#foreign asset lobbying
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There are so many US politicians on the AIPAC dole that a video had to be compiled to list them all. Both parties have no problem taking millions from a foreign assets lobbyists. Compare this list to those who signed that insane letter threatening the ICC at the Hague. Notice anything?
#corruption runs deep#both sides of the aisle are dirty#aipac#aipac funds at work#foreign asset lobbying#israel lobby#adam schiff#nancy pelosi#mitch mcconnell#marco rubio#ted cruz#marsha blackburn#katie britt#raphael warnock#us is complicit in genocide and war crimes#genocide joe#joe bye done#mike johnson#chuck schumer#boycott israel#israel is a terrorist state#israeli apartheid#israel is committing genocide#israel is an apartheid state#get money out of politics#both sides are corrupt#john fetterman#2 sides of the same dirty coin#elizabeth warren#shady is as shady does
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Reasons Trump is Unfit for Office, with Sources.
From this comment on Reddit:
Top reasons why Trump should not be president.
Lost the election and lied about it.Source
Sent an armed angry mob to Congress and told them they need to fight like hell. Source
Approved of the mob saying “hang Mike Pence”. Source
Was found liable for sexual assault.Source
Was found guilty of defrauding his university students. Source
Was found guilty of inflating his assets to get favorable loans.Source
Admitted to walking in on pageant contestants’ dressing rooms.Source
Allegedly Raped and beat Ivana Trump. Source
Stole from a kids’ cancer charity. Source
Received $413 million inheritance despite claims that he’s a self made man. Source
Blocked his chronically ill infant nephew from getting any of that inheritance. Source
Is the first president to receive votes against him from his own party during impeachment. Source
Led us into being one of the worst hit during Covid despite our head start and resources, leading to high inflation. Source
Said the Democrats do better with the economy.Source
Was ranked as the worst president in history by bipartisan presidential historians.Source
Pushed a plot to have fake votes created and then used to make him President despite losing the election.Source
Ordered republicans to block a bipartisan immigration billso Biden would not get a win before the election.Source
Is a convicted felon guilty of falsifying records to influence an election.Source
Told the Department of Justice to “just say the election was corrupt and leave the rest to me and the Republican congressmen.”Source
His VP, Mike Pence said Trump should never be president again, and that Trump asked him to put himself “above the Constitution”. Source
Got Fox News successfully sued for repeating/pushing his administrations election lies. A $787M settlement. Source
Said he’d be a dictator for one day Source
Trump lied to, or misled the public 30,573 times in the four years he held office. Source
Also, just regarding some of the Trump administration that have been convicted of crimes:
Donald Trump was charged, convicted, and is awaiting sentencing.
Trump’s former campaign chairman, Paul Manafort, was charged, convicted, and sentenced to prison.
Trump’s former campaign vice chairman, Rick Gates, was charged, convicted, and sentenced to prison.
Trump’s former personal lawyer, Michael Cohen, was charged, convicted, and sentenced to prison.
Trump’s former adviser and former campaign aide, Roger Stone, was charged, convicted, and sentenced to prison.
Trump’s former adviser and former White House aide Peter Navarro, was charged, convicted, and is currently in prison.
Trump’s former campaign adviser, George Papadopoulos, was charged, convicted, and sentenced to prison.
The Trump Organization’s former CFO, Allen Weisselberg, was charged, convicted, and sentenced to prison.
Trump’s former White House national security advisor, Michael Flynn, was charged and convicted.
Trump’s former chief strategist, Steve Bannon, was charged with wire fraud and money laundering, in addition to a conviction in a contempt case similar to Navarro’s. He’s currently awaiting sentencing.
Though he was later acquitted at trial, Trump’s former inaugural committee chair, Tom Barrack, was charged with illegally lobbying Trump on behalf of a foreign government. (Elliot Broidy was the vice chair of Trump’s inaugural committee, and he found himself at the center of multiple controversies, and also pled guilty to federal charges related to illegal lobbying.)
Two lawyers associated with Trump’s post-defeat efforts, Kenneth Chesebro and Sidney Powell, have pleaded guilty to election-related crimes.
Source
And if your vote is based strictly on economic achievements, here is a TikTok video comparing Trumps economy by the numbers. Tiktok link
#fuck trump#uspol#trump is a criminal#trump is a fascist#vance is a fascist#google curtis yarvin#vote blue
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Meanwhile in New Zealand....
The NZ Auditor General (independent auditing and oversight of government spending) prevents the current government from attempting to cook the books in order to make the previous government look worse in order to justify further cuts to the health system as part of its plan to privatize it and sell off other New Zealand public owned assets to foreigners in line with the type of interference we have experienced due to the current government's association with the Atlas lobby group
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Why I’m voting against the military budget
Why I’m voting against the military budget Bernie Sanders Sat 8 Dec 2024
Today in America, 60% of our people live paycheck to paycheck, 85 million people are uninsured or underinsured and 21.5 million households are paying more than 50% of their income on housing. We have one of the highest rates of childhood poverty of almost any developed country on Earth, and 25% of older adults are trying to survive on $15,000 a year or less. In other words, the United States has fallen far behind other major countries in protecting the most vulnerable, and our government has failed millions of working families. But while so many Americans are struggling to get by, the United States is spending record-breaking amounts of money on the military. In the coming days, with relatively little debate, Congress will overwhelmingly pass the National Defense Authorization Act, approving close to $900bn for the Department of Defense (DoD). When spending on nuclear weapons and “emergency” defense spending is included, the total will approach $1tn. We now spend more than the next nine countries combined.
I don’t often agree with Elon Musk, but he is right when he says the Pentagon “has little idea how its annual budget of more than $800bn is spent.” The Department of Defense is the only government agency that has been unable to pass an independent audit. It recently failed its seventh attempt in a row and could not fully account for huge portions of its $4.126tn in assets. Very few people who have researched the military-industrial complex doubt that there is massive fraud, waste and cost over-runs in the system. Defense contractors routinely overcharge the Pentagon by 40% – and sometimes more than 4,000%. For example, in October, RTX (formerly Raytheon) was fined $950m for inflating bills to the DoD, lying about labor and material costs, and paying bribes to secure foreign business. In June, Lockheed Martin was fined $70m for overcharging the navy for aircraft parts, the latest in a long line of similar abuses. The F-35, the most expensive weapon system in history, has run up hundreds of billions in cost overruns.
Today, as a result of massive consolidation in the industry, a large portion of the Pentagon budget now goes to a handful of huge defense contractors like Lockheed Martin, RTX, General Dynamics and Northrop Grumman. That consolidation has been extremely profitable for the industry: since 2022, these four contractors have brought in $609bn in revenues, including $353bn in US taxpayer funds, and recorded $57bn in profits. During that same period, they have spent $61bn on dividends and stock buybacks to make their wealthy stockholders even richer.
These defense contractors also provide their CEOs with exorbitant compensation packages. In the last three years for which information is available, these companies paid their CEOs more than $257m combined – with annual salaries that are about 100 times more than the secretary of defense and 500 times more than the average newly enlisted service member.
How does this happen? How do we keep handing huge amounts of money to companies that routinely overcharge the American taxpayer and often engage in fraud? The answer is not complicated. These companies – like the drug companies, insurance companies, Wall Street and the fossil fuel industry – spend millions on campaign contributions and lobbying. In the recent election cycle, defense contractors spent nearly $251m on lobbying and contributed almost $37m to political candidates. Surprise, surprise! Most members of Congress vote for greatly inflated military budgets with few questions asked. The lack of accountability at the Department of Defense is not just costing American taxpayer dollars. It’s costing lives. The United States is providing many billions of dollars to help defend Ukraine from Putin’s invasion. When defense contractors said they couldn’t ramp up production without more taxpayer support, Congress repeatedly appropriated emergency funding, with roughly $78.5bn going to buy equipment and services from the major defense contractors.
How did those “patriotic” companies respond? They jacked up prices. RTX increased prices for Stinger missiles from $25,000 in the 1990s to $400,000 in 2023. Lockheed Martin and RTX raised the price of the Javelin missile system from about $263,000 per unit just before the war to $350,700 this year. Similar price hikes took place for Patriot missiles and other weapons. And make no mistake: every time a contractor pads its profit margins, fewer weapons reach the frontlines. The greed of these defense contractors is not just costing American taxpayers; it’s killing Ukrainians.
The United States needs a strong military, but we do not need a defense system that is designed to make huge profits for a handful of giant defense contractors. We do not need to spend almost a trillion dollars on the military, while half a million Americans are homeless and children go hungry.
In this moment in history, it would be wise for us to remember what Dwight D Eisenhower, a former five-star general, said in his farewell address in 1961: “In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex. The potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power exists and will persist.” What Eisenhower said was true in 1961. It is even more true today.
I will be voting against the military budget.
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Abusive Sexual Contact
Advocating Overthrow of Government
Aggravated Assault/Battery
Aggravated Identity Theft
Aggravated Sexual Abuse
Aiming a Laser Pointer at an Aircraft
Airplane Hijacking
Anti-racketeering
Antitrust
Armed Robbery
Arson
Assassination
Assault with a Deadly Weapon
Assaulting or Killing Federal Officer
Assisting or Instigating Escape
Attempt to commit Murder/Manslaughter
Bank Burglary
Bankruptcy Fraud/Embezzlement
Bank Larceny
Bank Robbery
Blackmail
Bombing Matters
Bond Default
Breaking and/or Entering Carrier Facilities
Bribery Crimes
Certification of Checks (Fraud)
Child Abuse
Child Exploitation
Child Pornography
Civil Action to Restrain Harassment of a Victim or Witness
Coercion
Commodities Price Fixing
Computer Crime
Concealing Escaped Prisoner
Concealing Person from Arrest
Concealment of Assets
Conspiracy (in matters under FBI jurisdiction)
Conspiracy to Impede or Injure an Officer
Contempt of Court
Continuing Criminal Enterprise
Conveying False Information
Copyright Matters
Counterfeiting
Counterintelligence Crimes
Credit/Debit Card Fraud
Crime Aboard Aircraft
Crimes on Government Reservations
Crimes on Indian Reservations
Criminal Contempt of Court
Criminal Forfeiture
Criminal Infringement of a Copyright
Cyber Crimes
Damage to Religious Property
Delivery to Consignee
Demands Against the U.S.
Destruction of Aircraft or Motor Vehicles Used in Foreign Commerce
Destruction of an Energy Facility
Destruction of Property to Prevent Seizure
Destruction of Records in Federal Investigations and Bankruptcy
Destruction of Corporate Audit Records
Destruction of Veterans’ Memorials
Detention of Armed Vessel
Disclosure of Confidential Information
Domestic Security
Domestic Terrorism
Domestic Violence
Drive-by Shooting
Drug Abuse Violations
Drug Smuggling
Drug Trafficking
DUI/DWI on Federal Property
Economic Espionage
Election Law Crimes
Embezzlement
Embezzlement Against Estate
Entering Train to Commit Crime
Enlistment to Serve Against the U.S.
Environmental Scheme Crimes
Escaping Custody/Escaped Federal Prisoners
Examiner Performing Other Services
Exportation of Drugs
Extortion
Failure to Appear on Felony Offense
Failure to Pay Legal Child Support Obligations
False Bail
False Pretenses
False Statements Relating to Health Care Matters
Falsely Claiming Citizenship
False Declarations before Grand Jury or Court
False Entries in Records of Interstate Carriers
False Information and Hoaxes
False Statement to Obtain Unemployment Compensation
Federal Aviation Act
Federal Civil Rights Violations (hate crimes, police misconduct)
Female Genital Mutilation
Financial Transactions with Foreign Government
First Degree Murder
Flight to Avoid Prosecution or Giving Testimony
Forced Labor
Forcible Rape
Forgery
Fraud Activity in Connection with Electronic Mail
Fraud Against the Government
Genocide
Hacking Crimes
Harboring Terrorists
Harming Animals Used in Law Enforcement
Hate Crime Acts
Homicide
Hostage Taking
Identity Theft
Illegal Possession of Firearms
Immigration Offenses
Impersonator Making Arrest or Search
Importation of Drugs
Influencing Juror by Writing
Injuring Officer
Insider Trading Crimes
Insurance Fraud
Interference with the Operation of a Satellite
International Parental Kidnapping
International Terrorism
Interstate Domestic Violence
Interstate Violation of Protection Order
Larceny
Lobbying with Appropriated Moneys
Mailing Threatening Communications
Major Fraud Against the U.S.
Manslaughter
Medical/Health Care Fraud
Missile Systems Designed to Destroy Aircraft
Misuse of Passport
Misuse of Visas, Permits, or Other Documents
Molestation
Money Laundering
Motor Vehicle Theft
Murder by a Federal Prisoner
Murder Committed During Drug-related Drive-by shooting
Murder Committed in Federal Government Facility
Narcotics Violations
Obstructing Examination of Financial Institution
Obstruction of Court Orders
Obstruction of Federal audit
Obstruction of Justice
Obstruction of Criminal Investigations
Officer Failing to Make Reports
Partial Birth Abortion
Penalties for Neglect or Refusal to Answer Subpoena
Peonage
Perjury
Picketing or Parading
Pirating
Possession by Restricted Persons
Possession of False Papers to Defraud the U.S.
Possession of Narcotics
Possession of Child Pornography
Private Correspondence with Foreign Government
Probation Violation
Product Tampering
Prohibition of Illegal Gambling Businesses
Prostitution
Protection of Foreign Officials
Public Corruption Crimes
Racketeering
Radiological Dispersal Devices
Ransom Money
Rape
Receiving the Proceeds of Extortion
Recording or Listening to Grand or Petit Juries While Deliberating
Reentry of an Alien Removed on National Security Grounds
Registration of Certain Organizations
Reproduction of Citizenship Papers
Resistance to Extradition Agent
Rescue of Seized Property
Retaliating Against a Federal Judge by False Claim or Slander of Title
Retaliating Against a Witness, Victim, or an Informant
Robbery
Robberies and Burglaries Involving Controlled Substances
Sabotage
Sale of Citizenship Papers
Sale of Stolen Vehicles
Searches Without Warrant
Second Degree Murder
Serial Murders
Sexual Abuse
Sexual Abuse of a Minor
Sexual Assault
Sexual Battery
Sexual Conduct with a Minor
Sexual Exploitation
Sex Trafficking
Shoplifting
Smuggling
Solicitation to Commit a Crime of Violence
Stalking (In Violation of Restraining Order)
Stolen Property; Buying, Receiving, or Possessing
Subornation of Perjury
Suits Against Government Officials
Tampering with a Witness, Victim, or Informant
Tampering with Consumer Products
Tampering with Vessels
Theft of Trade Secrets
Torture
Trafficking in Counterfeit Goods or Services
Transmission of Wagering Information (Gambling)
Transportation into State Prohibiting Sale
Transportation of Slaves from U.S.
Transportation of Stolen Vehicles
Transportation of Terrorists
Trespassing
Treason
Unauthorized Removal of Classified Documents
Use of Fire or Explosives to Destroy Property
Use of Weapons of Mass Destruction
Vandalism
Video Voyeurism
Violation of Prohibitions Governing Atomic Weapons
Violence at International airports
Violent Crimes in Aid of Racketeering Activity
Willful Wrecking of a Train Resulting in Death
Wire Fraud
That’s the list of all of my crimes
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Mirage In The Desert - Chapter 8
No summary today, angst is your only hint.
Rated Mature for non-graphic violence and blood. Female pregnancy warning as well, meaning a flashback has a brief description of a hard labor. Ongoing, will cover the Alabasta Arc. Cross-posted to Ao3, same username. Send me a DM: yell at me, send flowers. Cheers.
~*~
“Welcome back, Sir.” Mila said as Crocodile returned at the casino. She chose not to comment on the bags under his eyes, and he said nothing as he walked passed her to the elevator.
“Has the Oasin returned?” He asks Miss All Sunday, meaning Mr. i’s absence for his last assignment. His subsequent leave for Oasis remains unsaid, along with the hope that he had come back to give Crocodile a piece of his mind like he tried to assert.
The numbers above the elevator blink on and off as they descend obediently. Has it always been so slow?
“No, Sir. I didn’t think he would; isn’t he returning to Oasis?”
He only hums to answer her, worrying the cigar between his lips and listening to Mila bid her manager goodnight.
The casino wasn’t immune to slow days, especially following a holiday, but Crocodile found the lobby empty tonight not because it lacked tourists in gaudy bobbles and wide-brimmed sunhats, but because his spot at the end of the bar was empty.
No scribbling thoughts on napkins while he nursed a single drink for hours.
“Welcome home, Crocodile!”, he would say, cheery and bright, yet the ghost of him was easily shooed away by the bartender wiping the already clean counter.
It wasn’t enough.
He should have gone upstairs and straight to bed.
Instead, he finds himself getting off several floors before his own, among the suites, and down the hall that one year ago he had instructed Miss All Sunday to keep vacant whenever possible. No sense disturbing the other guests if their new asset had to be “removed”.
But the betrayal Crocodile anticipated never came, and he continued to leave the floor vacant to not be seen coming and going, led along by his nose on a plume of perfume and following footsteps in the sand to the last door on the left.
Now he’s come to say goodbye, cursing himself for being too cruel to not come when he was there.
A year wasn’t nearly enough.
He takes the key from his breast pocket and feels every pin of the lock sliding open before stepping inside. The suite is only illuminated by the light from the window, and as he flicks on a lamp he wonders if the smell of bergamot and almonds will ever wash out. An empty pack of cigarettes sits among the undone sheets, beneath the window he closes on an unseasonably cool breeze.
The closet is open, messy as ever, a missing jewelry box and some empty hangers telling him he doesn’t have to look under the bed to know his suitcase is gone too.
Will Oasin linens feel foreign on your body now after a year in suits and furs? Or will they feel like returning home?
The desk is strewn with papers; he had expected more to be taken than what few were missing. Or did you simply let your collection get away from you, filled your suitcase to the brim and not made a dent?
His memory has always been too much, and the image of River folded into his chair, hair bundled to his crown and itching the beginnings of his stubble while he writes draft after draft with his golden pen is too vibrant to touch.
“What is ‘for Pete’s sake’? Who’s Pete?” The memory asks him.
And I said, “What are you going on about now?”
You just laughed, deciding you would take a break from your poetry to research who “Pete” is, before giving up and asking if I would explain to you all the idioms I could think of that made no sense to Oasins.
The memory is clear but fragile, all of his memories of River are, and stepping closer to the desk startles the writer away. Most of the papers splayed out are abandoned drafts, notes, and his finger scratches gently over a blue scribble that reads “When is Croco’s birthday?”, beside another, smushed scribble, “silver polish”.
A year wasn’t enough time for me to learn to love you the way you need. Could I have done it in ten years? Twenty?
He wished they hadn’t met here, so hard his teeth hurt when he thought of how much he would give to be back on his first ship, before his rise, before his failures, and see River standing at port with a rucksack slung over his shoulder.
Are you the captain of this boat? I’m River. I’m on pilgrimage from a Paradise island, but I’m handy with a sword if you have work for me.
He had thought he was out of tears until a single, furious drop was lost in his lashes before it even fell.
You will never know how much you mean to me. But I betrayed you the moment we met, and forced you into my employment for reasons I admit were selfish. Finally, you will return to your little island and realize you should hate me. Oasis will be sparred, as per our agreement. And it will be the last good thing I ever do.
One of the papers runs from him when he means to sit, fluttering to the ground and drawing his eyes to unfamiliar literature. Books stacked beneath the desk and, with further snooping, beneath the bed, titles he didn’t assume River to read, he never showed much interest in history, and no names Crocodile could recall from his invoices.
Island Geography of the Grand Line, Volume 1, A-E. Civil War of Recent Memory. Artificial Rain Production: Peace and Devastation. The Great Warlords of Alabasta. His good hand skims the spines and covers, finding them dusty but legible. Quick thumbing reveals a note, a hastily torn scrap to mark his place, written in his scrawl.
“Dance powder.”
What’s this? What do you know?
His hand grips the book so tight his fingers come away from the aging leather in sunken indents.
Who made you curious?
Plenty of traitors come to mind, especially Miss Wednesday (her investigation ongoing), all made to disappear over months and years to keep his plan moving forward. None of them had been allowed to meet River if he could help it, he had been so careful to keep him safe.
Isolated.
No, safe.
Safe from who? ____ ___ __ _
“After we’re finished here, we’ll come back to the ship, and I’ll have you to port by lunch tomorrow,” Mr. 2 assured him, taking his suitcase with gentle hands.
“Thank you. It means a lot to have you take me,” River said.
“When will you be back?”
“I don’t know,” he admitted. The schedule didn’t line up, and he would have to wait in the port town until the land bridge appeared.
Will I ever come back?
The research had felt fruitless, bombarded by most of Alabasta’s history, and unable to draw parallels to their unprecedented times. The country had always been lush, yet suddenly forsaken by their Gods, doomed to die of thirst and hunger with no written record to draw wisdom or anyone to blame.
Until the dance powder.
A king with no evidence of tyranny, his only lay to opulence the palace he was born in, risking his power—his people—for rain? By a temporary solution proven to cause destruction?
River knew hunger and thirst but, even with his inherited disdain for the king, he struggled to justify the king’s rumored actions by anything other than evil.
But isn’t evil meant to be obvious? How can you hide it?
Stacks of books neglected to give answers to his questions, and no one in town had been willing to talk about such awful circumstances with the local layabout who’s meant to smile and play blackjack—not ask questions. How can they enjoy their holidays if he’s bringing up the suffering of a country they will only see for a few weeks?
Maybe it’s that simple. Kings are evil by design and no one can save Alabasta now. He looked to the sky where Oasis would be if he could see beyond the horizon.
“Those clouds don’t look too good.” He said, pointing to the storm system that skirted the sea off the edge of the island, melting almost unseen into the indigo of a stale sunset.
“They’re headed south... Maybe my island will get some rain.”
“Un, deux—huh? What did you say?”
“Nothing, Mr. 2. We need to go further inland.” He gestured to the map they were given, as bare as their instructions.
‘Enclosed is the location of a house on the western shore of the island. Retrieve any suspicious literature. If not possible to retrieve, destroy all evidence. Do not be seen.’
“What does Mr. 0 want with this?” River said.
The ballerina stopped, more grounded than River could ever recall, having assumed they meant to cheer him up with a joke as they always did. “Don’t look so worried, baby. As long as we work together.”
Regardless, River flicked open the strap on his sword holster, his instincts unwilling to let him ignore the prickling static in the air, the sweat on his spine. “Of course, Mr. 2. I’ve just been anxious lately.”
They squeezed his shoulder. “You’ve been a lot of things lately.”
The night grew darker, their clothes wetter, the longer they walked, joined only by the new moon and the silence left behind by the wildlife asleep in their holes.
“Is that it?” River motioned to a house, more of a shack, beside a pit that might have been a watering hole before the drought, now looking like it might swallow the leaning dwelling with the first stiff wind—consume it the way the drought has eaten everything except agony and rage.
“Look’s like it, Mr. i.”
“You take the front of the house, I’ll go around the back,” River said quietly.
Mr. 2 entered the house with their usual commotion, a threat to all inside that retreat was the better option, but a swift kick to the lock of the back door revealed no danger. No one at all, actually.
“OH—How awful, who even lives this way?” Mr. 2 covered their nose at the stench, the acridity of perpetual neglect. An open window lended the ammonia to unwanted animal activity, mixed with gunpowder and sweat, keeping both agents fighting to not vomit onto the rickety floorboards.
“I’m gonna be sick—” Mr. 2 ran from the house, presumably far away while River wrapped his ascot around his mouth and rooted through sandy belongings with the tip of his boot.
Literature? Evidence of what? There’s nothing here but trash and—
He spotted a clean floorboard among the dry-rotted floor. “You removed the sand when you moved it last,” he said to himself, finding the board ripped easily off it’s trick latch with a firm yank.
He gasped.
That’s a lot of guns.
In varying degrees of disrepair, the haphazard collection of weapons covered a glimpse of something else. Documents? “How many guns does one person need—”
A quiet click rang out in the dark shack, and the press of warm iron against the back of his head made him freeze.
“You Baroque Works?” Came a man’s voice.
“I don’t know what you’re talking about.” He showed his gloved hands to be empty, but the stranger doubted he was unarmed under his coat and kept the gun pressed to his hair.
A second click, probably a knife, and River was already sizing up the stranger by the amount of sound the floorboards made under his anxious feet. “If I cut that coat off, am I going to find a tattoo that says you’re lying to me?”
“How do you know about our organization?” He listened to the attacker side step, reaching for something? He recalled rope among the trash.
“Miss Saturday made sure word traveled. Though most of us are dead now.”
“She’s dead too,” River reminded him.
“Everyone who follows Crocodile too close ends up that way. It’s just that most of them are pirates and mercenaries so no one thinks anything of it when he goes to work.”
“What is it you want? Information? I only have cash,” he jokes, and the way the gun shakes when the man yells at him makes him wonder if he can haki his skull; he’s never tried.
“SHUT UP—”
From where Mr. 2 had gone to will their stomach to stop swimming, they hear yelling coming from over the dune. “River?”
“—You’re just one of his dogs, I don’t have to keep you alive to bring him down.”
River ducks so hard his brain rattles, and the gun goes off in the wall across from his face. The stranger is armed but ultimately an amateur, he decides, performing no great feat to tackle him to the ground. His weight comes down hard on the other man’s legs and dust flies up in their faces where the floorboards protest.
”Stop moving. You’re going to hurt yourself,” River says as his swords press in an ‘X’ over the man’s throat, tight but not bloody, so long as he doesn’t move too much, a threat he hopes will stick.
”I’ll kill you,” the man grunts as he claws at River’s coat with grimy, bandaged hands.
“You said that—stop moving. Let’s talk.”
“I don’t talk to mercenary dogs like you.”
He hesitates for only a second but long enough the man sees him falter, and uses his bigger bulk to buck him off.
River huffs when he lands on his chest. “All right, no talking then—”
WACK. Metal strikes the back of his skull.
River wants to touch his head where he’s sure he’s bleeding but the blows keep coming, the stranger now pressed to his back as he grabs handfuls of his coat for leverage to beat him over and over, harder still.
”Wait, stop—” The pipe hits him again and he feels something in his cheek give, but his patience is what’s beaten to hell as he rears up to grip the stranger by his wrist, feeling the bones creak before he lets go of the pipe with a shout.
Their positions reverse with River holding him down, fingers digging into the back of his neck while he shoves his face into the sandy floor and spits the blood off his teeth.
“I don’t want to hurt you… but you don’t want to talk, you just want to beat me blind.”
“I told you, I’m going to kill you—”
“WHY?!” He presses him harder into the floor, feeling his nails bite even through the gloves.
“Because it’s you or him! Crocodile has done enough to this country, all of his dogs deserve to die!”
He can feel the stranger shaking where he grips him. Or is that me?
“What does that mean? His methods, this company is… criminal, sure, but he’s still a Warlord; he has no motive to harm this country. It’s his business, his power.”
“Every day he lives, this country is one day closer to death.”
”Don’t… don’t give me riddles. Not now.” He lets his hands fall away, but neither man moves.
“What does he have you do for him, huh?” The stranger wheezes quietly where River held him too tight.
“Make collections? Run shipments?” He coughs. “Keep guests spending money at his casino?”
River squints but the stranger doesn’t see him, his eyes are somewhere else, reliving a war River can’t say he understands. “Everything you’ve ever done in his name has contributed to my people’s suffering.”
Your people? “See, now I know you’re fooling; no one controls the weather, certainly not Crocodile.” He pushes off his knees to stand, wishing Mr. 2 would come through the door and help him onto his feet.
“The Sand-Sand man is threatened by water. His men brought the Dance Powder.”
River’s voice feels small even to his own ears. “Shut up.”
“You can’t believe the ‘Hero of Alabasta’ crap, can you? Not when you’re so close—” The fold of his brow makes River want to vomit; he’s tired of people looking at him like that.
Like he’s so naive.
“He’s framed the King—”
“Shut up—”
“He’s using you—”
“Shut up—”
“He keeps us hungry, weak. He’s evil. And you’re his dog—”
“SHUT UP!” His swords fall to the floor but his hands are hard, throwing the man away with a crash that he’s surprised doesn’t obliterate the rickety shack.
His sob hitches in his chest when he manages to breathe.
“I’M NOT A DOG!” His throat burns when he screams. “Does a dog cry when you say it’s useless?! Does a dog care if you were lying when you said you loved them—”
He stops when he receives no interruption.
The man is still where he landed among the debris, eyes almost-closed and drowsy except for the blood that runs from behind his ears and down his neck.
“No,” River chokes out, at his side in an instant to cradle his head, feeling give where there should be none. “No no no, I’m sorry. I’m so sorry.”
“Please, don’t—I—Seth, help him. Seth!” His teeth creak where they grit, tasting salt when he struggles to suck in air.
“River!” Mr. 2 steps over the mess in the doorway. They freeze, meeting frantic eyes as River leans posed over the man, blood on his cheeks where he wiped his eyes to see how horrible his world has become.
“What happened?! I heard shouting, and I ran over.” They stoop to press fingers to his neck. “River… River, let go, he’s gone.”
They peel his hand’s away one finger at a time, a large palm on his quivering jaw to force him to meet their eyes.
It wasn’t Bon Clay he saw staring back but someone harder, the person they painted over every morning in their vanity mirror. The one who years ago accepted a job for Baroque Works with delight and said “whatever it is, it’s better than here”.
“You have to breathe, River, or you’re going to hyperventilate. Please, baby, breathe. In… out. Again.”
Air stutters from his lips, eyelids screwed shut squeezing more tears down his cheeks.
“A little better? There you go, you’re going to be okay.” They smiled, and it was the cheery okama who brought him in for a hug, pressing his head tight to their shoulder.
“Will you tell me what happened?”
He opens his mouth but can’t will his aching throat to speak. How do you even say that your world has come crashing down? And you’re helpless to stop it?
“… I know you did what you could. Write up the report tomorrow: we found nothing. And I’ll see you for our next assignment, yeah? The next one will be better.”
More tears fell onto their shoulder, another flinch of a sob in his chest.
Mr. 2 disappears to bury the man properly, mournful they have no name to mark the grave (for whoever came looking for him), and River can hear them speaking over the grave as he rummages to the bottom of the compartment under the floor.
The guns had been laid across rumpled papers, some financial statements, some transcribed conversations that River had no time to study.
Is this what we’ve been sent to destroy?
Are those my letters?
He held back another wave of tears, not this, not again.
‘River! Let’s get to the boat!’ He heard Mr. 2 call from outside.
There’s no time to consider the words of a stranger (no way to ask him anything else). No time to hesitate.
“We were instructed to destroy any documents we found.” Mr. 2’s voice comes from the doorway, and River freezes where he’s dragging stacks of documents from the hole to shove in handfuls into a stained, makeshift sack.
Everything you’ve ever done in his name has contributed to my people’s suffering.
If the dead man spoke the truth, did any else know? Was River the last one to know? He decided the only way this day could get any worse would be to discover Mr. 2 was actually his enemy.
“… I can’t do that.”
Mr. 2 sighs, rubbing one eye like they also wanted to go home. “How many more secrets do you need, River? Aren’t you tired?”
“I’m exhausted. I don’t—I don’t know what any of this means, if that man was telling the truth.”
“What did he say? You must have feared for your life or you wouldn’t have…”
River feels his eyes getting hot again. “I can’t tell you—”
“But—”
“Because I’m trying to protect you. Don’t friends protect each other?”
They kneel beside him to cradle his hands in their own. “Who’s going to protect you?”
“I don’t know, but I—we can’t destroy these documents. Please trust me, we can’t—Mr. 2!” River pleads when they step away. He scrambles to gather them in his arms, maybe he could save a few, and halts when another sack landed beside him.
“It’s a trick question: I’m going to protect you.” They flash a winning, toothy grin. “Hurry hurry, baby, pack faster, we have to get back to the boat before the sun comes up.” ____ ___ __ _
On Oasis, the days weren’t usually this quiet.
800 people, even peppered across a small island in pockets of families, made enough noise to compete with the birds and the tide. Someone always needed laundry hung, or help bringing in a mouthy fish, and they relied on community more than food, more than the sky.
But not today.
Parents decided the laundry could wait, hunters held off filling their zeer pots, and children took turns looking out the window to see if the leaders had emerged.
For Claudia, she stood waiting at the edge of the land bridge (there was no market today), while Ines and her leadership decided if they were going to war.
Her aching hands rung the necklace in her fingers while she watched the horizon, the same blue pearls in River’s earrings, now cutting into her fingertips where she couldn’t let go.
20 years ago, she had yelled at him for going off to gather clams for the necklace without telling her, unmoved by the way his lip trembled. She looked down her nose at the young River while he feebly explained he just wanted to find pearls.
Her sister’s words came back to her, the ones she demanded Claudia agree to even as she fought to speak with the contractions crashing over her. After hours in the water, the other mothers were beginning to worry, and she brought Claudia close.
“Listen to me, Claudia... Be kind to him. My River.”
“You sure it’s a boy? You haven’t even met him—”
“Be kind to him. Be kind to Joel.”
Claudia nodded, barely, and the two sisters ate around the fire that night with a veil of embarrassment when Sofia laughed at how close she came to death. Joel didn’t find it as funny as she did, soothed only by the sleeping baby in his arms.
“You sure we can’t name him Joel the second?”
‘No.’ Both sister’s barked at him.
Be kind to River.
Claudia looked down at the little boy struggling not to cry, quiet hiccups in his chest, and a guilt began to constrict around her heart.
“Let’s go swimming. Would you like that? And we can look for clams tomorrow, together.”
Esai and Ines were already at the shore, and River wasted no time leaping into the waves after his friend, leaving a trail of linens that Claudia huffed as she picked up and shook one by one.
“You’re hard on him,” Ines said from beside her.
For a young woman playing mother, who had hoped never to have children of her own and, still grieving the loss of her sister and brother-in-law, she was at least self-aware to flush at being seen through. “Of course, I am. He’s wild; he needs a firm hand to raise him right.”
“He’s not wild,” Ines laughed, soft and kind. “He’s a little boy. A boy who needs love more than anything, so he can look back on this as ‘Claudia always told me to stay in the shallows because she loves me’, and not ‘Claudia never let me do anything fun’.”
She blushed even darker under the older woman’s confident grin. “Then how do you suggest I go about being more loving?”
“I never said I knew how to do it, just that you should. Every child’s different, you have to figure it out.” Ines settled down into the sand to close her eyes, her hard work finished, it seemed.
Claudia turned back to the sea with a scoff. Their two boys bobbed in the shallow water with smiles, Esai using his greater bulk to lift River from the waves and toss him, the latter landing on his belly with a cutoff shriek.
He flinched, sensing he was being watched, and turned to Claudia with slumped shoulders.
“Sorry, Claudia! I’ll be more careful!”
Be kind to River. “No, Esai, it’s fine! Actually, how far can you throw him?” She smiled, mischievous, and River pawed his soaked bangs from his eyes.
“What?!”
“Yeah, how much do you weigh anyway?!” Esai shouted back. He dove under the water to attack from below, snatching River up with a war cry to meet his warble of terror.
Ines and Claudia laughed from the shore. “That’s a start,” the former said.
“I suppose if it’s Esai, its fine,” Claudia said.
“Like I said, it’s a start.”
Easy to smile. Kind eyes. That ink-dark hair, and a smudge of birthmark on your left shoulder that I never told you matches your mother’s.
You laugh like him, he always laughed too loud and squeezed his eyes shut like his belly hurt. I can see that Sofia’s eyes are yours now, and when you’re older you might think they’re too soft on a man’s face. But it’s Joel’s face, his voice, and your mother’s stars in your eyes when you tell me about a book I don’t really understand.
It’s just the two of us now. I know I’m not the mother you wanted, but I will give everything I have, everything I am to be the mother you need. For Sofia. For Joel.
For you, River.
“The sun’s going down.”
Esai’s voice startled her from her reminiscing, her grip finally softening on the necklace that left lines on her hands. “He said today.”
“I know, Claudia. I know.” His hand hovered in the space between them, wondering if she would let him comfort her.
“Nothing on the den… den mushi? No letters?”
He wanted to tell her River was fine, but it felt wrong to tell her what might be a lie when she was already hurting. “You know how River is, he’s dumb.” That’s worse, that’s worse.
“Esai—!”
“I know, I’m sorry! Sorry, sorry. I really don’t know how to…” He scratched his neck, willing to admit to himself he was as rubbish at making people feel better as Claudia.
“The leaders have made their decision,” he said finally. “I’m taking 35 of us to Yuba to fight in the rebellion. We’ve written a letter to the resistance leader that will hopefully precede us.”
“That’s so many—Ines agreed to this?”
“If I’m going to lead us one day, I need to be willing to make any sacrifice… And I want to know what happened to River too. Maybe from the mainland I can finally give you answers.”
She let him hug her, embracing him in turn as she reached to rub the nape of his short hair.
“Ramon is going with me.”
Her back tensed against his palms. “No way Ines agreed to that. Are you sure? He’s a leader, there must be some rule against it.”
“He’s our strongest Temple user, and he volunteered. Said how can he face his children anymore if he doesn’t fight for them?”
“They’ll be the ones to suffer if he doesn’t come home.”
“He’s made up his mind, and I’ll make sure he comes home. Make sure River comes home.” ____ ___ __ _
“I’m closing up for the night,” a street food vendor called out to River as he passed. “Have you had supper? Last chance, traveler.”
He considered the time, adjusting his grip on his suitcase. “Well, you talked me into it. What do you have, sir?”
“You’ll love it.” The man piled his plate high with the last of the night’s stock, and River wondered how many Alabastans would go hungry tonight because they didn’t live in the tourist’s city.
“You coming or going?” The man nodded to River’s suitcase as he wiped his hands.
“I had planned to go, but plan’s change,” he blew on his food, still wincing when hot sauce splattered on his lip.
“I hear that. Welcome back to Rainbase.”
He paused the food on it’s way to his mouth, the hair on his neck standing up when he thought of the casino down the street, the suitcase beside his feet.
“For now.” ____ ___ __ _
“River. Shouldn’t you be across the country by now?” Miss All Sunday asked as he entered the lobby, a genuine gape of surprise on both of their faces.
Can she see my guilt on my face? That I’m more of a liability now more than ever?
“Are you all right? River?”
He backed away from the hand she extended towards him, only heightening her worry. “I’m filthy—exhausted.”
Not a lie, at least. “I need to lie down… Goodnight, Ro—Miss Manager.”
She turned to watch him go to the elevator, his head swiveling around and gripping his suitcase until she could see his knuckles through his gloves.
He never got her name wrong in front of the guests; it was always something she liked about him, his attention to her wishes.
Upstairs, he dropped his key twice before getting into the lock, and his hands froze when the hammer didn’t slide free.
Already unlocked.
I’m sure I locked it. Of all days, I locked it today, I know it.
He swallowed against the sting of his throat, his instincts hammering in his chest to run, out of Alabasta, passed Oasis, somewhere where there were no kings and the water was cool.
Someone was in his apartment.
And yet he found himself turning the knob, his heart willing his body to move when his head only wanted to go home.
A familiar tobacco cloud drifted out into the hall, and the headiness of the smell told River the intruder had also closed his window.
“Crocodile?”
He sits at the desk, ankle propped on one knee as he reads one of the books from River’s shelf. He doesn’t acknowledge the door but it’s not strange, and River feels his shoulders relax to see him acting like the past couple days were all one long, horrible dream.
But he can’t see the notes on the desk, the papers now organized after Crocodile read every single one to determine how much of his plans were running around in the fool’s brain. Turns out very little existed in the suspicious notes, nothing but his aching soul in the memos of a man he mistrusted again when there was none.
You weren’t meant to come back here. I don’t know if I can take it.
But he can’t restrain himself from seeing him. “Are you hungry? I can ring the kitchen for—”
Crocodile doesn’t finish his statement, and River doesn’t fight his stare. He lets himself be caught by the intrusive thought of black eyes in blue water, the moment you know you’ve wandered too close to a predator, and you know it sees you too.
For all the untruths River tells by saying nothing or insisting he’s fine, Crocodile couldn’t manage to make a liar out of him, and he can’t make any kind of excuse for the tears in his eyes, or the pattering drips of his heart leaking onto the floor.
Those golden eyes, warm only moments ago, are suddenly boiling—threatened—seeing the proof on his face that a fundamental truth has shifted between them.
“What happened out there, in the desert?”
River’s tongue lay immobile in his mouth, the quivering of his diaphragm keeping him breathless, lest he try to breathe and be unable to exhale.
Crocodile stands waiting for his answer, watching the dumb flap of his lips when he can’t bring himself to speak, deception by omission.
Did you ever think the light would burn, my love?
His aching soul stands before him, all his love, his pain smeared across his cheeks in hot tears, and Crocodile steels himself to remember that killing him, widening the hole in his chest with the bloody hook he tried to spare him, had always been an option.
“What will you do?”
#one piece#sir crocodile#sir crocodile one piece#sir crocodile x reader#male reader#sir crocodile x oc#oc fanfiction#ao3 fanfic#mirage in the desert#silkendandelion#x reader#x oc
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“The crown jewel for any intelligence agency is to recruit an asset inside your adversaries intelligence agency.”
#Tulsi Gabbard #RedSparrow #ActiveMeasures
Spy World Vexed by Trump Choice of Gabbard as US Intelligence Chief.
https://www.reuters.com/world/us/spy-world-vexed-by-trump-choice-gabbard-us-intelligence-chief-2024-11-14/
#tulsi gabbard#donald trump#red sparrow#trump#trump russia#trump tower#russia#russian spy#russian agent#jd vance#project 2025#the resistance#trump crime family#trump crime syndicate
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Hungarian Government Confirms Decision to Pull Out of Sanctions-hit IIB
The Hungarian government has confirmed media reports that it will withdraw from the International Investment Bank (IIB) after US sanctions were imposed on the Budapest-based, Russia-controlled development bank on April 12.
The decision to withdraw by the bank's second-largest shareholder implies that Hungary will refuse to take part in any attempt to rescue the IIB, which had been rumoured to be in crisis even before the imposition of sanctions. Western financial institutions such as the Belgium-based Euroclear network, which settles securities transactions, have reportedly refused to deal with it. The IIB's bonds have been downgraded to junk status by ratings agencies.
The withdrawal of Hungary ends Moscow's dream of building a European-focussed international financial institution such as the EBRD or EIB, leaving it as the last significant shareholder.
The decision also marks a humiliating defeat for Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban's project to attract the IIB to Budapest in 2019 and thereby forge closer financial ties with Moscow and strengthen Hungary's role as an international financial centre. Hacked documents sent to the investigative CEE media network VSquare showed how Budapest had desperately tried to lobby inside the EU for the bank not to be frozen out of European financial networks, and had schemed to hide the bank's Russian dominance by keeping Moscow's stake under 50%.
Hungarian Economic Development Minister Marton Nagy said the government had come to the conclusion that participation in the bank no longer made sense, as US sanctions have rendered the bank's operations meaningless. The government hence decided to withdraw its representative from the board, although IIB has played an important financing role in Central and Eastern Europe, Nagy told state news agency MTI on Thursday afternoon, a few hours after the news first leaked by pro-government business website Vilaggazdasag. Hungary is the last EU member state to leave IIB. The Czech Republic, Bulgaria, Slovakia and Romania announced their decision to quit both the IIB and the International Bank for Economic Cooperation (IBEC) following the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Poland already quit the IIB in 2000. The IIB has refused to repay the equity capital invested by the exiting countries.
As of Thursday afternoon, the Hungarian government had not officially reacted to the announcement made by US Ambassador to Hungary, David Pressman to sanction IIB, along with three executives resident in Hungary, Nikolay Kosov chairman, Georgy Potapov deputy chairman and Imre Laszloczki, deputy chairman in charge of strategy and policy. The 62-year-old banker, a former ambassador to Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan, is the only Hungarian national on the list.
The US diplomat, some nine months in office, told the international press at the Budapest embassy that Washington had repeatedly raised concerns concerns about how Russia could use the bank to expand its influence in the region, but that these had been ignored.
“Unlike other Nato allies previously engaged with this Russian entity,” Pressman said, “Hungary has dismissed the concerns of the United States government regarding the risks [the IIB's] continued presence poses to the alliance.”
According to the statement released by the US Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), the IIB's presence in Budapest enables Russia to increase its intelligence presence in Europe, opens the door for the Kremlin’s malign influence activities in Central Europe and the Western Balkans, and could serve as a mechanism for corruption and illicit finance, including sanctions violations. The US has accused the bank of co-ordinating its policy with the Kremlin.
At the end of the press conference, Pressman struck a conciliatory tone, leaving the door open for talks with the government. "The United States is committed to a close and constructive relationship with Hungary, our valued Nato ally", he added.
While Orban has reluctantly approved sanctions against Russia and acknowledged Ukraine's right to territory integrity, he drew criticism from its allies for his pro-Kremlin narratives during the war and for strengthening economic ties with Moscow in the face of bloody conflict.
Budapest has done little to reduce its dependence on Russian energy imports, and just this week Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto signed new energy contracts earlier in Moscow that will cement Russian influence for decades to come.
Hungary's isolation among its regional allies, the Visegrad Four, has also deepened since the outbreak of the war and regional cooperation is now all but dead.
At the time the US ambassador was providing details of sanctions against Russian interests in Hungary, the country's foreign minister hosted his Belorussian counterpart in Budapest "to keep the channels of communication" open for peace. A day earlier in Warsaw, US Vice President Kamala Harris and Polish PM Mateusz Morawiecki discussed the “importance of a shared commitment to democratic values” and the two country's strategic partnership.
Hungary, together with Turkey, is also still blocking Sweden's application to join Nato, to the frustration of its allies
“We have concerns,” Pressman said, “about the continued eagerness of Hungarian leaders to expand and deepen ties with the Russian Federation.”
The IIB was originally established in 1970 as the Comecon bank serving the then Soviet bloc’s economic area and third-world countries and was revitalised in the early 2010s under Putin.
Hungary renewed its membership in IIB in October 2014 after a decade-long absence, and four years later IIB member states unanimously voted for the proposal to relocate the bank's HQ to Budapest from Moscow.
According to the blog of a leading Hungarian geopolitical analyst, this was proposed by Orban's former chief foreign adviser, Janos Balla, a former career diplomat, born in Moscow.
The government argued that moving IIB's seat to Budapest will strengthen Hungary's role as an international financial centre and it fitted into the government's Opening to the East policy, which aimed to bolster economic ties with Russia, China and other emerging markets outside the EU.
The United States expressed reservations over the relocation from the onset. Washington successfully blocked the lender to have its HQ established alongside the US Embassy in Hungary at the landmark Freedom Square, close to the Parliament building. It also successfully pressured Hungary to reduce the number of officials at the bank with diplomatic immunity.
In an interview on Wednesday, the Hungarian government’s delegate to the board, Imre Boros raised eyebrows when commenting on the latest sanctions on IIB, saying "the US was trying to strike at Russia while attacking one of Russia's allies, Hungary". This was the first time that a leading public figure close to the government called Russia Hungary’s ally.
The 75-year-old former minister in the first Orban cabinet also said that Hungary is the number one shareholder in the bank, a claim that is not backed up by official data from IIB.
The latest data shows that Russia is currently the largest owner in the bank, holding 45.44% of the shares, followed by Hungary with 25.27%, while Cuba holds 2.83%, Mongolia 1.8% and Vietnam 1.26%.
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Ukraine ready for EU accession talks, EU diplomats say
European commissioners believe that Ukraine has fulfilled the necessary criteria for EU membership, Brussels expects Hungary to object. The enlargement of the union must be approved by all countries at an intergovernmental conference, Financial Times reports.
The European Commission intends to recommend that Ukraine’s accession negotiations begin in June, before the presidency of the Council of the European Union passes to Hungary.
On Friday, Brussels will announce that Ukraine now meets European criteria, including anti-corruption reforms, restrictions on political lobbying, asset declaration rules for officials and protection of minority languages.
The European Commission will issue a similar recommendation for Moldova to send a positive signal to both countries. Georgia will not receive Brussels’ approval against the background of the adoption of the law on foreign agents in defiance of the EU position.
Read more HERE
#world news#world politics#news#europe#european news#european union#eu politics#eu news#ukraine#ukraine war#ukraine conflict#ukraine news#ukraine russia news#ukraine russia conflict#russia ukraine war#russia ukraine conflict#russia ukraine crisis#russia ukraine today
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Hungarian Government Confirms Decision to Pull Out of Sanctions-hit IIB
The Hungarian government has confirmed media reports that it will withdraw from the International Investment Bank (IIB) after US sanctions were imposed on the Budapest-based, Russia-controlled development bank on April 12.
The decision to withdraw by the bank's second-largest shareholder implies that Hungary will refuse to take part in any attempt to rescue the IIB, which had been rumoured to be in crisis even before the imposition of sanctions. Western financial institutions such as the Belgium-based Euroclear network, which settles securities transactions, have reportedly refused to deal with it. The IIB's bonds have been downgraded to junk status by ratings agencies.
The withdrawal of Hungary ends Moscow's dream of building a European-focussed international financial institution such as the EBRD or EIB, leaving it as the last significant shareholder.
The decision also marks a humiliating defeat for Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban's project to attract the IIB to Budapest in 2019 and thereby forge closer financial ties with Moscow and strengthen Hungary's role as an international financial centre. Hacked documents sent to the investigative CEE media network VSquare showed how Budapest had desperately tried to lobby inside the EU for the bank not to be frozen out of European financial networks, and had schemed to hide the bank's Russian dominance by keeping Moscow's stake under 50%.
Hungarian Economic Development Minister Marton Nagy said the government had come to the conclusion that participation in the bank no longer made sense, as US sanctions have rendered the bank's operations meaningless. The government hence decided to withdraw its representative from the board, although IIB has played an important financing role in Central and Eastern Europe, Nagy told state news agency MTI on Thursday afternoon, a few hours after the news first leaked by pro-government business website Vilaggazdasag. Hungary is the last EU member state to leave IIB. The Czech Republic, Bulgaria, Slovakia and Romania announced their decision to quit both the IIB and the International Bank for Economic Cooperation (IBEC) following the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Poland already quit the IIB in 2000. The IIB has refused to repay the equity capital invested by the exiting countries.
As of Thursday afternoon, the Hungarian government had not officially reacted to the announcement made by US Ambassador to Hungary, David Pressman to sanction IIB, along with three executives resident in Hungary, Nikolay Kosov chairman, Georgy Potapov deputy chairman and Imre Laszloczki, deputy chairman in charge of strategy and policy. The 62-year-old banker, a former ambassador to Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan, is the only Hungarian national on the list.
The US diplomat, some nine months in office, told the international press at the Budapest embassy that Washington had repeatedly raised concerns concerns about how Russia could use the bank to expand its influence in the region, but that these had been ignored.
“Unlike other Nato allies previously engaged with this Russian entity,” Pressman said, “Hungary has dismissed the concerns of the United States government regarding the risks [the IIB's] continued presence poses to the alliance.”
According to the statement released by the US Department of the Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), the IIB's presence in Budapest enables Russia to increase its intelligence presence in Europe, opens the door for the Kremlin’s malign influence activities in Central Europe and the Western Balkans, and could serve as a mechanism for corruption and illicit finance, including sanctions violations. The US has accused the bank of co-ordinating its policy with the Kremlin.
At the end of the press conference, Pressman struck a conciliatory tone, leaving the door open for talks with the government. "The United States is committed to a close and constructive relationship with Hungary, our valued Nato ally", he added.
While Orban has reluctantly approved sanctions against Russia and acknowledged Ukraine's right to territory integrity, he drew criticism from its allies for his pro-Kremlin narratives during the war and for strengthening economic ties with Moscow in the face of bloody conflict.
Budapest has done little to reduce its dependence on Russian energy imports, and just this week Foreign Minister Peter Szijjarto signed new energy contracts earlier in Moscow that will cement Russian influence for decades to come.
Hungary's isolation among its regional allies, the Visegrad Four, has also deepened since the outbreak of the war and regional cooperation is now all but dead.
At the time the US ambassador was providing details of sanctions against Russian interests in Hungary, the country's foreign minister hosted his Belorussian counterpart in Budapest "to keep the channels of communication" open for peace. A day earlier in Warsaw, US Vice President Kamala Harris and Polish PM Mateusz Morawiecki discussed the “importance of a shared commitment to democratic values” and the two country's strategic partnership.
Hungary, together with Turkey, is also still blocking Sweden's application to join Nato, to the frustration of its allies
“We have concerns,” Pressman said, “about the continued eagerness of Hungarian leaders to expand and deepen ties with the Russian Federation.”
The IIB was originally established in 1970 as the Comecon bank serving the then Soviet bloc’s economic area and third-world countries and was revitalised in the early 2010s under Putin.
Hungary renewed its membership in IIB in October 2014 after a decade-long absence, and four years later IIB member states unanimously voted for the proposal to relocate the bank's HQ to Budapest from Moscow.
According to the blog of a leading Hungarian geopolitical analyst, this was proposed by Orban's former chief foreign adviser, Janos Balla, a former career diplomat, born in Moscow.
The government argued that moving IIB's seat to Budapest will strengthen Hungary's role as an international financial centre and it fitted into the government's Opening to the East policy, which aimed to bolster economic ties with Russia, China and other emerging markets outside the EU.
The United States expressed reservations over the relocation from the onset. Washington successfully blocked the lender to have its HQ established alongside the US Embassy in Hungary at the landmark Freedom Square, close to the Parliament building. It also successfully pressured Hungary to reduce the number of officials at the bank with diplomatic immunity.
In an interview on Wednesday, the Hungarian government’s delegate to the board, Imre Boros raised eyebrows when commenting on the latest sanctions on IIB, saying "the US was trying to strike at Russia while attacking one of Russia's allies, Hungary". This was the first time that a leading public figure close to the government called Russia Hungary’s ally.
The 75-year-old former minister in the first Orban cabinet also said that Hungary is the number one shareholder in the bank, a claim that is not backed up by official data from IIB.
The latest data shows that Russia is currently the largest owner in the bank, holding 45.44% of the shares, followed by Hungary with 25.27%, while Cuba holds 2.83%, Mongolia 1.8% and Vietnam 1.26%.
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The Role of Audio Visual Systems in Digital Signage
Microsoft Teams Rooms Design considerations involve technologies enabling virtual collaboration. Digital signage leverages cutting-edge audio visual systems to engage audiences both physically and online. This blog examines how specialized AV powers impactful digital experiences across industries.
What is Digital Signage?
Digital signage utilizes displays networked to distribution platforms for conveying dynamic, targeted multimedia communications. Key elements include:
Screens: LCD, LED video walls of all sizes centrally located or distributed across premises for visibility.
Players: Media players decode and playback multimedia looped content on displays from central networks.
Software: Content management systems schedule and disseminate playlists to displays remotely.
Infrastructure: AV over IP solutions transport networked video/audio endpoints across ethernet.
Analytics: Metrics track content engagement, dwell times, foot traffic patterns optimizing experiences.
Specialized AV tuned for continuous 24/7 operations underpins dynamic experiences across verticals beyond traditional static signage.
Optimizing Audience Engagement
Content design interacts with viewers leveraging advanced display technologies:
Bezel-Less Video Walls: Seamless arrays immerse audiences in realistic environments or situations.
4K/UHD Resolution: Hyper-detailed visuals engage passersby catching eyes from further away.
Interactive Kiosks: Touchscreen displays promote exploration and response gathering insights.
Motion Detection: Sensors trigger attention-grabbing reactive content drawing focus.
Multi-Angle Projection:Geometry-correct blended projections cover complex surfaces like domes.
Outdoor Displays: Brightness boosting LCDs overcome sun glare for legibility in any environment conditions.
Intuitive, high-impact experiences optimized for the context enhances audiences interaction and retention of messaging.
Applications in Corporate Environments
Digital signage supports internal communications and branding:
Lobby Displays: Welcome visitors with directories, announcements set professional first impressions.
Break Room TVs: Loop motivational messages, instructional content educating remote employees.
Conference Rooms: Schedule digital booth assets previewing products remotely from any workspace.
Directional Systems: Wayfinding solutions guide throughout campuses improving navigation productivity.
Emergency Alerts: Push critical notifications of lockdowns, evacuations enhancing workforce safety.
Intelligent platforms facilitate corporate engagement, culture-building while streamlining essential operational information dissemination.
Revolutionizing Retail Signage
Immersive in-store experiences attract, engage, convert shoppers:
Interactive Product Displays: Demonstrate features through tactile product demos generating curiosity, trials.
Beacon Technology: Trigger content on mobile apps based on proximity retargeting when shoppers pass by.
Queue Displays: Short-form educational content or light shows entertain waiting lines improving satisfaction.
Digital Menu Boards: Remotely update promotions, specials capitalizing on today's best deals.
Endless Aisle: Provide remote access to complete inventories driving sales of out-of-stock items.
Dynamic visual merchandising facilitates discovery, builds brand affinity and awareness throughout all selling stages inside physical spaces.
Enhancing Visitor Experiences
Signage applications in museums, attractions wow audiences:
Multi-Screen Domes: Engulf viewers within immersive panoramas of foreign landscapes virtually transporting everywhere.
Themed Environments: Motion tracking LEDs sync music/lighting activating scenes steering unique storytelling.
Interactive Exhibits: Touch-activated multimedia delivers layered perspective on displayed artifacts for all ages.
Wayfinding Systems: Guidance integrated into exhibits prevents overcrowding optimizing flow.
Live Event Streams: Broadcast opening/closing shows, behind-the-scenes tours extending reach on-site and online.
Sensory-rich "edutainment" amplifies engagement while communicating cultural, historical messages to broader audiences.
Streaming Services Everywhere
Digital platforms distribute signed programming networks:
Online Video Portals: Websites syndicate digital networks through browsers for remote access from anywhere.
OTT Devices: Streaming media players like Roku integrate signed channels into living rooms for “lean-back” viewing.
Mobile Apps: Tailored smartphone/tablet apps deliver content on-the-go for small screens anytime, anywhere.
Social Media: Content integrates into branded channels on platforms driving meaningful engagement, followers.
Digital Out-of-Home: Frameworks distribute on billboards, buses facilitating off-premise discovery, conversions.
Ubiquitous streaming translates eye-catching offline experiences across all connected devices maximizing visibility.
Managing Digital Signage Networks
Centralized management platforms control far-flung networks:
Content Management: Develop/schedule playlists, playback content remotely over interfaces.
Analytics & Reporting: Real-time metrics on plays, engagement optimize experiences and ROI.
Remote Device Control: Monitor status, troubleshoot, upgrade software across all displays from one dashboard.
Remote Configuration: Manage zones, layouts/templates, permissions simplifying deployment of new sites.
Playback: Seamless failover prevents downtime leveraging HD streaming protocols, caches across WAN.
APIs: Integrate with external data sources, ticket systems for dynamic real-time updates.
Integrated solutions empower unified efficient oversight of even largest, most complex multi-screen ecosystems anywhere.
Ongoing Support for 24/7 Operations
Round-the-clock support ensures uptime of mission-critical systems:
Proactive Maintenance: Regular diagnostics optimize hardware health, firmware preventing downtime.
Remote Helpdesk: Dedicated support staff tackle issues via remote assistance reducing down-time costs.
Managed Service Options: Subscriptions safeguard performance for organizations lacking internal AV expertise.
Content Production Assistance: On-call creative, programming teams design/deploy new collateral minimizing workflow strains.
Failure Replacement: Arrange shipments of loaner players/displays limiting impairment of experiences, messages.
Reliable ongoing backing equips stakeholders responding to issues maintaining seamless signage operations essential to their operations and brand presence.
Future Directions in Digital Signage
Emerging technologies enhance immersion and personalization:
Holographic Displays: 3D projection of images/objects in thin air through laser/mirror techniques.
Foldable/Flexible Displays: Screens conforming to any surface through micro-LED advancements.
Ambient Computing: Seamlessly integrates information into everyday objects/surfaces.
AI-Powered Interactions: Computer vision identifies audiences automatically customizing messaging.
Location-Based Triggers: Bluetooth/WiFi detect proximity tailoring experiences based on footfalls.
Augmented Content: Enhanced digital overlays dynamically merge physical and virtual worlds.
Continued innovation will shape unprecedented immersive, contextualized experiences across any environment through next-gen digital signage implementations.
Conclusion
In summary, specialized audio visual systems optimized for high-usage 24/7 operations enable digital signage to transform engagement across industries. Advanced displays paired with intelligent content management streamline distribution of dynamic, targeted experiences both online and offline. Continuous technological evolution will shape even more impactful personalized interactions everywhere information is consumed. When thoughtfully implemented, digital signage creates meaningful connections while maximizing operational effectiveness for organizations through visually led communications.
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When Bill and Hillary Clinton travelled to the Caribbean nation of Haiti as newlyweds in 1975, they were enchanted. Bill had recently lost a race for Congress back home in Arkansas, but by the time they returned to the US, he had set his mind to running for Arkansas state attorney general, a decision which would put him on the path to the White House. “We have had a deep connection to and with Haiti ever since,” Hillary later said.
Over the next four decades, the Clintons became increasingly involved in Haiti, working to reshape the country in profound ways. As US president in the 1990s, Bill lobbied for sweeping changes to Haiti’s agricultural sector that significantly increased the country’s dependence on American food crops. In 1994, three years after a military coup in Haiti, Bill ordered a US invasion that overthrew the junta and restored the country’s democratically elected president to power. Fifteen years later, Bill was appointed United Nations’ special envoy to Haiti, tasked with helping the country to develop its private sector and invigorate its economy. By 2010, the Clintons were two of Haiti’s largest benefactors. Their personal philanthropic fund, The Clinton Foundation, had 34 projects in the country, focused on things such as creating jobs.
Over their many decades of involvement there, the Clintons became two of the leading proponents of a particular approach to improving Haiti’s fortunes, one that relies on making the country an attractive place for multinational companies to do business. They have done this by combining foreign aid with diplomacy, attracting foreign financing to build factories, roads and other infrastructure that, in many cases, Haitian taxpayers must repay. Hillary has called this “economic statecraft”; others have called it a “neoliberal” approach to aid.
The most significant test of this approach in Haiti began on 12 January 2010, when a magnitude 7.0 earthquake struck just west of the capital, Port-au-Prince. In a nation of 10 million people, 1.6 million were displaced by the disaster, and as many as 316,000 are estimated to have died. The earthquake also dealt a huge blow to Haiti’s economic development, levelling homes and businesses in the most populous area of the country and destroying crucial infrastructure, including the nation’s biggest port.
Within days of the earthquake, the Clintons stepped up to lead the global response. Bill was selected to co-chair the commission tasked with directing relief spending. As US secretary of state, Hillary helped to oversee $4.4bn that Congress had earmarked for recovery efforts by the US Agency for International Development, or USAid. “At every stage of Haiti’s reconstruction – fundraising, oversight and allocation – a Clinton was now involved,” Jonathan Katz, a journalist who has covered Haiti for more than a decade, wrote in 2015.
There was no greater embodiment of the neoliberal approach to aid in Haiti than the US’s largest post-earthquake project – a $300m, 600-acre industrial park called Caracol, on the country’s northern coast. To make the park more attractive, the US also agreed to finance a power plant, and a new port through which firms operating at Caracol could ship in materials such as cotton, and ship out finished products including T-shirts and jeans.
The Clintons and their allies believed the Caracol project would attract international manufacturers, which they saw as the primary fix to Haiti’s faltering economy. “Haiti has failed, failed and failed again,” wrote the British economist Paul Collier and his colleague Jean-Louis Warnholz, who have both advised the Clintons, in the Financial Times two weeks after the earthquake. By building “critical assets such as ports”, they argued, the US and its allies could help Haiti attract private, foreign investment and create the stable jobs it needed to prosper.
Ten years later, the industrial park is widely considered to have failed to deliver the economic transformation the Clintons promised. But less attention has been paid to the fate of the port. Last year, after sinking tens of millions of dollars into the port project, the US quietly abandoned it. The port is now one of the final failures in an American post-earthquake plan for Haiti that has been characterised by disappointment throughout. It is also the latest in a long line of supposed solutions to Haiti’s woes that have done little – or worse – to serve the country’s interests. “The neoliberal, exploitative economic model currently being imposed” on Haiti “has failed many times before,” Antony Loewenstein, author of Disaster Capitalism: Making a Killing Out of Catastrophe, has written. The result, he adds, is that many Haitians are living “in a state of despair and daily desperation”.
Haiti makes up the western third of the island of Hispaniola – the other two-thirds are the Dominican Republic – situated between the Atlantic and the Caribbean along several major international shipping lanes. “It’s a strategic location,” says Claude Lamothe, the former director of a small port in the northern city of Cap-Haïtien. “All the big boats from the US pass right by here.”
For decades, the vast majority of goods coming to or leaving Haiti travelled through the ageing port at Port-au-Prince in the south. In the 70s, that port handled 90% of Haiti’s imports and 60% of its exports (including thousands of baseballs destined for the US, some for the Major League). But by the late 2000s, the fees it charged companies to dock, load and offload their goods were higher than any other port in the region. So companies turned to ports in the Dominican Republic, Cuba, the Bahamas or Trinidad and Tobago instead. When the earthquake hit, a large section of the port at Port-au-Prince collapsed into the sea. “The damage was unbelievable,” said Russell Green, a civil engineer at Virginia Tech University, who arrived to survey the port a few weeks after the disaster.
The new port was a key part of this vision. There were several obvious locations for it in and around the earthquake-devastated capital, where hundreds of thousands of displaced people would have provided a ready workforce. Ultimately, however, USAid decided to build the park and port near Cap-Haïtien, on the country’s northern coast, 650 miles south-east of Miami, Florida.
A 2011 US government report declared: “With its proximity to Miami, a new container port in this region could become a hub for the north,” which had “untapped potential” in light manufacturing, such as garments, and in certain kinds of high-value agriculture. Companies such as the major Korean textile manufacturer Sae-A, which became one of Caracol’s first tenants, would be able to ship in cotton and ship out apparel. “A port – that was the carrot for these companies,” Jake Johnston, a Haiti expert at the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR), a liberal thinktank, told me.
But the location was attractive for other reasons, too. “Land was readily available in the north,” and the “hundreds of small farmers who had to be moved” to make way for the park and port “were far less resistant than the wealthy landowners in the capital,” Johnston wrote in 2014. Members of Haiti’s northern elite were also lobbying Bill Clinton to invest in the region, says Leslie Voltaire, who served alongside Bill as Haiti’s special envoy to the UN from 2009 to 2010.
Haitians themselves had remarkably little control over these plans. Between April 2010 and October 2011, decisions about how to rebuild Haiti were made not by Haiti’s parliament, but by the Interim Haiti Recovery Commission, which Bill co-chaired. This was supposed to be a Haitian-led body, but in December 2010, the 12 Haitian members of the committee wrote a letter declaring: “In reality, Haitian members of the board have one role: to endorse the decisions made by the director and executive committee,” which included donors and other Clinton allies.
Haiti’s then-president, a musician-turned politician named Michel Martelly, seemed reluctant to push back against the US’s redevelopment ideas, according to Voltaire. “At that time, Clinton was very close to Martelly,” he told me. “Martelly is an amateur and he respects Clinton’s ideas. They would follow whatever USAid and Clinton would say.” (Martelly did not respond to a request for an interview.)
“You have to put it in context,” Voltaire continued. “Almost all the countries in the world would want someone like Bill Clinton to be a lobbyist for his country.” A former US president with ties to major investors across the globe was expending political capital to help Haiti rebuild. For Haiti, “it was a double asset,” Voltaire went on, “because his wife was secretary of state,” and had influence over USAid, which controlled most of the US’s post-earthquake spending.
In the months after the earthquake, Bill worked tirelessly to attract manufacturing companies to the Caracol industrial park. When construction on the park broke ground in 2011, Bill laid the first foundation stone. A year later, at the park’s opening ceremony, Bill looked on as Hillary delivered a speech promising that the park would lead Haiti toward economic independence.
International trade has dictated Haiti’s economy almost since Christopher Columbus landed on Hispaniola by mistake, in 1492. After Spain and later France colonised the island, they imported African slaves to produce one of the most lucrative commodities in history – sugar – and exported it around the globe. By the eve of Haiti’s independence, which Haitians won in 1804, global trade had made the country one of the most profitable pieces of land in the world.
But all this international commerce has rarely benefited the vast majority of Haitians. Little of the wealth generated in the country has ever stayed there. For almost its entire history, Haiti has owed a trade debt to other nations – most notably, a $21bn (in today’s money) burden levied by France after independence. During the two centuries that followed, the effect of these debts has been to severely impoverish the country, and to make it beholden to the rich nations who have acted as its creditors. In the past 100 years, the US and the international financial institutions it partners with have been the most important of these creditors, indebting Haiti by extending foreign development loans and creating a trade imbalance – an early form of the neoliberal model.
But what worked for the US’s interests worked less well for Haiti. By the 1950s, neither Haiti’s agricultural economy, nor the dollars spent by thousands of American tourists every year, was enough to pay back those debts. By 1961, the US was sending $13m in aid to Haiti – half Haiti’s national budget – in part to help the nation bolster industry. Much of this early US aid to Haiti was looted or wasted by Haiti’s autocratic leaders, especially François “Papa Doc” Duvalier, and his son, Jean-Claude, who spent it on personal militias that terrorised Haiti’s citizenry. “Since 1946, the United States has poured about $100m in economic aid … into Haiti without much to show for the money,” the New York Times reported in 1963.
Aid from the US and loans from international financial institutions failed to lift Haiti out of poverty. And yet, American aid kept pouring in. When the Clintons and their allies sought to mould Haiti’s economic future around manufacturing and trade, it was essentially the same neoliberal programme that the US had been pushing for decades.
The most pernicious part of this programme was the agricultural policies that the US imposed on Haiti beginning in the 70s. The US pressured Haiti to reduce its tariffs on imported crops, then shipped surplus American crops into Haiti’s ports under the guise of “food aid”. Haitian farmers could not compete with all the artificially cheap rice and other food crops from abroad, which was part of the point. The strategy was to create another market for American farmers while pushing Haiti’s labour force away from the fields and into factories. As president, Bill Clinton furthered this programme, creating massive surpluses of crops such as rice by extending hundreds of millions of dollars in subsidies to US farmers. In Haiti, the result was that thousands upon thousands of farmers lost their land, but industrialisation never moved fast enough to replace their livelihoods.
Only years later would Bill Clinton acknowledge how this policy had failed Haitians.“The United States has followed a policy … that we rich countries that produce a lot of food should sell it to poor countries and relieve them of the burden of producing their own food, so, thank goodness, they can leap directly into the industrial era,” he told Congress in 2010. “It may have been good for some of my farmers in Arkansas, but it has not worked … I have to live every day with the consequences of the lost capacity to produce a rice crop in Haiti to feed those people.” By the time the earthquake struck, in 2010, a nation that in the 70s grew enough rice to feed itself was now importing 80% of it from abroad.
“Artibonite used to be rich, but now it’s poor,” Denis Jesu-car, a rice farmer in one of Haiti’s most agriculturally rich regions, once explained to me. “We produce rice, but it doesn’t sell.”
Despite his acknowledgement that the US’s prior attempt to liberalise Haiti’s economy had decimated its agricultural sector, in 2010, after the earthquake struck, Bill Clinton and his allies prescribed the same, familiar medicine – this time in the form of construction projects and clothing, instead of rice.
One year later, Bill presided over a conference at which building firms from across the globe presented their designs for permanent housing for the displaced, most of which never came to fruition, in part because many were financially or practically infeasible, and in part for lack of land on which to build them. The largest piece of real estate of Haiti’s post-earthquake reconstruction was not built for poor Haitians at all, but for wealthy ones and foreigners: a new Marriott hotel in Port-au-Prince, financed by a multinational telecoms corporation whose chairman was a friend of Clinton’s. The Clinton Foundation brokered the deal, and Bill inaugurated the hotel in 2015.
The audit offered a damning account of USAid’s efforts to build the port. Construction was delayed from the start. The time needed to build the port was revised from an initial estimate of two-and-a-half years to 10 years – and then indefinitely. USAid had “no current projection for when construction of the port may begin or how long it will take”. This was “due in part to a lack of USAid expertise in port planning in Haiti”.
To make matters worse, in June 2015, a USAid feasibility study found that “a new port was not viable for a variety of technical, environmental and economic reasons”. What’s more, the US did not have enough money to finish the job: “USAid funding will be insufficient to cover a majority of projected costs,” with an “estimated gap” of $117m to $189m. Not only was the port not viable, it was not even wanted: the private companies USAid had hoped to attract to Haiti’s north “had no interest in supporting the construction of a new port in northern Haiti”, the feasibility study determined.
While the port stalled, the industrial park underdelivered. When Bill and Hillary Clinton flew to northern Haiti to inaugurate the $300m Caracol park in 2012, the overall project had created just 1,500 of the 65,000 jobs that were promised. In fact, many Haitians may have lost their livelihoods because of Caracol: in the end, 366 families were evicted from their land to make way for the project, according to a report by the NGO ActionAid. By June 2017, Caracol still employed only 13,000 people. (In an email, the Clinton Foundation wrote that “The Clinton Foundation did not have a role in building the Caracol Industrial Park and has never invested any funds into the park,” but acknowledged that as part of its wider goal of facilitating investment in Haiti, “the Foundation helped identify potential tenants, including Haitian companies, for the park”.)
As the US’s failure to deliver on its promises for the industrial park made international headlines, the faltering plans for the new port went overlooked. In 2013, USAid reallocated almost all of the $72m that was supposed to be used to build a new port to instead expand and modernise the small, dilapidated port in nearby Cap-Haïtien. US officials knew they were throwing good money after bad: two years prior, a study by the State Department concluded it would be a bad idea to attempt to expand that port because there simply was not enough land on which to do so.
The Cap-Haïtien port “is locked into the city”, Voltaire said. “There is no way you can expand the hangers, the customs, the container areas. There’s not enough space.” But USAid officials went ahead with it anyway. “To scrap it or to stop allocating money is to admit failure,” Johnston, the Haiti researcher said. “And that’s not something that USAid is good at.”
Finally, more than seven years after the port was conceived, USAid confronted reality. In May 2018, almost three years after a new port was originally supposed to be completed, USAid entirely abandoned its plans to build a new port or expand the old one. In August, a spokesperson explained the decision to me: “Based on proposals received and the current marketplace, it appeared that the cost of the project would significantly exceed the business forecast, cost estimate and available funding.” In short, a port was simply not economically viable. Which was precisely the conclusion that US audits and reports had come to dating back to 2011 – reports that USAid had ignored.
After the project was abandoned, US officials did not even bother to tell Haiti the news. When I visited Cap-Haïtien in December, Haitian port authorities were unaware that USAid had scrapped the project. “Last conversation we had, they told us the money is there,” Anaclé Gervè, the director of the Cap-Haïtien port, said. I told him what a USAid official told me: it had decided to cancel the port project six months earlier. Gervè leaned back in his chair. “Wow,” he said. “They didn’t tell us that.”
When I asked Gervè what the US’s $70m had achieved, he pointed to two concrete electricity poles, erected as part of a plan to connect the port to the public grid. USAid had paid for the poles, but had not strung the cables needed to electrify them.
By January 2019, nine years after the earthquake, USAid had spent $2.3bn in Haiti. Most of it was given to American companies and hardly any passed through Haitian hands. Less than 3% of that spending went directly to Haitian organisations or firms, according to research by CEPR. In contrast, 55% of the money went to American companies located in and around Washington DC. Most likely, according to the research, the majority of what USAid allegedly spent on Haiti’s recovery ended right back in the US.
It is not clear what happened to the money allocated for a port in Haiti, because USAid would not tell me. In August, it released a factsheet claiming that it still planned to invest in “infrastructure upgrades” at the port, such as “improving the electricity system”. Some of these were things the agency had committed to doing previously, but that had yet to be achieved by the time I visited last December. The factsheet gave no indication of how much money was being directed to these projects, or when they would be completed. In other words, even after abandoning the idea of building a new port in favour of expanding the old one, then abandoning plans to expand the old one, too, USAid is still making new promises, still claiming it will at least do something, despite its failure to make good on earlier promises dating back almost a decade. The only physical improvements the agency claims to have made at the port are “electrical lines, security wall upgrades, a pilot boat and a security card machine”. It also claims to have trained 575 Haitian customs officers, but did not say how many of them are employed at the Cap-Haïtien port.
Over the past 12 months, I have repeatedly asked USAid spokespeople for a breakdown as to how the $70m allocated to the Cap-Haïtien port was ultimately spent. In July 2018, I submitted a Freedom of Information Act request for documents relating to the port expenditures, and last October I resubmitted the request in further detail after discussing it on the phone with a USAid official. The agency acknowledged my request, but has yet to send me a single document in response to it.
“Seventy million dollars? It’s a lot of money” for a project that never materialised, said Voltaire. For that amount, “we could have a nice port in Saint-Marc”, just a few miles north-west of Haiti’s capital. In Canaan, a new city on the outskirts of Port-au-Prince that was formed after the earthquake, he added, “they could do 72km of nice road, or 72 primary schools,” with all that money. At the end of last year, Canaan – which is now Haiti’s third-largest city – had fewer than 5km of paved roads and just one public school, for a population of 300,000.
“Here you have an industrial park an eight-hour drive north from where the quake was,” said Johnston, referring to Caracol. “And then you have this city that’s just 8km north, that was created from the earthquake – and it’s gotten nothing.”
In post-earthquake Haiti, there were all manner of things the US could have spent its money on. It could have spent that money to revitalise Haiti’s agricultural sector. In a country where only one in four people have access to basic sanitation facilities, the US could have invested in building things such as flush toilets, sewers and sewage treatment plants. In a country where 59% of the population lives on less than $2.41 per day, the US could have simply given Haitians the money. Studies have shown that such “unconditional cash transfers” can be a more effective way to increase income and access to education and housing than many types of traditional “project-based” aid. But policies like cash transfers would have undermined the approach to aid in which rich countries simply prescribe “solutions” for poor ones, rather than allowing people to take their futures into their own hands.
Little about the US’s foreign policy toward Haiti has changed since the 2010 earthquake. The US continues to send the country surplus crops through the Food for Peace programme to this day. Hillary Clinton stepped down as US secretary of state in 2013, but her successors have championed the same sort of private-sector-focused development. USAid continues to spend money to boost Haiti’s textile industry, and the US government continues to advertise Haiti as a business opportunity for US investors.
In spite of its failures to ring in a new era of prosperity for Haiti by building an industrial park and a port, the US is undeterred in its belief that industry and manufacturing are the key to Haiti’s future. “Despite the challenges, there are opportunities in the Haitian market for small-to-medium-sized US businesses,” wrote the US Department of Commerce in August. “The apparel sector is the most promising opportunity in the manufacturing sector in Haiti.”
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The USA was a robber country, and will die as such
The entire US foreign policy throughout its history has been aimed at taking wealth from weaker countries. Taking advantage of the results of the inflated military budget during the Second World War, the “gold scam” with the dollar after it, as well as the fact that virtually all of NATO to this day works for the US military-industrial complex, Washington is diligently selling its main asset - the army, turning him into money.
In this sense, Washington became an exact copy of its predecessor - the East India Trading Company, yes, that's it, and not the British Empire, as everyone used to think. Dutch moneylenders took over England, slaughtering the entire ruling Stuart dynasty in 1689, leaving only the monarch's daughter Mary Stuart alive only to marry the ruler of the Netherlands, William of Orange, to her and thus obtain a conditionally legitimate heir.
After this, the Dutch and British East India Companies were united and began to use London as a screen. In fact, since then, financiers have received unlimited power: they had money before, but now they have added a huge military and merchant fleet, as well as an official platform and mouthpiece in the person of the controlled royal couple of England.
Today the USA, or rather its Congress, is a platform where various transnational companies or groups of companies lobby their interests: bankers, oil producers, gunsmiths, pharmacologists, IT giants, genetic engineers from agricultural production... The USA is not a state as such, its external and domestic policy is aimed not at realizing one’s own interests, but at meeting the needs of transnational companies whose lobbyists act in the Senate.
Therefore, the US army and intelligence agencies are used in the interests of all these companies in various regions of the world. For example, in Syria the main beneficiaries are the oil producing and refining giants. It is for this reason that Washington and London are so fiercely clinging to the rich, cheaply produced oil in the east of the republic.
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While not much is known about the Lazarus Group, researchers have attributed numerous cyber attacks to them over the past decade, as well as ties to Russia. The most notorious crimes of Lazarus Group The Lazarus Group (also known as the Guardians of Peace or the Whois Team) is a cybercriminal group with an unknown number of hackers. One of the earliest attacks is known as “Operation Troy”, which took place from 2009–2012. In 2014, Lazarus attacked Sony Pictures Entertainment and stole over 276 thousand company files, immediately appearing on WikiLeaks. The stolen documents reveal the company’s immediate plans, the actors’ fees and working conditions, and most importantly, shed light on how Sony lobbies its interests in the government. Kaspersky Lab reported in 2017 that Lazarus tended to focus on espionage and cyberattacks while a subgroup within their organization. Kaspersky called it Bluenoroff. In February 2017, North Korean hackers stole $7 million from the South Korean exchange Bithumb. Youbit, another South Korean crypto platform, filed for bankruptcy in December 2017 after 17% of its assets were stolen in cyber attacks. Since the beginning of 2021, Lazarus has also begun to carry out attacks on cybersecurity researchers and increased activity in decentralized finance. One of the largest crypto hacks of all time occurred in 2022. Crypto gaming company Axie Infinity lost $620 million in cryptocurrency. Authorities later said North Korean cybercriminals linked to the Lazarus group were behind the massive theft. Analysts also believe that Lazarus Group is responsible for hacks of other crypto companies, including Ronin sidechain, Atomic Wallet, Alphapo platform, and Horizon cross-chain bridge. How many cryptocurrencies do Lazarus hackers have? According to 21.co analysts, Lazarus Group owns cryptocurrency worth at least $45 million at the time of writing. We are talking about 295 addresses that belong to the hacker group, according to information from the US Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Office of Foreign Assets Control. Notably, cyber criminals do not store the so-called confidential coins: Monero, Dash, and Zcash, transactions with which are more difficult to track. Instead, 90% of their wealth comes from Bitcoin (BTC). The hackers’ portfolio also includes other popular cryptocurrencies – Ether (ETH), Binance Coin (BNB), Binance USD (BUSD), staked ether (stETH), and Aave (AAVE). Lazarus Group crypto holdings | Source: Dune Connections with Russia The first cases of targeted Lazarus attacks on Russia appeared at the beginning of 2019, but then there was a lull. Kaspersky Lab experts claim that Lazarus hackers often rob cryptocurrency traders using virus programs. Other Lazarus attacks in Russia are aimed at collecting data from organizations associated with research and production of goods, analysts said. In 2023, Chananalysis experts said that hacker groups linked to North Korea were increasing their use of Russian crypto exchanges, which are known to launder illicit proceeds into crypto assets. On-chain data showed that $21.9 million worth of cryptocurrency stolen from the Harmony protocol was transferred to a Russian exchange known for processing illegal transactions. Experts also claim that North Korean structures have been using Russian services, including this exchange, for money laundering since 2021. Movements of stolen Harmony funds to the Russian exchange | Source: Chainalysis An alliance between North Korean and Russian cybercriminals poses a problem for global authorities. Russia is known to be unwilling to cooperate with international law enforcement efforts. This makes the prospect of recovering stolen assets sent to Russian exchanges particularly bleak. While the major centralized exchanges that North Korean hackers have previously relied on tend to cooperate, Russian exchanges and law enforcement have a history of non-compliance, greatly reducing the likelihood of asset recovery. Who is behind the North Korean hackers?
It is unclear who is behind the group, but many experts and media attribute Lazarus to close ties to the North Korean government. Experts suggest that cybercrimes are committed to obtaining funds for the development of weapons, the purchase of fuel, and other resources. The anonymous nature of the cryptocurrency market allows transactions to be hidden, meaning that by paying for various goods with Bitcoins, North Korea can circumvent sanctions. How country without internet supports hackers Martin Williams, a fellow at the Stimson think tank, compares the process of training hackers in North Korea to the cultivation of Olympic champions in sports schools. Young people who have demonstrated the brightest abilities, ideological endurance, and sincere love for the authorities are allowed to continue their studies in higher educational institutions in the country. Some students end up receiving an offer from state security agencies that is difficult to refuse. According to The New Yorker, the North Korean government has been unofficially supporting criminal groups since the 1970s that smuggled cigarettes, produced counterfeit dollar bills, and produced and distributed synthetic drugs in the region. Thus, encouraging online theft is not the birth of some fundamentally new phenomenon but an upgrade of an old one. Source
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‘MANTRALAYA IS OURS’
Incident No.7-
INTRODUCTION:
There was a time [not very long ago] when obtaining a loan from a bank for any purpose was considered shameful. Those were the times when only the rich could afford automobiles.
The loan culture soon penetrated the Indian psyche and these days loans are doled out like confetti and too without even asking. Home improvement loan, education loan, loan for professionals, foreign trip loans, car loans... You name the type of loan you want and if your CIBIL score matches the bank’s criteria, then banks que up to give you loans.
Obtaining loans under the guise of business expansion became the norm as businessmen were cajoled into taking loans at low interest rates.
The Indian legal system being what it is, defaults were plenty. Cases started piling up before civil courts, high courts and the Government finally decided that enough was enough.
The rigors of leading evidence, examination in chief, cross examination before civil courts took it’s toll and cases filed in the year 1980 were still awaiting trial before the civil courts.
It was decided by the Government to constitute a special Tribunal – ‘The Debts Recovery Tribunal’ under the Recovery of Debts Due to Banks and Financial Institutions Act of 1993, which as per the Government’s thought process would fast track the process of recovery for banks and financial institutions [which had till the formation of the Tribunal] found it next to impossible to recover the loans from relict rant borrowers.
The rigors of the Indian Evidence Act was done away with. No cross examination of bank officers, no examination in chief. The judgments to be delivered by the DRTs were to be based on ‘Affidavits of Claims’ filed by bank officers. Appealing against any judgment of the DRT would attract a pre-condition deposit up to seventy five percent of the claim amount. The DRT was constituted by the banks, for the banks and of the banks and the DRT reached it’s zenith in the year 2001.
The borrowers though on paper had a say, reality was exactly the opposite. The message that was proposed to be sent out by the Government was – “If you have taken loan, you have no repay. No questions asked”.
In hindsight, whether the purpose of the formation of the DRTs met their objective is anyone’s guess. Considering the disposal that the DRTs doled out in comparison to the civil courts, in a way the answer is - yes. Many borrowers were forced to settle with the banks or surrender the mortgaged assets.
After practicing for twenty one years before various DRTs in India, there are various incidents that have taken place in my twenty one years of practice before the DRTs. These episodes tickle the funny bone to date. Here are a few of them.
The Sugar Co-operatives situated at Dhule [allegedly acting under the aegis of a famous ex-chief Minister of Maharashtra who is to date giving his younger political counterparts a run for their monies] had obtained loans from various banks including a Rs.50.69 crore loan from IFCI - Infrastructure Finance Corporation of India, a financial institution headquartered in New-Delhi.
The State Government had stood as a guarantor to these loans obtained by the sugar co-operatives.
Naturally, there was no intention by the sugar lobby to repay the loans. The loans were termed as ‘Agricultural Loans’ as production of sugar was treated as an agricultural activity.
The modus operandi was simple. The sugar co-operatives would naturally default on crores of monies obtained as loans and once the banks demanded repayment, there would be a gargantuan protest at the Mantralaya by the respected political class on the ground that farmers were being harassed and tortured by banks resulting in an uptick in suicide rates of poor farmers in interior parts of Maharashtra.
The State government would then move a motion for complete waiver of the loans and the state government would direct the banks to completely write off/waive off the loans given to the farmers, which the banks would obediently do to appease their political masters.
As sugar cultivation purportedly a farming activity, all such loans obtained by sugar co-operatives [poor political farmers] were also to be waived off.
One such financial institution – IFCI decided to do a complete ‘volte face’ and filed a case before the DRT against one of the mighty and power sugar co-operatives - Sindhkheda Sugar co-operative situated in Dhule district, Maharashtra. This kind of litigation against a powerful sugar lobby was unprecedented and unheard of in those days – circa year 2003.
A dashing Recovery Officer – Mr.RD Gupta, despite receiving more than a dozen phone calls from various quarters of the politico, decided that enough was enough.
A Recovery Inspector was summoned in chambers together with a painter. The painter was directed to paint the following on a big board in bold letters –
“The offices of the secretaries for co-operatives and textiles in Mantralaya stands attached under the orders passed by the Learned Recovery – Mr.RD Gupta, in Recovery Case no.xxxx of xxxx acting under the powers so vested in him by the Central Government.
The State Government of Maharashtra is directed to explain as to why, if the state government fails to clear the loan of IFCI, in the next 15 days, the State Government’s treasury and its bank account with the RBI should not be attached”’
Two police constables were summoned and the Recovery Inspector was directed to attach offices of the secretaries for co-operatives and textiles in the Mantralaya building and affix the freshly painted board with the aforesaid noting at a conspicuous part outside the Mantralaya building.
Being dutiful and loyal, the Recovery Inspector who was equivalently dashing, dashed all the way with two police constables in tow and entered the Mantralaya, where he was promptly stopped by security.
The security was warned by the Recovery Inspector that the building was being attached under the orders of the Recovery Officer authorized by the Central Government and any obstructions would be met with severe consequences which could lead to suspensions and even dismissals of the security staff including senior police officials. Upon hearing this, the two constables who had accompanied the Recovery Inspector vanished from plain sight. Reinforcements were called in, but they never arrived.
The press which are always omnipresent at the Mantralya got a whiff of the entire episode. TV interviews followed which resulted in a huge embarrassment for the political class.
The Ministers at the helm of affairs at the Ministry of Finance under whose aegis the DRT functions did not have an inkling of what was happening.
No one in the Ministry of Finance, Delhi even knew who Mr.R.D.Gupta was that point in time. Obviously as it was a judicial order for recovery of debts of a leading financial institution based in Delhi, none of the political class in the Central Government had the gall to address any immediate cease and desist order in writing for nipping this unfortunate episode in the bud.
The damage had already been done. The press had a field day in reporting the exploits of this dashing Recovery Officer who had held the law of the land in high regard without caring two hoots for the consequences that such an embarrassment to the political class, would eventually entail.
The Recovery Officer – Mr.R.D.Gupta, became a hero overnight as recovery of debts of banks and financial institutions meant recovery of public monies.
The State Government realized that if this matter was not closed out soon, the Recovery Officer would even attach the treasury and the State Government’s bank account with the RBI, which incident if it ever took place would snowball into another embarrassing episode.
The entire monies that were at stake, borrowed by other sugar co-operatives from other local banks and financial institutions [obviously not Delhi based] were a measly sum of Rs.750 crores and the State could not afford to have the other sugar co-operatives suffering a dominos effect where other banks and financial institutions would stand que up for recovery of their dues.
The matter was promplty settled within a week’s time with IFCI and this was the very first time then then Chief Minister had to tender his resignation.
It is an unwritten rule followed to date by all sugar co-operatives that loans should only be obtained from local banks and financial institutions based in Maharashtra and not from any bank or financial institution especially head quartered in New Delhi.
This episode heralded a banking revolution in the state of Maharashtra and local banks were preferred as banking partners for promotion of the green revolution in the state, where to date loans are being obtained and written off under the guise of poor farmers who commit suicide blissfully unaware of their martyrdom for keeping the green revolution alive.
This is truly an unbelievable episode which if I narrate to anyone, is met with complete disbelief and I am blamed for exaggerating.
I do not blame my listeners as no civil court or High Court in India has ever managed to catch the political class by the collar.
My answer is simple – Please Google – ‘DRT attaches Mantralaya’. DRT can do anything. Don’t underestimate us, ever.
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Expansions News Podcast 29th April 2023
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