका दौरा केवल दिल्ली तक सीमित नहीं रहेगा, बल्कि वे बंगलुरु और केरल के कोच्चि भी जाएंगे। अभी तक उनका 5 अप्रैल तक का टूर कार्यक्रम जारी हुआ है, और सूत्रों की मानें तो इसके बाद गुजरात में भी एक कार्यक्रम की योजना बन रही है। कांग्रेस पार्टी के सूत्रों से मिली…

[latestgujaratinews]

ગેનીબેન ઠાકોર તાજા સમાચાર | લોકસભા ચૂંટણી 2024માં કોંગ્રેસના ગેનીબેન બનાસકાંઠા બેઠક પરથી જીત્યા છે. તેઓ વાવ બેઠક પરથી ધારાસભ્ય છે. ગેનીબેન ઠાકોર આજે ધારાસભ્ય પદેથી રાજીનામું આપશે. તેઓ દિલ્હીમાં સાંસદ તરીકે બનાસકાંઠાનું પ્રતિનિધિત્વ કરશે. | Geniben Thakor Latest News | Geniben of Congress has won from Banaskantha seat in Lok Sabha election 2024. She is MLA from Vav seat. Geniben Thakor will resign from the post of MLA today. He will represent Banaskantha as an MP in Delhi.

[mariacallous]

India is in the middle of a 44-day exercise to elect its next government, with Prime Minister Narendra Modi tipped to return his Bharatiya Janata Party to power for a third consecutive term. Modi, who aims to win nearly three-quarters of the country’s 543 parliamentary seats, has surprised many observers by using dehumanizing anti-Muslim language on the campaign trail—rhetoric that is more direct than that of his past speeches.

So far, the BJP campaign has focused on creating an irrational fear among India’s Hindu majority that if Modi doesn’t return as prime minister, a share of their private wealth and affirmative action job quotas will be given to Indian Muslims. Modi and his party have doubled down on this narrative at a moment when reports suggest that their quest for a supermajority is unlikely to succeed. The brazen continuation of such anti-Muslim rhetoric differentiates this campaign from the two others that have put Modi in the prime minister’s office.

Hate speech is a criminal offense in India, and it is specifically barred during an election campaign. However, Modi chose the three leaders of India’s Election Commission, the agency charged with conducting free and fair polls, and it has ignored his flagrant violations of the election code. As a result, as the campaign continues through the end of May, so too will Modi’s anti-Muslim tirades. India is expected to announce its election results on June 4.

If the BJP wins and Modi is once again crowned prime minister, his Islamophobic rhetoric will not simply disappear. Many political leaders campaign in poetry and govern in prose, but hateful rhetoric has real-life consequences. Modi’s campaign speeches have put a target on Indian Muslims’ backs, redirecting the anger of poor and marginalized Hindu communities away from crony capitalists and the privileged upper castes. It underscores an attempt to make members of the Muslim minority second-class citizens in a de facto Hindu Rashtra, or state.

These social schisms need only a small spark to burst into communal violence, which would damage India’s global status and growth. Furthermore, Modi’s campaign rhetoric is matched by the BJP’s choice to not put up candidates in Muslim-majority Kashmir, reducing its stake in ensuring robust democracy in a region that New Delhi has ruled directly since 2019. His language will also have a direct bearing on India’s fraught ties with its neighbor Pakistan. Finally, the state-backed ill treatment will likely not be limited to Indian Muslims—meaning that other religious minorities, such as Christians and Sikhs, will also be affected.

Around 200 million Muslims live in India—the second-largest Muslim population in the world, after that of Indonesia. Few mainstream Indian political leaders have plummeted to such depths in castigating these citizens. Modi’s campaign rhetoric makes clear that if he is elected to a third consecutive term, the nation’s Muslims will stand politically disempowered, economically marginalized, and deprived of their constitutional rights.

Modi’s political rise came in the wake of significant violence against Muslims in Gujarat in 2002, when he was the state’s chief minister. Due to his role in the violence, the European Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States all temporarily barred his entry. Leading the party’s campaign to victory in the state assembly in the same year, his campaign speeches were full of crude language against Muslims. But the BJP’s electoral success in Gujarat—winning the next two assembly elections before the launch of Modi’s national campaign—ultimately gave Modi political credibility within an extreme fringe of the party.

By 2011, Modi had started reinventing himself as a business-friendly leader with an eye on a national role. By the time he became prime minister three years later, the narrative of a so-called Gujarat model of economic development concealed his anti-Muslim ideological moorings. Modi’s mask slipped occasionally, but he often spoke with a dog whistle. Mostly, the prime minister reiterated an imagination of India as a Hindu nation. In a post-9/11 world, Modi presented an alternative model of battling Islamic terrorism and consolidated a Hindu majoritarian voter base—delivering a stunning election victory in 2019 after an attempted airstrike against an alleged terrorist training camp inside Pakistan.

This year, Modi has not campaigned on his track record of the past decade or on the party manifesto for the next five years as often as he has attempted to further polarize Hindus and Muslims. In a speech given on April 21, Modi suggested that the opposition Indian National Congress party, if elected, would redistribute property to Muslims. The party would “calculate the gold with [Hindu] mothers and sisters” and transfer it “among those who are infiltrators and have more children,” he said—using terms by which his supporters regularly describe Muslims.

Elsewhere, Modi alleged that Congress was helping Muslims in a plot to take over India: “The opposition is asking Muslims to launch vote jihad,” he said in March. Speaking at a rally in Madhya Pradesh in early May, Modi said that voters would have to choose between “vote jihad” and “Ram Rajya,” the latter being a term referring to a mythical, idealized society that purportedly existed during the rule of Lord Rama, the hero of the famous Hindu epic Ramayana.

The prime minister’s economic advisory council soon released a paper that sought to stoke anxieties about a decline in the proportion of Hindus in India; during the period it covered—1950 to 2015—India’s population actually increased by five Hindus for every one Muslim citizen, but BJP leaders soon deployed the report to further demonize Indian Muslims.

The party’s official messaging has echoed Modi’s rhetoric. A now-deleted video posted on the Instagram account for the BJP’s Karnataka branch this month said, “If you are a non-Muslim, Congress will snatch your wealth and distribute it to Muslims. Narendra Modi knows of this evil plan. Only he has the strength to stop it.” It was followed by an animated clip depicting Congress leader Rahul Gandhi hatching a plan to benefit Muslims at the expense of Hindu groups.

Other Indian democratic institutions have done no better. Despite formal complaints from opposition parties and civil society groups, the election commission has neither punished nor restrained Modi. A petition in the Delhi High Court seeking immediate action against Modi for his “communally divisive speeches” was dismissed, with the judges arguing that it was “without merit” because the commission was already looking into the matter. “We can’t presume that they won’t do anything,” one judge said. But as the elections near the finish line, that is precisely what has happened.

Some observers are likely to dismiss Modi’s recent language as par for the course during an election campaign, when tempers run high. However, most surveys and polls have predicted an easy victory for the prime minister and the BJP; he has no need to resort to pandering to base emotions with toxic rhetoric. In an interview, Modi denied that he had uttered a word against Indian Muslims; he was proved wrong by fact-checkers and video evidence. India’s top political scientist said that through his denials in interviews, Modi is trying to influence the naive chroniclers while he continues with his anti-Muslim speeches for the masses and his supporters. Modi’s No. 2, Amit Shah, insists that the party will continue with this anti-Muslim campaign. By persisting with hateful speech, the BJP leadership is fueling a narrative that is likely to intensify discrimination against Indian Muslims during Modi’s rule.

As prime minister, Modi has spearheaded a project for the political disempowerment of Indian Muslims. For the first time in the history of independent India, the ruling party does not have a single Muslim member of parliament. In the current election, the party has put up just one Muslim candidate—on a list of 440—who is running for an unwinnable seat in Kerala. More broadly, religious polarization has made it difficult for Muslim candidates to win seats in areas without an overwhelming Muslim majority. During recent elections, there have been complaints of authorities barring voters in Muslim-majority localities in BJP-ruled states. Modi’s message to Indian Muslims is unequivocal: You do not matter politically.

India’s Muslims are economically disadvantaged, too. A 2006 committee under Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s Congress government found that the Muslim community faced high levels of poverty and poor outcomes on almost all socioeconomic indicators. India’s opposition parties have promised a new socioeconomic survey that could inform future policy without a focus on religion. Modi’s government, by contrast, opted to not conduct even the regular census in 2021—the first such instance in 140 years—due to COVID-19; it has not been conducted since.

Rather than relying on data, Modi and his supporters prefer an emotional response that pitches poor and marginalized Hindus against Muslims. India is a highly unequal country: About 90 percent of the population earns less than the average income of $2,800 per year. This gap has widened under Modi, with the richest 1 percent now owning 40 percent of India’s wealth. By othering Muslims, Modi puts them at risk of becoming the object of other deprived groups’ ire, which could lead to further communal violence. A Muslim man was allegedly lynched in Gujarat during the current election campaign, without making national  headlines.

Islamophobia is at the core of the project to make India a Hindu state. Modi and the BJP frequently weaponize terrorism discourse to delegitimize critics and political opposition. In Kashmir, where the BJP is not running candidates this election, this tactic has fueled anger and hostility. The high turnout in the region seems to be an expression of rage against Modi’s 2019 decision to revoke its semi-autonomous status. When the ruling party leaders conflate Islam with terrorism, there is little chance of extending any hand of peace toward Pakistan, either. Modi and his ministers have vowed to take back Pakistan-administered Kashmir by force if necessary—no matter the grave risk of conflict between two nuclear-armed countries.

Finally, Modi’s rhetoric does not bode well for other religious minorities in India. In the border state of Manipur, the largely Christian Kuki community has suffered state-backed majoritarian violence for more than a year. In Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populated state, Christian priests and worshippers are being jailed, beaten, and threatened by both Hindu majoritarian groups and state police. Meanwhile, the BJP has demonized the Sikh farmers who led protests against agricultural laws in 2020 and 2021, labeling them as separatist Khalistani terrorists. (Last year, Modi’s government was accused of involvement in the killing of a Sikh separatist leader in Canada as well as in an attempted assassination in New York.)

Muslims, Sikhs, and Christians are India’s biggest religious minorities; they make up nearly one-fifth of the country’s population. To disempower these groups would spell the end of the historical bond between India and ideas of universal justice, human rights, and democracy. A majoritarian Indian state—a Hindu Rashtra—would instead make a covenant with bigotry, discrimination, and violence. The bipartisan U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom has repeatedly asked Washington to blacklist Modi’s government for its suppression of religious freedom, but the Biden administration has refused to act so far.

However, the evidence is there for all to see—and Modi has further substantiated the charge of bigotry with his campaign speeches targeting Indian Muslims. No matter if the BJP achieves its supermajority, this rhetoric will have significant consequences for India. Modi is serving a warning. The world should take note before it is too late.

[techno-99]

Narendra Modi Story

Narendra Modi (born September 17, 1950, Vadnagar, India) Indian politician and government official who rose to become a senior leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). In 2014 he led his party to victory in elections to the Lok Sabha (lower chamber of the Indian parliament), after which he was sworn in as prime minister of India. Prior to that he had served (2001–14) as chief minister (head of government) of Gujarat state in western India.

After a vigorous campaign—in which Modi portrayed himself as a pragmatic candidate who could turn around India’s underperforming economy—he and the party were victorious, with the BJP winning a clear majority of seats in the chamber. Modi was sworn in as prime minister on May 26, 2014. Soon after he took office, his government embarked on several reforms, including campaigns to improve India’s transportation infrastructure and to liberalize rules on direct foreign investment in the country. Modi scored two significant diplomatic achievements early in his term. In mid-September he hosted a visit by Chinese President Xi Jinping, the first time a Chinese leader had been to India in eight years. At the end of that month, having been granted a U.S. visa, Modi made a highly successful visit to New York City, which included a meeting with U.S. Pres. Barack Obama.

As prime minister, Modi oversaw a promotion of Hindu culture and the implementation of economic reforms. The government undertook measures that would broadly appeal to Hindus, such as its attempt to ban the sale of cows for slaughter. The economic reforms were sweeping, introducing structural changes—and temporary disruptions—that could be felt nationwide. Among the most far-reaching was the demonetization and replacement of 500- and 1,000-rupee banknotes with only a few hours’ notice. The purpose was to stop “black money”—cash used for illicit activities—by making it difficult to exchange large sums of cash. The following year the government centralized the consumption tax system by introducing the Goods and Services Tax (GST), which superseded a confusing system of local consumption taxes and eliminated the problem of cascading tax. GDP growth slowed from these changes, though growth had already been high (8.2 percent in 2015), and the reforms succeeded in expanding the government’s tax base. Still, rising costs of living and increasing unemployment disappointed many as grandiose promises of economic growth remained unfulfilled.

This disappointment registered with voters during the elections in five states in late 2018. The BJP lost in all five states, including the BJP strongholds of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Chhattisgarh. The rival Indian National Congress (Congress Party) won more state assembly seats than the BJP in all five elections. Many observers believed that this portended bad news for Modi and the BJP in the national elections set for the spring of 2019, but others believed that Modi’s charisma would excite the voters. Moreover, a security crisis in Jammu and Kashmir in February 2019, which escalated tensions with Pakistan to the highest point in decades, boosted Modi’s image just months before the election. With the BJP dominating the airwaves during the campaign—in contrast to the lacklustre campaign of Rahul Gandhi and Congress—the BJP was returned to power, and Modi became India’s first prime minister outside of the Congress Party to be reelected after a full term.

In his second term Modi’s government revoked the special status of Jammu and Kashmir, stripping it of autonomy in October 2019 and bringing it under the direct control of the union government. The move came under intense criticism and faced challenges in court, not only for the questionable legality of depriving Jammu and Kashmir’s residents of self-determination but also because the government severely restricted communications and movement within the region.

In March 2020, meanwhile, Modi took decisive action to combat the outbreak of COVID-19 in India, swiftly implementing strict nationwide restrictions to mitigate the spread while the country’s biotechnology firms became key players in the race to develop and deliver vaccines worldwide. As part of the effort to counter the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, Modi undertook executive action in June to liberalize the agricultural sector, a move that was codified into law in September. Many feared that the reforms would make farmers vulnerable to exploitation, however, and protesters took to the streets in opposition to the new laws. Beginning in November, massive protests were organized and became a regular disruption, particularly in Delhi.

Modi’s policies backfired in 2021. Protests escalated (culminating in the storming of the Red Fort in January), and extraordinary restrictions and crackdowns by the government failed to suppress them. Meanwhile, despite the remarkably low spread of COVID-19 in January and February, by late April a rapid surge of cases caused by the new Delta variant had overwhelmed the country’s health care system. Modi, who had held massive political rallies ahead of state elections in March and April, was criticized for neglecting the surge. The BJP ultimately lost the election in a key battleground state despite heavy campaigning. In November, as protests continued and another set of state elections approached, Modi announced that the government would repeal the agricultural reforms.

[moneymovespress]

AAP candidate announced for Visavadar seat by -election: Gopal Italia, who threw a shoe at Home Minister, will be the candidate, AAP won this seat - Gujarat News

In the last election, Italia contested from the Qatargam seat in Surat, but lost. By -elections are to be held in Visavadar assembly seat in Gujarat. However, the Election Commission has not announced the election dates. However, the Aam Aadmi Party has declared Patidar Gopal Italia as its candidate this seat. Party’s state organization general secretary Manojbhai Sorathia , AAP won this seat in…

[wwn24]

AAP names Gopal Italia as candidate for Visavadar Assembly bypoll; EC to yet announce date

With the Gujarat High Court paving the way for Visavadar Assembly bypoll in Gujarat, the AAP on Sunday (March 23, 2025) declared its leader Gopal Italia as the candidate, even as the Election Commission is yet to announce the byelection date. The Visavadar seat in Junagadh district, which has been lying vacant since December 2023 when Bhupendra Bhayani resigned as the AAP MLA and joined the…

[news365timesindia]

[ad_1] Paromita Das New Delhi: Elections in West Bengal have always been fiercely contested, and as the state heads towards the 2026 Assembly elections, the political battleground has been set once again. The latest controversy revolves around the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the All India Trinamool Congress (TMC), with both parties locked in a heated dispute over alleged “ghost voters” in the state’s electoral rolls. At the center of the controversy is the TMC’s initiative to scrutinize voter lists and identify what it calls “fraudulent and duplicate voters.” However, the BJP has alleged that this drive is a covert attempt to remove Hindu refugees and linguistic minorities from electoral rolls, thereby disenfranchising those communities that are perceived to be anti-TMC. The BJP has now launched a counter-campaign, urging affected voters to report any wrongful removal from the voter list and ensuring that no legitimate voter is left out before the crucial 2026 elections. The escalating political war over voter rolls is not just a procedural issue but a battle for electoral dominance in West Bengal, where the BJP has been trying to make significant inroads against Mamata Banerjee’s well-entrenched TMC government. The Voter List Controversy: Allegations and Counter-Allegations The TMC’s campaign to identify “ghost voters” was launched to purge the electoral rolls of fraudulent entries. Firhad Hakim, a senior TMC leader and the mayor of Kolkata, spearheaded the initiative in Bhabanipur—Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s home constituency. Hakim claimed that the BJP, with the alleged approval of the Election Commission (EC), had illegally registered voters from Gujarat, Punjab, and Haryana in West Bengal. To counter this, the TMC ordered a 10-day drive to identify and remove suspected fake voters. The BJP, however, has strongly opposed the initiative, calling it a deliberate move to suppress Hindu and non-Bengali voters, many of whom are believed to be anti-TMC. Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari accused the ruling party of trying to manipulate voter lists to favor itself. Adhikari also urged the Election Commission to take action against state officials who he claimed were complicit in the alleged voter suppression scheme. BJP leaders have particularly raised concerns over officials in districts like Nadia, North 24-Parganas, and Kolkata, where they claim that state officers are acting in favor of the TMC by unfairly dropping voters from electoral rolls. In response, the BJP has begun a door-to-door verification campaign in Bhabanipur, checking if Hindu and non-Bengali names are being removed. BJP’s Strategy: Countering the Alleged Voter Suppression To combat what it sees as an attack on its voter base, the BJP has launched a massive grassroots campaign to monitor the voter verification process. The party has urged its workers to identify and challenge any wrongful deletions from the voter list. In urban constituencies with a high concentration of non-Bengali and Hindu voters, like Barrackpore, Asansol, and Bhabanipur, BJP teams are reaching out to citizens to verify whether their names are still on the rolls. The party has promised legal assistance to those who have been wrongfully removed, ensuring that every voter’s name is reinstated before the 2026 Assembly elections. BJP Rajya Sabha MP Samik Bhattacharya took the attack further by alleging that TMC had previously benefited from duplicate and fake voters, helping them secure election victories. He claimed that the BJP had compiled a database proving these allegations, but now the TMC was attempting to remove Hindu voters under the pretext of cleaning up voter rolls. BJP leader Anupam Bhattacharya has focused on Bhabanipur, stating that the party has already begun preliminary work to identify voters being removed. Bhattacharya said that in the 2024 general elections, the BJP secured leads in five out of eight Kolkata Municipal Corporation (KMC) wards in Bhabanipur, indicating strong anti-TMC sentiment in the constituency.

The BJP fears that if names are removed from the voter list, the party will lose its edge in key constituencies. The TMC’s Defense: “Cleaning Up the Voter List” or Political Tactics? While the BJP has framed the TMC’s drive as an attempt at voter suppression, the TMC has maintained that the initiative is necessary to ensure clean and fair elections. Firhad Hakim argued that the identification of “ghost voters” is a legitimate process meant to remove fraudulent registrations and duplicate voter IDs from the system. The TMC has rejected the BJP’s accusations, stating that the removal of fake voters benefits all parties equally. They claim that the BJP’s resistance to the voter verification drive suggests that it wants to retain fraudulent voters to manipulate elections. A Pre-Election Power Struggle This controversy is more than just a technical dispute over electoral rolls—it is a strategic power struggle between the BJP and TMC ahead of the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections. With the BJP steadily gaining ground in urban and semi-urban areas, the TMC is keen to hold onto its dominance, especially in areas where it has been challenged. Both parties have strong political motives behind their actions. The BJP wants to consolidate its voter base and ensure that Hindu and non-Bengali voters remain on the electoral rolls, while the TMC wants to safeguard its strongholds by removing what it considers fake or duplicate voters. The real question is whether this voter verification drive will be conducted fairly, without bias from state government officials or political interference. If genuine voters—regardless of their religious or linguistic identity—are being removed, it would be a serious violation of democratic principles. However, if actual ghost voters exist, removing them would be a necessary step towards electoral transparency. Conclusion: The Road to 2026—A Battle Over Voter Identity As West Bengal gears up for the 2026 Assembly elections, the battle over voter lists is set to intensify. With accusations flying from both sides, it is crucial for the Election Commission of India (ECI) to intervene and ensure a fair, unbiased verification process. If the TMC is truly committed to removing only duplicate voters, it must be transparent about its methodology to prevent targeted disenfranchisement. Similarly, the BJP’s campaign must remain focused on legitimate voter protection, rather than using the issue for political mobilization alone. West Bengal’s electoral history is marked by high-stakes battles and allegations of rigging, making voter integrity a critical issue. With both the BJP and TMC preparing for an intense electoral fight, the outcome of this voter list controversy could play a decisive role in shaping the political future of the state.     The post BJP vs TMC: The Battle Over West Bengal’s Voter List Intensifies appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[news365times]

[ad_1] Paromita Das New Delhi: Elections in West Bengal have always been fiercely contested, and as the state heads towards the 2026 Assembly elections, the political battleground has been set once again. The latest controversy revolves around the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the All India Trinamool Congress (TMC), with both parties locked in a heated dispute over alleged “ghost voters” in the state’s electoral rolls. At the center of the controversy is the TMC’s initiative to scrutinize voter lists and identify what it calls “fraudulent and duplicate voters.” However, the BJP has alleged that this drive is a covert attempt to remove Hindu refugees and linguistic minorities from electoral rolls, thereby disenfranchising those communities that are perceived to be anti-TMC. The BJP has now launched a counter-campaign, urging affected voters to report any wrongful removal from the voter list and ensuring that no legitimate voter is left out before the crucial 2026 elections. The escalating political war over voter rolls is not just a procedural issue but a battle for electoral dominance in West Bengal, where the BJP has been trying to make significant inroads against Mamata Banerjee’s well-entrenched TMC government. The Voter List Controversy: Allegations and Counter-Allegations The TMC’s campaign to identify “ghost voters” was launched to purge the electoral rolls of fraudulent entries. Firhad Hakim, a senior TMC leader and the mayor of Kolkata, spearheaded the initiative in Bhabanipur—Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s home constituency. Hakim claimed that the BJP, with the alleged approval of the Election Commission (EC), had illegally registered voters from Gujarat, Punjab, and Haryana in West Bengal. To counter this, the TMC ordered a 10-day drive to identify and remove suspected fake voters. The BJP, however, has strongly opposed the initiative, calling it a deliberate move to suppress Hindu and non-Bengali voters, many of whom are believed to be anti-TMC. Leader of Opposition Suvendu Adhikari accused the ruling party of trying to manipulate voter lists to favor itself. Adhikari also urged the Election Commission to take action against state officials who he claimed were complicit in the alleged voter suppression scheme. BJP leaders have particularly raised concerns over officials in districts like Nadia, North 24-Parganas, and Kolkata, where they claim that state officers are acting in favor of the TMC by unfairly dropping voters from electoral rolls. In response, the BJP has begun a door-to-door verification campaign in Bhabanipur, checking if Hindu and non-Bengali names are being removed. BJP’s Strategy: Countering the Alleged Voter Suppression To combat what it sees as an attack on its voter base, the BJP has launched a massive grassroots campaign to monitor the voter verification process. The party has urged its workers to identify and challenge any wrongful deletions from the voter list. In urban constituencies with a high concentration of non-Bengali and Hindu voters, like Barrackpore, Asansol, and Bhabanipur, BJP teams are reaching out to citizens to verify whether their names are still on the rolls. The party has promised legal assistance to those who have been wrongfully removed, ensuring that every voter’s name is reinstated before the 2026 Assembly elections. BJP Rajya Sabha MP Samik Bhattacharya took the attack further by alleging that TMC had previously benefited from duplicate and fake voters, helping them secure election victories. He claimed that the BJP had compiled a database proving these allegations, but now the TMC was attempting to remove Hindu voters under the pretext of cleaning up voter rolls. BJP leader Anupam Bhattacharya has focused on Bhabanipur, stating that the party has already begun preliminary work to identify voters being removed. Bhattacharya said that in the 2024 general elections, the BJP secured leads in five out of eight Kolkata Municipal Corporation (KMC) wards in Bhabanipur, indicating strong anti-TMC sentiment in the constituency.

The BJP fears that if names are removed from the voter list, the party will lose its edge in key constituencies. The TMC’s Defense: “Cleaning Up the Voter List” or Political Tactics? While the BJP has framed the TMC’s drive as an attempt at voter suppression, the TMC has maintained that the initiative is necessary to ensure clean and fair elections. Firhad Hakim argued that the identification of “ghost voters” is a legitimate process meant to remove fraudulent registrations and duplicate voter IDs from the system. The TMC has rejected the BJP’s accusations, stating that the removal of fake voters benefits all parties equally. They claim that the BJP’s resistance to the voter verification drive suggests that it wants to retain fraudulent voters to manipulate elections. A Pre-Election Power Struggle This controversy is more than just a technical dispute over electoral rolls—it is a strategic power struggle between the BJP and TMC ahead of the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections. With the BJP steadily gaining ground in urban and semi-urban areas, the TMC is keen to hold onto its dominance, especially in areas where it has been challenged. Both parties have strong political motives behind their actions. The BJP wants to consolidate its voter base and ensure that Hindu and non-Bengali voters remain on the electoral rolls, while the TMC wants to safeguard its strongholds by removing what it considers fake or duplicate voters. The real question is whether this voter verification drive will be conducted fairly, without bias from state government officials or political interference. If genuine voters—regardless of their religious or linguistic identity—are being removed, it would be a serious violation of democratic principles. However, if actual ghost voters exist, removing them would be a necessary step towards electoral transparency. Conclusion: The Road to 2026—A Battle Over Voter Identity As West Bengal gears up for the 2026 Assembly elections, the battle over voter lists is set to intensify. With accusations flying from both sides, it is crucial for the Election Commission of India (ECI) to intervene and ensure a fair, unbiased verification process. If the TMC is truly committed to removing only duplicate voters, it must be transparent about its methodology to prevent targeted disenfranchisement. Similarly, the BJP’s campaign must remain focused on legitimate voter protection, rather than using the issue for political mobilization alone. West Bengal’s electoral history is marked by high-stakes battles and allegations of rigging, making voter integrity a critical issue. With both the BJP and TMC preparing for an intense electoral fight, the outcome of this voter list controversy could play a decisive role in shaping the political future of the state.     The post BJP vs TMC: The Battle Over West Bengal’s Voter List Intensifies appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[brookstonalmanac]

Events 2.3 (before 1940)

1047 – Drogo of Hauteville is elected as count of the Apulian Normans during the Norman conquest of Southern Italy. 1112 – Ramon Berenguer III, Count of Barcelona, and Douce I, Countess of Provence, marry, uniting the fortunes of those two states. 1451 – Sultan Mehmed II inherits the throne of the Ottoman Empire. 1488 – Bartolomeu Dias of Portugal lands in Mossel Bay after rounding the Cape of Good Hope, becoming the first known European to travel so far south. 1509 – The Portuguese navy defeats a joint fleet of the Ottoman Empire, the Republic of Venice, the Sultan of Gujarat, the Mamlûk Burji Sultanate of Egypt, the Zamorin of Calicut, and the Republic of Ragusa at the Battle of Diu in Diu, India. 1583 – Battle of São Vicente takes place off Portuguese Brazil where three English warships led by navigator Edward Fenton fight off three Spanish galleons sinking one in the process. 1637 – Tulip Mania collapses within the Dutch Republic. 1639 – The House of Assembly of Barbados meets for the first time. 1690 – The colony of Massachusetts issues the first paper money in the Americas. 1706 – During the Battle of Fraustadt Swedish forces defeat a superior Saxon-Polish-Russian force by deploying a double envelopment. 1716 – The 1716 Algiers earthquake sequence began with an Mw  7.0 mainshock that caused severe damage and killed 20,000 in Algeria. 1781 – American Revolutionary War: British forces seize the Dutch-owned Caribbean island Sint Eustatius. 1783 – Spain–United States relations are first established. 1787 – Militia led by General Benjamin Lincoln crush the remnants of Shays' Rebellion in Petersham, Massachusetts. 1807 – A British military force, under Brigadier-General Sir Samuel Auchmuty captures the Spanish Empire city of Montevideo, now the capital of Uruguay. 1809 – The Territory of Illinois is created by the 10th United States Congress. 1813 – José de San Martín defeats a Spanish royalist army at the Battle of San Lorenzo, part of the Argentine War of Independence. 1830 – The London Protocol of 1830 establishes the full independence and sovereignty of Greece from the Ottoman Empire as the final result of the Greek War of Independence. 1862 – Moldavia and Wallachia formally unite to create the Romanian United Principalities. 1870 – The Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution is ratified, guaranteeing voting rights to male citizens regardless of race. 1913 – The Sixteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution is ratified, authorizing the Federal government to impose and collect an income tax. 1916 – The Centre Block of the Parliament buildings in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada burns down with the loss of seven lives. 1917 – World War I: The American entry into World War I begins when diplomatic relations with Germany are severed due to its unrestricted submarine warfare. 1918 – The Twin Peaks Tunnel in San Francisco, California begins service as the longest streetcar tunnel in the world at 11,920 feet (3,630 meters) long. 1927 – A revolt against the military dictatorship of Portugal breaks out at Oporto. 1930 – The Communist Party of Vietnam is founded at a "Unification Conference" held in Kowloon, British Hong Kong. 1931 – The Hawke's Bay earthquake, New Zealand's worst natural disaster, kills 258. 1933 – Adolf Hitler announces that the expansion of Lebensraum into Eastern Europe, and its ruthless Germanisation, are the ultimate geopolitical objectives of Nazi foreign policy.

[hindustanmorning]

BJP removes four individuals, including a former MLA, before Gujarat by-election

BJP in the Gujarat Assembly has made a significant move ahead of the by-election. The party has removed four individuals, including a former MLA. The cause for being suspended from the party is participating in the by-election. However, these individuals are running in the election as independents rather than on a BJP ticket. It is said that for this reason, these individuals have been led out…

[tfgadgets]

Gujarat bypoll: Congress fields Gulab Singh Rajput for Vav Assembly constituency

Congress party workers during an election rally in Rajkot, Gujarat. File photo for represenational purpose only. | Photo Credit: VIJAY SONEJI The Congress on Friday (October 25, 2024) announced Gulab Singh Rajput as its candidate for the ensuing by-election to the Legislative Assembly of Gujarat from Vav constituency. According to a press release, Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge has…

[phoenixx-news]

Amitbhai Anilchandra Shah (Amit Shah) – A Biography

Early Life and Education

Amitbhai Anilchandra Shah, born on October 22, 1964, in Mumbai to Mrs. Kusum Ben and Mr. Anilchandra Shah, hails from a family with deep roots in Gujarat. His grandfather was a prosperous merchant (Nagar Seth) in Mansa, a small princely state of the Baroda State of Gaikwad. Shah spent his early years in Mansa, where he received his primary education. His upbringing was steeped in the ‘Indian Value Tradition,’ under the guidance of eminent scholars from the Gaikwad State, focusing on Indian scriptures, historical texts, grammar, and epics.

Influences and Early Political Engagement

After completing his primary education, Shah’s family relocated to Ahmedabad. Influenced by his mother, an ardent Gandhian, Shah embraced the simplicity of Khadi. His fascination with the biographies of patriots and the writings of K.M. Munshi deeply influenced his young mind.

At the age of 13, during the 1977 general elections amidst the Emergency period, Shah actively participated in the campaign, supporting Maniben Patel, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel’s daughter, who contested from the Mehsana Lok Sabha seat as a Jana Sangh candidate.

Early Political Career

Shah’s formal political journey began at 16 when he joined the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) as a young Swayamsevak in 1980. By 1982, he was the joint secretary of the Gujarat unit of the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) and worked as a polling agent for the BJP in 1984. He joined the BJP Yuva Morcha in 1987 and became involved with the Deendayal Research Institute, serving as its treasurer for eight years. This period allowed him to learn from the social reformer Nanaji Deshmukh.

Rise in the BJP

In 1989, Shah became the BJP secretary of Ahmedabad, playing a pivotal role during the Ram Janmabhoomi movement and the Ekta Yatra. He managed election campaigns for senior leaders like L.K. Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee in Gandhinagar until 2009. Shah’s association with Narendra Modi began in the 1990s when Modi was the BJP’s Organization Secretary in Gujarat. Shah’s business acumen helped him significantly when he became the chairman of the Gujarat Pradesh Finance Corporation in 1995, turning around the corporation’s financial health.

Political Achievements in Gujarat

Shah was appointed the National Treasurer of the BJP’s Yuva Morcha in 1997 and won the Sarkhej assembly by-election by a margin of 25,000 votes. He continuously won assembly elections until 2012, with increasing margins each time. As an MLA, Shah facilitated numerous development projects and became the state secretary of Gujarat BJP in 1998, and state vice-president within a year.

Leadership in Cooperative Sector and Further Political Roles

At 36, Shah became the youngest chairman of the Ahmedabad District Co-operative Bank (ADCB) in 2000, transforming its financial status. He was appointed as the convener of the BJP’s National Cooperative Cell in 2001. He played a crucial role in the 2002 Gujarat assembly elections under Narendra Modi’s leadership and served as a minister in the Gujarat government, holding key portfolios like Home, Traffic, Prohibition, Parliamentary Affairs, Law, and Excise.

National Politics and BJP Presidency

In 2013, Shah became the BJP’s National General Secretary. During the 2014 elections, he was pivotal in the BJP’s success in Uttar Pradesh, securing 73 seats. On July 9, 2014, Shah became the BJP National President. Under his leadership, the BJP expanded its organizational base and achieved significant electoral successes, forming governments in states like Assam, Tripura, Manipur, Haryana, and Maharashtra. He was re-elected as the national president in 2016 and became a trustee of the Somnath Temple Trust the same year.

Ministerial Roles and Legislative Achievements

In 2017, Shah was elected to the Rajya Sabha from Gujarat and continued to strengthen the party’s presence across India. He contested the 2019 Lok Sabha elections from Gandhinagar, winning by a significant margin. Appointed as the Home Minister in 2019, Shah played a crucial role in major legislative changes, including the abrogation of Article 370 and the enactment of the Citizenship Amendment Act.

Contributions to Security and Disaster Management

Shah has been instrumental in resolving long-standing issues in Kashmir and the northeastern states, implementing a zero-tolerance policy against Left-Wing Extremism, and improving disaster management protocols. His efforts have bolstered internal security and the National Disaster Response Force’s (NDRF) effectiveness.

Ministry of Cooperation and Personal Life

In 2021, Shah was appointed as the Minister of Cooperation, focusing on revitalizing the cooperative movement. Despite his busy political career, Shah enjoys various cuisines, old films, and chess. He has not traveled abroad since 2006, maintaining a disciplined and spiritual lifestyle.

Amitbhai Anilchandra Shah’s journey from a young activist to one of India’s most influential politicians is marked by strategic acumen, dedication to public service, and a deep commitment to the nation’s security and development.

[angel0news]

BJP's 'Bal Buddhi' Re-Plug On Rahul Gandhi's Ram Janmabhoomi Movement Claim

Congress leader Rahul Gandhi's remarks on the Ram Janmabhoomi movement led by BJP veteran Lal Krishna Advani has drawn a sharp response, with the BJP doubling down on Prime Minister Narendra Modi's "childish mind" jab at Mr Gandhi.

BJP veteran and Union Agriculture Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan described Rahul Gandhi as "bal buddhi" (childish) and accused him of "spreading confusion and lies".

"Rahul Gandhi is a childish person who has not matured yet. He has not yet become the Leader of the Opposition properly. He says we (INDIA bloc) defeated the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. Rahul ji, Ram is our existence, our ideal, our life, our God, and Ram is the identity of India," Mr Chouhan told reporters.

Referring to the Ram Janmabhoomi movement, he said, "This movement has thrown the Congress out of power many times and paved the way for the construction of a divine and grand temple, but Rahul Gandhi only lies."

Mr Chouhan also accused Mr Gandhi of lying in Parliament about Agniveer martyrs and the government of not providing a Minimum Support Price.

"He (Rahul) knows nothing else other than lying and spreading confusion. That is why this 'Bal Buddhi' person Rahul Gandhi keeps saying anything that comes to his mind. No one understands how he was able to defeat the (Ram Mandir) movement.

"Just saying whatever comes to mind has become the tendency of the Congress. Under his (Rahul Gandhi) leadership, the Congress will invite only misfortune," he added.

BJP leaders have been infantilising Mr Gandhi and saying he has a "childish mind" after Prime Minister Narendra Modi's "balak buddhi" jab at the Congress MP, now Leader of the Opposition in Lok Sabha.

The remarks in question were made by the Congress leader during his visit to Ahmedabad. He was speaking about the Faizabad Lok Sabha seat -- of which Ayodhya is a part -- by Congress ally Samajwadi Party.

"By defeating the BJP in Ayodhya, INDIA bloc has defeated the Ram Mandir movement that was launched by the BJP veteran Lal Krishna Advani. What I am saying is something very big… Congress party and INDIA bloc defeated them in Ayodhya," Mr Gandhi said Saturday.

The Rath Yatra was launched by Mr Advani to shore up support for the construction of a temple at the site in Ayodhya believed to be the birthplace of Lord Ram. The yatra was taken out in 1990 and multiple communal clashes were reported along its route. Two years later, the 16th century Babri Masjid located at the Ayodhya site was demolished by Hindu activists who believed it was built on the ruins of an ancient temple to mark Ram's birthplace. Nearly three decades later, a Supreme Court ruling paved the way for a construction of a Ram Temple at the site.

With the BJP playing up the Ram temple construction in its election campaign, the Faizabad election was keenly watched, and the BJP's defeat there was a key talking point on result day.

While speaking in Ahmedabad, Mr Gandhi also claimed that the BJP would be defeated in its stronghold Gujarat in the 2027 state polls. "Together we are going to defeat them in Gujarat. We will defeat Narendra Modi and BJP in Gujarat just like we defeated them in Ayodhya," Mr Gandhi said.

This would be quite a task because in the 2022 election, the BJP swept the state, winning 156 of the 182 Assembly seats and the Congress managed just 17.

Mr Gandhi's remarks also drew the criticism of Chirag Paswan, Union Minister and leader of BJP's ally Lok Janshakti Party (Ramvilas).

Responding to the Congress leader's remarks, he said, "First up of all, Rahul Gandhi should learn it is Faizabad Lok Sabha, not Ayodhya. Ayodhya is a Vidhan Sabha constituency and is part of it. In such cases, if they think Ayodhya's win is big for them, then we are also analysing our mistakes and working towards it. They couldn't even cross the mark of 100+ seats in Lok Sabha and are claiming big things, I think their pride won't stay for long. In upcoming days, there are elections in various states, the results will show how strong NDA is."

[lallulalnews]

#lallulal #lallulalnews @lallulalnews क्या बोल गए राहुल गांधी | INDIA ने जैसे अयोध्या में हराया, वैसे ही  गुजरात में हराने जा रहे हैं #gujratelection #ayodhyarammandir #gujratelections #gujratelections2022 #gujratelection2023 #gujratelections2024 #viralvideo   #pmmodi #bjp #congressparty #priyankagandhi #rahulgandhi    #aap #aapneta #delhiaap gujarat election 2022,gujarat election,gujarat elections,gujarat election news,gujarat elections 2022,gujarat assembly election,gujarat assembly elections,rahul gandhi gujarat rally,gujarat election date,gujarat election 2022 date,gujarat elections 2017,gujarat assembly election 2022,rahul gandhi in gujarat,gujarat election 2017,gujarat vidhansabha election,gujarat 2022 election,opinion poll gujarat election 2022,rahul gandhi gujarat #gujratelectionLallu Lal (लल्लू लाल)- हे भैया सच्ची खबर तो लल्लू लाल ही देंगे..भारत के हर कोने से चुनी गई खबरों का संग्रह। भारत के राजनैतिक, सामाजिक और आर्थिक मुद्दों पर गहराई से जानकारी देना हमारा लक्ष्य है। हम यहाँ पर हर विषय को गहराई से देखते हैं, ताकि भारत के करोड़ों Online User के पास सही खबर मिले।

[wwn24]

AAP fields Gopal Italia for Visavadar Assembly bypolls in Gujarat

Aam Aadmi Party has fielded former Gujarat party chief, Gopal Italia as its candidate for the Visavadar Assembly by-elections in Gujarat. AAP’s national general secretary, Sandeep Pathak, made this announcement on Sunday. Visavadar assembly constituency is part of Junagadh district and a segment of Junagadh Lok Sabha constituency. The last assembly elections in Gujarat were held in 2022, when BJP…

[news365timesindia]

[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 11th Feb. The recent landslide victory by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Delhi has illuminated deep fissures within the Indian National Developmental Inclusive (I.N.D.I.) Alliance, exposing its inherent contradictions and severe vulnerabilities. While the contest was initially seen as a battle between the I.N.D.I. Alliance and the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), it ultimately boiled down to a direct fight between the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) and BJP. Although BJP’s tally of 48 seats dwarfed AAP’s 22, the real story lies in the internal dynamics that led to AAP’s significant losses, particularly at the hands of its own coalition partner, Congress. This analysis explores how Congress’s decision to contest all 70 assembly seats, despite internal differences, led to a string of losses for AAP and further complicated the already fragile alliance structure. Congress’s Role in AAP’s Setback: The Congress party’s involvement in the Delhi elections marked a stark shift from the usual alliance politics. By contesting 70 seats—four more than its 2020 figure—Congress managed to siphon off crucial votes, leading to the defeat of prominent AAP leaders such as Arvind Kejriwal, Manish Sisodia, Saurabh Bharadwaj, and others. The Congress strategy to “sabotage AAP” was particularly evident in constituencies like New Delhi, Greater Kailash, and Malviya Nagar, where AAP had historically been strong. Congress’s decision to fight all seats created an electoral challenge for AAP, which was already struggling to maintain its image as a party of modernization and governance. The underlying motivation for Congress’s actions seemed twofold: it was an attempt to avenge its losses in Gujarat, Goa, and Haryana, and a bid to reclaim political relevance. Rahul Gandhi’s ecosystem, having long desired to see his leadership strengthened, embraced this moment of victory. The 99 seats Congress secured was a clear indication of its attempt to re-establish itself as a central player in national politics. However, this win came at the expense of both alliance cohesion and ideological consistency, as Congress’s tactics of competing for Muslim and Dalit votes clashed with those of regional partners in the alliance. Internal Contradictions and Fragmentation of I.N.D.I. Alliance: While Congress’s actions in Delhi were just one chapter, they epitomize the broader issues plaguing the I.N.D.I. Alliance. With over two dozen parties in its fold, ranging from regional powerhouses to smaller factions, the alliance’s structure is inherently unstable. Internal contradictions are particularly stark in states like West Bengal, where Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress (TMC) is at odds with the Left parties. The tussles within the alliance over issues such as the Waqf Bill, seat-sharing, and ideological divisions have made it difficult to present a united front against the BJP. The alliance’s challenges are not confined to Delhi. In states like Maharashtra, Jharkhand, and Bihar, Congress’s attempts to strengthen its position through seat-sharing agreements have led to internal conflicts and rivalry with regional parties. The ongoing tussle in Bihar, where Congress and regional ally RJD are jostling for control over Dalit and Muslim votes, is a prime example of how regional politics often undermines broader national unity within the alliance. The Battle for Dalit and Muslim Votes: Congress’s focus on Muslim and Dalit votes has intensified in recent years. In states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, the party is increasingly aligning itself with far-left factions, hoping to consolidate the Dalit and Muslim vote banks. This approach, however, has not been without its risks. In Bihar, the entry of Prashant Kishor, a political strategist with ties to the BJP, has created uncertainty, as both Congress and RJD are vying for Muslim support. Similarly, in Uttar Pradesh, Congress’s ambition to increase its seat share is clashing with regional

powerhouses like Samajwadi Party (SP) and Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), which are also competing for the same constituencies. The I.N.D.I. Alliance, as it stands today, appears fundamentally fractured. The strategic maneuvering by Congress has destabilized its relationships with key regional partners, and its obsession with regaining Muslim and Dalit support has pushed the alliance towards ideological extremism. For Congress to secure its place in national politics, it must find a way to reconcile its ambitions with the realities of regional power dynamics. The alliance’s internal rifts, compounded by personal ambitions and ideological differences, suggest that without a major realignment, the I.N.D.I. Alliance will continue to struggle in the face of a unified BJP-led NDA. Conclusion: The future of the I.N.D.I. Alliance is uncertain. While its potential for uniting against the BJP remains an option, its internal divisions, amplified by Congress’s approach, will make any coherent strategy difficult to execute. As regional parties continue to assert their autonomy and ideological purity, the alliance faces an uphill battle in the run-up to future elections. Without a concerted effort to resolve these contradictions and address the broader electoral dynamics, the I.N.D.I. Alliance risks fading into irrelevance, leaving the BJP unchallenged at the national level.   The post INDI Alliance’s Fragile Unity: A Delicate Dance of Rivalries and Ambitions appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link