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neethypaksham · 1 year ago

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MP Assembly Elections: Cong Manifesto Promises to Buy Cow Manure, Farm Loan Waiver, IPL Team | NewsClick

MP Assembly Elections: Cong Manifesto Promises to Buy Cow Manure, Farm Loan Waiver, IPL Team

The party launched its Vachan Patra on Tuesday at Bhopal; the 106-page long manifesto has 59 promises, including unemployment allowance for youth

Bhopal: Cow manure at Rs 2/kilo, health insurance cover up to Rs 25 lakh, paddy Minimum Support Price (MSP) at Rs 2,500 per quintal and wheat at Rs 2,600 per quintal, an Indian Premier League (IPL) team of the state, are some of the promises the Congress has made in its manifesto 'Vachan Patra'.

The Congress party launched its Vachan Patra on Tuesday at Bhopal's Ravindra Bhawan ahead of the Assembly polls in Madhya Pradesh due on November 17 this year. The votes will be counted on December 3.

"We tried to cater to the needs of all sections of society in the manifesto," said Kamal Nath, launching Vachan Patra. "It was prepared after long hours of meetings, and we will fulfil the promises."

The cow manure scheme was adopted from Chhattisgarh, and health insurance up to Rs 25 lakh from Rajasthan.

In the media briefing, Congress reiterated its previous promises, including implementation of the Old Pension Scheme (OPS), caste census, farm loan waiver up to Rs 2 lakh, farmers' power bill waiver, 27% reservation to Other Backward Classes (OBCs), financial assistance of Rs 1,500 a month to women, subsidies electricity, financial assistance of Rs 500 to 1,500 to school students, LPG at Rs 500, fill two lakh vacant posts including backlogs and others.

The 106-page manifesto has 59 promises, including unemployment allowance for youth ranging from Rs 1,500 to Rs 3,000 per month for two years, Rs 1.1 lakh to girls under Beti Vivah Yojana, Rs 25,000 remuneration to journalists and others. Loans for women entrepreneurs, housing for rural homeless women, and free transportation on metropolitan bus services.

The Congress has also promised to make laws ensuring nine guaranteed rights, including Right to water, right to health, right to electricity, right to education, right to fertilisers, right to home, right to income, right to employment and right to social justice.

When asked what is new in the 2023 Manifesto, the manifesto committee head, Rajendra Singh, said, "Health insurance scheme, fixed MSP on wheat and paddy, monthly stipend to school students between 1 to 12, formation of probe panel to look into the corruption cases of recruitment."

When asked whether these schemes are financially feasible when the state has a debt of over Rs 4 lakh crore, he replied, "When we announced farm loan waiver, the then finance minister Jayant Malaiya had said that the government coffer is empty, how they would do it. But the 15-month of Congress government waived off farm loan of 27 lakh farmers. We have only announced those schemes which are financially feasible and taken help from experts."

When asked whether the Congress government would review the last six months' announcements of the present government, Congress national spokesperson Abhay Dubey said, "Every government reviews the last six months of functioning and announcements when came to power. We would do the same if voted to power."

Commenting on the manifesto, political expert Arun Dixit said that with populist announcements, the Congress has tried to make everyone happy. "From cow, religion, farmer, women, youth, old age, the Congress is trying to pamper every section of the society."

"The Kamal Nath government is said to have proposed the formation of Vidhan Parishad in the first cabinet," he said, adding that the kind of announcements the Congress has made would be difficult for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to counter.

The Congress has released a list of 144 candidates, and the incumbent BJP has released a list of 136 candidates.

In a media briefing, an hour after Congress launched its manifesto, BJP's state president, VD Sharma, said, "It's a bundle of lies. Instead of offering anything that they have promised in the manifesto, they would wrest the money poor."

Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan said, “Kamal Nath made 900 promises five years back but did not implement even nine of them. People do not trust Congress and know the BJP fulfils its promises. The Congress will not be able to mislead people.”

Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Telangana, Chhattisgarh, and Mizoram are going to polls between November 7 and 30, while the results will be declared on December 3. This is the last major electoral exercise ahead of the 2024 national elections.

With 29 Lok Sabha and 11 Rajya Sabha seats, the Congress hopes to return to power in Madhya Pradesh. The party has set a target of winning 150 of the 230 seats in the state. The Congress, which came to power after 15 years of BJP rule in 2018, lost power to the BJP in March 2020 after 22 legislators defected to BJP with Jyotiraditya Scindia.

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gadgetsforusesblog · 2 years ago

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Interest Free Loan: 1.5 lakh people get interest free loan in this state, 150 crore is spent on subsidy. 1 point 5 lakh people get interest free loan in Rajasthan

Cooperative minister Uday Lal Anjana has said interest-free loans ranging from Rs 25 thousand to Rs 2 lakh will be made available to farmers by the Central Cooperative Banks. symbolic photo. For the people living in Rajasthan village Good news Is. no one to borrow them now lender Will not have to borrow from. Now the state government will provide them with loans themselves. The special thing is…

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sapootindia · 2 years ago

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Rajasthan Kisan Karj Mafi List: How to check name in Rajasthan Kisan Karj Mafi List FREE 2.0

Rajasthan Kisan Karj Mafi List 2023: Good news has been provided by the state government for the farmers. This joyous occasion has brought a big gift for all of you farmers, because the state government has given instructions to waive bank loans of all marginal farmers of the state, for this a list is being prepared. Now if you have also taken a loan of up to ₹ 200000 for agricultural work…

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#Rajasthan Kisan Karj Mafi List

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poonamranius · 2 years ago

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Rajasthan Farmer Loan Mafi list : राजस्थान किसान कर्ज माफी लिस्ट : पहली तारीख से माफ हो जाएंगे ये किसान, चेक लिस्ट

Rajasthan Farmer Loan Mafi list राजस्थान किसान ऋण माफी सूची 2022 राजस्थान सरकार ने राजस्थान कर्जमाफी की सूची जारी कर दी है। राजस्थान किसान ऋण माफी योजना के तहत जिन किसानों ने कर्ज माफी के लिए आवेदन किया था, वे अब अपना नाम राजस्थान किसान ऋण माफी सूची में देख सकते हैं। इस राजस्थान किसान ऋण माफी योजना के तहत किसानों द्वारा बैंकों में ₹200000 तक की गिरवी रखी गई जमीन या संपत्ति किसानों के नाम वापस कर…

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srbachchan · 4 years ago

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DAY 4820

Jalsa, Mumbai May 9/10, 2021 Sun/Mon 12:24 AM

When young suffer .. when the child suffers .. when the haunt of its bearing clouds the mind with nothing but that .. when time and again the repeat of its presence in some permanence in your life propels you to understand the environ is daunting and without consider .. then gripped in remorse and sadness you drop all else and sit with nothingness ..

One can move mountains in belief and the weight of endless adversity, but if the insides are drenched in the assess that the paths are damaged and worn .. played out in the drama of a fine performance that seeks attention when attention is not the real cause .. then you sit up .. take stock .. work out the for and the against and come to conclude that the eventual set , should be to remove the cancerous pain , bear it for a while but live in the relief that it shall not be there in permanence once removed ..

The ability to , despite unfavourable nature , shall ever be the halting block .. but the drama and the performance can ever be seen through, especially when you are surrounded by individuals similar in the despite ..

Your complacency could be renowned .. as may be your penchant for harmony .. but for whom .. your own demeanour shall never be the object .. the other works arduously to be in the attention ..

Point is .. they seek away from theirs .. we know the seek .. we see the transparent glass that you present each episode .. that glass gives it all away .. it is now no longer the gambit .. it is the humour of farce in the comedy of the bards errors ..

Best then to ‘away away bright lite ..’

Give me room and space to breathe in my birth environ .. that is reason for departure from the fire tests to the charm of warmth ..

I speak in parables .. may be .. but there is a reality to the mind if nothing else .. a reality that brings and weighs you down .. puts the mountain over the head and drowns you with its booming energy of volume suppressing the tone of the need to air it ..

Air it then .. and end it ..

WORK on the conditions about, relentlessly continues .. campaigns for relief and the give .. at forums that cover the seas beyond .. one such the VaX Concert with dignitaries of the celebrity brand and more resolve to join the fight .. and WIN ..

The one immediately below 👇🏿 , be one such ..

vimeo

BUT more at home , the presence of the progeny develops into endeavours that stun you with their thinking and thought .. and our little Navya Naveli .. not so little anymore, speaks about the venture she has begun on her own, with her own and determined to build the initiative she believes in .. here be the link .. for one so young and mature in thought and word was truly a moment of great pride as a Nana as grand parents .. 👇🏿

Link for Navya Spotify Link : https://open.spotify.com/episode/4DnVZj9kRFjrwm71r5ZVc9?si=0x5egAuDQWmXd1qYH2fkvA

... and there is more .. for some are disturbed in the Ef fraternity of the brevity in the Blog and wonder if the mind is disturbed , ill , concerned , indisposed ..

No it is not ..

The hesitancy comes from whether to SPEAK or not ..

But whether I show concern over it or not I find that surreptitiously some of them that are the privileged in the World of writing and inform, have through means sourced the matter that was kept under the hatter .. and now as with all matter within these modern times, nothing remains buried in silence .. it rises and volumes the announce elsewhere ..

SO .. my Nana, my grandfather , my Mother’s Father Sardar Khazan Singh Suri the affluent Bar at Law in pre partition Punjab, was married to Amar Kaur Sodhi, my Naani , my Mother’s mother .. and gave birth to my Mother Teji Kaur Suri ..

The Sodhi’s are considered the descendents of the Guru’s of the Sikh religion .. the location of the birth of the religion being AnandPur Sahib, the Gurudwara now in India Punjab and a most revered temple of the Sikhs ..

The readings of the autobiography of my Father, detailing the history of his In Laws educated me .. I never had courage or the need to ask this of my Father or my Mother .. but having known ,it came to me that there has been no remembrance of Nana and Naani through the years .. so a remembrance needed to be done ..

CovID occurred and in the months and time that has passed from the ‘20 to the ‘21 and one witnessed the hardships of those that suffered ..

Yes I do charity , but have ever believed it to be done, than spoken of .. it is embarrassing , in too great a self consciousness .. of one that has ever felt shy of public presence despite the profession - one that has to find its usp in public domains is relevant today for me ..

The pressure though .. the every day abuse and the filth of distasteful comment has never been of attention to me or to the family .. we have seen it from time immemorial .. happens .. some are ridden with the wisdom that it shall happen .. so all the efforts continued in the quiet .. no divulge to the information agencies .. no talk of it either .. only the receiver knew and that was the end ..

Over 1500 farmers’ bank loans paid off by my personal fund and prevented them from suicide , as the suicides grew .. from Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, UP et al .. calling them over after identifying with respective banks and getting them all to Janak and in the presence of the bank representatives, paying them in person and getting them to strike off the loan , giving each farmer the document that they did not owe any more , that their loan was over and completed and paid back to the bank .. some 300 odd from UP could not all be present .. a bogie in the train booked for a limited number of 30 to 50 of them , from their respective cities in UP, received them in Mumbai , put them in buses , given a drive of the city of Mumbai, brought over to Janak, fed and given the loan cancellation certificate and put back on the train to their homes .. all at my expense ..

The brave soldiers at the border of the Country who had been martyred , their lists sought and their families , young wives and their children, some wives pregnant and expectant , given succour ..

The martyr’s at Pulwama after the terrible terrorist attack , their families spread all over the land contacted and brought to Janak and given succour .. at the hands of Abhishek and Shweta ..

Those that suffered during the CoViD last year .. providing food for over 400,000 - 4 lakh - daily wage earners in the country for a month .. feeding almost 5000 in the city each day lunch and dinner ..

Provided masks , PPE units to front line warriors, Police Hospitals in the thousands .. through personal funds .. donating to the Sikh Committee that was helping the migrants to travel back home in the Inter State busses , where the drivers were mostly Sikhs ..

When the migrants were walking back home, some without the benefit or affordability of shoes .. provided hundreds of chappals and shoes to them .. due to lack of travel facility, booked 30 buses to locations in UP and Bihar and supplied them food and water for the overnight travel ..

Booked an entire train from Mumbai to UP to carry 2800 migrant passengers free of cost at my expense .. and when the destination State blocked the train from coming into their State and cancelled the train .. immediately chartered 3 Indigo Airline planes and flew almost 180 migrants in each flight to UP and Bihar and some to Rajasthan and J&K .. free of cost ..

And as the virus spread, donated an entire Diagnostic Centre .. opened at Bangla Sahib Gurudwara in Delhi through the Delhi Sikh Gurudwara Management Committee, set up in the premises of the Gurudwara for medical help for the poor and needy .. an MRI machine and other Sonographic and Scan equipments of expenses beyond my means, but set up inspite .. in the memory of my Nana , Naani and my Mother ..

A 250 to 450 bed care centre set up with further donation at the Rakabganj Sahib Gurudwara today in Delhi and soon to procure for them O2 ( Oxygen ) concentrators, not in stock or easily available , from overseas limited stock to be donated to Delhi where the need is immense and some to Mumbai .. coming in within the week .. 50 of them coming in from Poland by 15th and the rest around 150 from perhaps the US .. orders placed , some have arrived and given to the Hospital in need ..

Ventilators of immediate need to the BMC and to the Municipal Hospitals ordered .. around 20 of them , of course within my limited means , to be in, in a few days .. some 10 have arrived today and on custom release shall be delivered ..

A 25-50 bed Hospital care centre setting up at Juhu Army location at a School Hall , the Ritambhara School, with all facilities and should be up by the 12th of May .. donated funds to set up ..

3 very important detection machines donated to Nanavati Hospital , last week to help in the detection of CoviD ..

Feeding about a 1000 in the slums and poor sections of the city ..

Young children .. orphaned by the sudden death of the parents, left in oblivion .. have adopted 2 and shall be put in an orphanage in Hyderabad .. their study board and lodging free till they finish School .. from the 1st to the 10th .. and if they turn out bright to provide them with free upper education ..

.. and more , as and when the means are affordable ..

AGRANDISEMENT .. !! NO .. let it be emulated .. if each were to put in not the above but even a small drop of assistance, the severity of the situation would begin to ease ..

It is painful to see the misery around and the inability to be able to do something for them ..

BUT we shall fight and more than that .. shall .. WIN !

So help me God .. !!

Amitabh Bachchan

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agrojayyworld · 5 years ago

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WHY INDIA NEEDS A LAND LEASING FRAMEWORK

Guaranteeing food and nutrition security and handling the approaching danger of environmental change makes land changes essential.

PM-KISAN (Pradhan Mantri Kisan Samman Nidhi) is one of the biggest salary support plans for little holder farmers on the planet. A targetted backing to the agriculture area is consistently an inviting move. Be that as it may, the activity doesn't cover landless agriculture workers and the tenant farmers/occupants, on account of the inaccessibility of credible records. According to the Agriculture Census 2010-11, there are 138.35 million farm possessions in India, of which 92.8 million are negligible (<1 ha) and 24.8 million are little (1-2 ha). Despite the fact that little and peripheral ranchers represent over 85% of all-out farm property, their offer in the operational zone is just 41.2%. About 1.5-2 million new negligible and little ranchers are added each year because of the law of legacy. The prevalence of smallholders exhibits their significance in the agribusiness strategy scene. In addition, farming landless workers; pastoralists; fishermen, and sharecroppers farmers/inhabitants/resident cultivators similarly add to rural development and merit unique consideration.

Land changes in India have not been fruitful over a few states, except for Operation Barga in West Bengal. The land change enactments in post-Independence India comprised of redistribution of surplus land from the rich to poor people, nullification of go-betweens, security of residency to inhabitants (and tenancy guidelines) and union of landholdings. Agricultural efficiency and farm size are contrarily related; along these lines, arrangements must raise land profitability through proper innovations. It is similarly imperative to legitimize land renting to upgrade ranch proficiency.

Numerous investigations have set up direct linkages between residency security and pay security. Guaranteeing land renting through a legitimate system boosts inhabitant cultivators to contribute and preserve agrarian land assets, which, thus, prompts expanded land efficiency and benefit. As of late, the NITI Aayog perceived that land rent ought to be seen as a "financial need", not insignificant "feudal agrarian structure".

Ordering suitable land renting laws ought to be the most elevated need of state governments. Such ace farmers move (however regularly saw with doubt by political officials and persuasive gatherings inside the cultivating networks) are required to profit Indian agribusiness and, at last, raise farmers' wages. The council on Doubling Farmers' Income (DFI) of the Government of India has additionally suggested enacting the model Agricultural Land Leasing Act (brought out by NITI Aayog) to guarantee private segment interests in Agricultural. The bottleneck of credit stream to resident farmers/tenant farmers/inhabitants could be tended to by authorizing land renting, as land is frequently utilized by loaning budgetary organizations as insurance for farm advances. The current enactments ashore income matters are various and complex over the states. The model Land Leasing Act doesn't indicate the lease on rented land and the time of rent and has appropriately left it to the concerned gatherings in the land rent advertise (landowner lessor and renter cultivators) with no obstruction from the administration. Scarcely any states like Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Uttarakhand have executed the recommended land renting enactment with certain changes fitting neighborhood settings. States like Odisha and Uttar Pradesh are thinking about alterations to their current income laws to authorize land renting. There is no legitimate restriction on renting in a couple of states viz. Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, West Bengal, and Rajasthan. There are hardly any states like Odisha, Karnataka, and Uttar Pradesh, where explicit people/foundations (military work force; favored raiyats) are allowed to rent out their rural grounds.

Prohibitive land renting enactments in numerous pieces of the nation have prompted casual and covered occupancies without security of residency. This has at last brought about obstructing interests in the agriculture division and, along these lines, affected agri-efficiency. The dread of rural terrains falling under the control of the tenant farmers after a particular period (because of prohibitive provisos) has likewise prompted huge lump of grounds (as high as 25 million hectares, according to certain evaluations) staying decrepit in the nation. With an empowering structure, authorizing land renting could address such inconsistencies. With rising degrees of pay, the costs of rural grounds are going up and, along these lines, landless agri-workers and little/minor farmers can't bear to buy new bundles of terrains. Land residency security and aggregate cultivating are additionally in light of a legitimate concern for smallholder horticulture. From the proof in India and the remainder of the world, guaranteeing destitute individuals' entrance to the land rent market could end up being a gamechanger for improving ranchers' salary. Nonetheless, such a first-class change needs solid political will and requests defilement free usage.

Another significant angle is guaranteeing powerful modernisation and digitisation of land records. The computerisation of land records, land-property exchanges and the enrollment forms has not coordinated the difficulties of land income organization up until this point. The procedure of transformation and refreshing of land records has been delayed in numerous states. The poor upkeep of land records and moderate pace of digitisation of land income organization is contrarily affecting horticulture. High goals satellite symbolism combined with ground truthing has additionally been proposed for the overview tasks. Aadhaar is interestingly situated to help the continuous procedure of modernizing land records to approve land resources. As land proprietorship in India is possible, moving the current framework to one of state-ensured indisputable titles is regularly pushed. Notwithstanding, the proposed naming would require a huge upgradation of land records and existing procedures through computerisation, limit working of partners and altering the fitting area laws. This can be done in the PPP mode, as effectively exhibited in hardly any conditions of India. Police records in numerous Indian states show that land questions are the explanation for a sizeable lump of cognisable offenses (as high as 40% in Bihar) and, thusly, a refreshed record of possession would assist ranchers with maintaining a strategic distance from land-related prosecutions.

Guaranteeing food and nutrition security and handling the approaching danger of environmental change makes land changes important. A land change plan, especially the land renting enactments and refreshed land records, ought to get the most noteworthy need to expand livelihoods of smallholders, sharecroppers, and sharecroppers.

#agribusiness #digitalagriculture #agriculture #agrojay

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todaymandibhav · 2 years ago

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Farmer Loan: राजस्थान ग्रामीण परिवार आजीविका ऋण योजना के तहत किसानों को मिलेगा बिना ब्याज के लोन, जानें पात्रता

Farmer Loan In Rajasthan: राजस्थान की गहलोत सरकार द्वारा 10 अक्टूबर को राज्य के ग्रामीण क्षेत्र के परिवारों के लिए “राजस्थान ग्रामीण परिवार आजीविका ऋण योजना” को शुरू करने की मंजूरी दे दी। इस स्कीम के जरिये राज्य के 1 लाख परिवारों को अकृषि कार्यों के लिये 2000 करोड़ रुपए का ब्याज मुक्त ऋण (Interest-Free Loan) प्रदान क��या जाएगा। प्रदेश सरकार इस योजना के जरिये न्यूनतम ₹25,000 और अधिकतम ₹2,00,000 तक…

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classyfoxdestiny · 3 years ago

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Powering agriculture in India - Hindustan Times

The Government of India launched the Pradhan Mantri Kisan Urja Suraksha evam Utthaan Mahabhiyan (PM-KUSUM) scheme in 2019 to improve irrigation access and farmers’ income through solar-powered irrigation. Under its components A and C, the scheme aims to promote innovative models for solar-powered irrigation by setting up solar power plants on agricultural land, and solarising existing grid-connected pumps, respectively. These components intend to support farmers to be net energy producers and earn an additional income. Concomitantly, the state governments are expected to reduce their agriculture power subsidy bills, while the discoms procure low-cost solar power sourced closer to the consumers through these models.

Notwithstanding the pandemic-related challenges, with almost half the scheme’s target period already over, these components have not taken off in most states. Only the Rajasthan government has offered letters of award for projects under Component A. Rajasthan is also the only state that has begun installing grid-connected solar pumps under Component C, that too on an experimental basis. In contrast, Component B of the scheme promotes stand-alone solar pumps and is progressing well across many states. Therefore, this study investigates the reasons behind the slow uptake of the components A and C of the PM- KUSUM scheme and proposes solutions to overcome the key barriers.

We do so by capturing the experience of seven Indian states in the implementation of the components A and C of the PM-KUSUM scheme and related previous pilots. Our findings are based on detailed interviews with 15 key informants across power distribution companies, state nodal agencies, developers, system integrators, and manufacturers. During the semi- structured interviews, which lasted for 45-90 minutes, we focused on identifying potential administrative, regulatory, financial, operational, and technical challenges hindering the scheme’s rollout. We also discussed possible solutions to address these challenges.

In addition, we conducted a scenario-based economic analysis to assess the economic viability of Component C for farmers, the power distribution companies (discoms), and the government. Below we summarise our key findings and recommendations.

Component A

Under Component A, farmers can set up solar or other renewable power plants on their land (directly or by leasing out land to developers), and the discom would purchase power from them. Most discom respondents were enthusiastic about this component due to its potential to reduce the power-purchase cost, but shared concerns about several implementation challenges, including surplus of contracted generation capacity. Unattractive tariffs for developers, delays in land leasing/conversion and inability of farmers to mobilise equity or debt finance also emerged as key challenges. To overcome these challenges, we propose the following recommendations for Component A.

1.Modify the scheme timelines to enable the inclusion of Component A in discoms’ power-purchase planning

Many discoms are not in a position to benefit in the short term from the component due to surplus contracted capacity and low variable cost of power from conventional power plants. Many are not in a position to shoulder the additional burden for long-term benefits, a situation further exacerbated by the pandemic-induced stress on discoms’ finances. Savings from renewable purchase obligation (RPO) fulfilment also depends

on the discoms’ power-purchase plans and the level of enforcement of RPO regulations. The ministry of new and renewable energy (MNRE) should modify the timelines for the scheme to enable the discoms to align the component with their power-purchase planning and gain maximum benefit from the component. The central government should also strengthen the RPO regulations enabling the discoms to plan for RPO fulfilment through Component A power plants.

2. Reduce risks and improve the competitiveness of decentralised power plants

The MNRE should study the impact of new customs duty on the cost competitiveness of small-capacity power plants and take appropriate measures to mitigate the associated disadvantages. The MNRE, in consultation with the Forum of Regulators (FOR), should also prepare a guidance note for the state SERCs to standardise an approach for tariff for Component-A power plants considering the factors like limited economies of scale, lower DC-to-AC conversion efficiency, etc. Two key risks concerning the deployments under Component A are grid unavailability and counter-party risk. The MNRE should strengthen the compensation clauses in grid unavailability and put the onus on the discoms to ensure a minimum grid availability. The discoms should be penalised in the event of failure to honour the power-purchase agreements (PPAs) to reduce the counterparty risks for the developers.

3. Undertake broader policy reforms to address the bias against distributed solar power plants

Under the current Inter-State Transmission System (ISTS) regulations, solar power plants are exempt from transmission charges, and no transmission losses are accounted for towards solar generation. This statute, which was brought in over a decade ago to promote the solar power sector, has unintendingly favoured large utility-scale solar power plants in a few states with high generation potential, like Rajasthan, over the distributed solar plants. The former offers cheaper rates due to favourable generation conditions and the discoms do not have to bear the inter-state transmission costs, thus reducing the effective cost of power by about INR 0.5-2.2 per kWh. The central government should do away with this archaic statute and initiate policies favouring distributed power plants if Component A or similar schemes are to succeed.

4. Streamline land regulations to ensure smooth implementation

State regulations concerning land leasing and land conversion from agricultural to non- agricultural uses have been a critical barrier in the scheme’s implementation. Some states prohibit the leasing of agricultural lands for non-agricultural purposes. Even states like Karnataka, with provision for ‘deemed diversion’ of agricultural land for solar projects, have witnessed administrative delays in this regard. Implementing agencies should work closely with the state revenue department to identify and address these challenges.

5. Adopt innovative models to overcome financing challenges with farmer-owned power plants

Usual means of project financing for developers are inadequate for farmer-owned power plants for two reasons. One, farmers are not able to raise/contribute the 30 per cent equity for the power plant. Two, in the absence of any track record as a developer, they cannot access loans from banks without collateral. Banks do not take agricultural land as collateral for non-agricultural purposes. State nodal agencies (SNAs) need to work with financial institutions to try innovative models such as the farmer-developer special- purpose vehicle (SPV) piloted in Karnataka.

6. Ensure inter-departmental coordination to mitigate any issues in the planning and implementation phases

Multiple agencies like the discoms, SNAs and revenue departments have roles to play at different stages of implementing this component. States should form a PM-KUSUM steering committee, led by the implementing agency, with state-level representatives from all the departments concerned. Such an arrangement can anticipate any inter- department coordination issues in the planning and implementation phases and address them.

Component C

The Component-C of the PM-KUSUM scheme aims to support the solarisation of the existing grid-connected pumps through two models – individual-pump solarisation and feeder-level solarisation. In this study, we focused only on the individual solarisation model as many of the challenges and issues concerning feeder-level solarisation are akin to Component A.

We find that most stakeholders are not enthusiastic about this model. The discom representatives unanimously anticipated difficulty getting farmers to pay the upfront contribution, as most target farmers already benefit from free or highly subsidised power. In the absence of upfront beneficiary contribution from the farmers, the economic viability of the component is uncertain. The alternative financing options – either increasing the farmer’s loan component or increasing the government subsidy share – both necessitate a lower feed-in tariff (FiT) while balancing the burden on the exchequer. In such cases, the opportunity cost of selling power becomes higher for the farmer, as they could benefit more by growing more crops or selling water to neighbours. We find that, in specific contexts, farmers have chosen such alternative options, which in turn affects the loan repayment and the financial viability of the model. We also found that the SERCs are not adequately equipped to assess the opportunity costs of selling surplus power while deciding the FiT, leading to a wide variation in the FiT under Component C across states.

We also identify operational challenges for the discoms pertaining to metering and billing, free-ridership, and gaps in infrastructure. While metering is critical for accounting under Component C, it is afflicted by issues of trust deficit between the farmers and the discoms and challenges in billing sparsely distributed agricultural connections. The free-rider problem emerges when only some farmers in a feeder participate in the scheme, while the rest gain access to reliable day-time supply without investing in the solar asset. Finally, inadequate maintenance of the agricultural feeders by the discoms due to poor revenue recovery is also a concern, as Component C requires that feeders are well-maintained and on, at least during the daytime.

Overall, there remain significant uncertainties around the economic viability and operational sustainability of Component C. We propose the following steps to address the unknowns before implementing the model at scale.

1. Discoms should lead the component’s implementation

The study makes it abundantly clear that the implementation of the component will throw up many challenges that only the discoms can tackle. The discoms’ role in Component C is pre-eminent, and all the states should appoint the discoms as the implementing agency for the component.

2. Pilot the model in different contexts

The experience from the limited number of pilots on the individual-pump solarisation model so far suggests that the outcome of Component C depends on an array of localised factors. The current cropping pattern, the existing power supply conditions and alternative options with surplus power are some of these determinants. Given that these factors vary immensely even within states, states must carry out pilots in different agro economic contexts before scaling up the model. The pilots should specifically test out the following aspects:

Beneficiary contribution and metering modalities:

Farmer’s willingness to pay for solarisation would depend on many factors like the current supply condition, the FiT and the metering modality. The discoms need to test out different combinations of financing structure and metering options acceptable to farmers and assess their economic viability.

Use of surplus power and impact on groundwater:

Using surplus power for selling water or cultivating more crops can put more stress on the groundwater, particularly in water-scarce regions. The discoms should conduct pilots to study farmers’ behaviour concerning surplus power and water use, to better plan their deployment strategy. Carefully designed financial models should be piloted in different contexts before scaling-up also prioritise farmers using water-efficient practices to achieve the component objectives sustainably.

Feasible approaches to address metering, billing and free-rider problem:

Technological solutions like smart meters and smart transformers can address some of the operational concerns but come with their own challenges. Network connectivity and trust issues with remote billing can pose a challenge. The discoms must engage with the farmers in the target feeder to ensure maximum participation in a feeder, build trust, and promote community ownership of the scheme during the pilots.

Infrastructure costs: The discoms should carry out comprehensive infrastructure assessment in the pilot projects to assess the infrastructure challenges and costs. The study should include pump sizes in use by the farmers, the status of grid infrastructure, and sources of other commercial losses before implementing the component in any feeder.

3. Complement the component with other key measures to make it viable

The states along with the MNRE could take some essential steps to make Component C more feasible and sustainable.

Larger reforms in agriculture power supply: It is pretty difficult to get farmers to contribute to the scheme component in the backdrop of free agriculture power. Component C cannot be decoupled from the larger reforms needed in the sector. Instead, it should be implemented in consonance with subsidy and tariff reform measures.

Pump replacement: Although the states are not receiving the central government’s subsidy share for pump replacement, replacing old inefficient pumps with efficient ones is likely to have a net positive outcome for both the state and the farmer. The discoms can test out the overall benefit from pump replacement through pilot studies.

Framework for determining FiT: As the conventional methods

if determining electricity tariffs are inadequate to capture the complexities of the scheme, the MNRE should create a framework to guide the SERCs to determine a FiT that is viable for the discom, farmers, and the state government.

The study has been accessed by clicking here.

(The study has been authored by Anas Rahman and others)

. Source link

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margdarsanme · 4 years ago

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NCERT Class 12 Indian Economic Chapter 4 Poverty

NCERT Class 12 Solutions for Indian Economic Chapter 4 Poverty

NCERT TEXTUAL QUESTIONS WITH ANSWERS

Question 1. Define poverty.Answer. Poverty in India has been defined as that situation in which an individual fails to earn income sufficient to buy him minimum means of subsistence.

Question 2. What is meant by ‘Food for Work’ programme?Answer. National Food for Work Programme (NFWP). This programme was initially launched w.e.f. February 2001 for five months and was further extended. This programme aims at augmenting food security through wage employment in the drought affected rural areas in eight States, i.e., Gujarat, Chhattisgarh, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Rajasthan and Uttaranchal. The centre makes available appropriate quantity of foodgrains free of cost to each of the drought affected States as an additionality under the programme. Wages by the State government can be paid partly in kind and partly in cash. The workers are paid the balance of wages in cash, such that they are assured of the notified minimum wages.

Question 3. State an example each of self-employment in rural and urban areas,Answer. PMRY is a self-employment programme in rural areas.SJSRY is a self-employment programme in urban areas.

Question 4. How can creation of income earning assets address the problem of poverty?Answer. With the creation of income earning assets, people will have a way to earn their livelihood. It will help in removal of poverty.

Question 5. Briefly explain the three-dimensional attack on poverty adopted by the government.Answer. A country is caught in a vicious trap once poverty is inbuilt in the system. The government has followed three-dimensional poverty removal programme. These dimensions are:

The rate of economic growth should be raised. Economic growth can be helpful in removing poverty by the trickle down effect. It was felt that raised economic growth would benefit the underdeveloped region and the more backward sections of the society.

Various beneficiary-oriented programmes need to be strengthened. For this, local institutions have to be involved in these programmes. The activities should be organised on a co-operative basis. Major training programmes should be taken up to improve the skills of potential workers.

To provide minimum basic amenities. The provision of basic anenities should be made like water supply, sanitation, nutrition, etc. to the people.

Question 6. What programmes has the government adopted to help the elderly people and poor and destitute women?Answer.

National Social Assistance Programme (NSAP). NSAP was introduced on 15 August, 1995 as a 100 per cent Centrally Sponsored Scheme for social assistance to poor households affected by old age, death of primary bread earner and maternity care. The programme has three components, i.e., N ational Old Age Pension Scheme (NOAPS), National Family Benefit Scheme (NFBS) and National Maternity Benefit Scheme (NMBS).

Annapurna. This scheme came into effect from April 1, 2000 as a 100 per cent Centrally Sponsored Scheme. It aims at providing food security to meet the requirement of those senior citizens who though eligible for pensions under the National Old Age Pension Scheme, are not getting the same. Foodgrains are provided to the beneficiaries at subsidised rates of Rs. 2 per kg of wheat and Rs. 3 per kg of rice. The scheme is operational in states and 5 union territories. More than 6.08 lakh families have been identified and the benefits of the scheme are passing on to them.

Question 7. Is there any relationship between unemployment and poverty? Explain.Answer. Unemployment means lack of living. It leads to hunger, gloom, pessimism, indebtedness, etc. They all are signs of poverty.

Question 8. What is the difference between relative and absolute poverty?Answer.

Question 9. Suppose you are from a poor family and you wish to get help from the government to set up a petty shop. Under which scheme will you apply for assistance and why?Answer. The assistance can be given by Aajeevika. In this scheme one can get financial help in the form of bank loans. Other Programmes which can provide help are:

REGP (Rural Employment Generation Programme)

PMRY (Pradhan Mantri Rctegar Yojana).

Question 10. Illustrate the difference between rural and urban poverty. Is it correct to say that poverty has shifted from rural to urban areas? Use the trends in poverty ratio to support your answer.Answer. In the rural areas, poor people are those who are landless agricultural labourers, small and mar¬ginal farmers. In the urban areas, poor people are those who are unemployed, underemployed or employed in low productivity occupations with very low wages.Rural-Urban Break-up of Poverty Following pattern emerges:

The decline in poverty was comparatively much steep in rural areas where the percentageof people living below poverty line fell to 33.8 per cent (2009-10) from 41.8 per cent (2004-05).

In urban areas, percentage of people living below poverty line fell to 20.9 per cent (2009-10) from 25.7 per cent (2004-05).

The number of people living below poverty line was estimated at 354.7 million in 2009-10.

Question 11. Explain the concept of relative poverty with the help of the population below poverty line in some states of India.Answer. Relative Poverty refers to poverty in relative terms. It refers to poverty of people in comparison to other people, regions or nations. It indicates that a group or class of people belonging to the lower income groups is poorer when compared to those belonging to higher income groups. Among the major states, percentage of people living below poverty line was 37.9 per cent inAssam, 23.0 per cent in Gujarat, 20.1 per cent in Haryana, 23.6 per cent in Karnataka, 36.7 per cent in Madhya Pradesh, 24.8 per cent in Rajasthan and 26.7 per cent in West Bengal in 2009-10.

Question 12. Suppose you are a resident of a village, suggest a few measures to tackle the problem of poverty.Answer. Some measures that can be taken are:

Making people aware about benefits of sanitation.

Telling people about various programmes of the government.

Helping people to take loan and get self employed.

Keeping a control on growth rate of population.

Helping people to start small scale and cottage industries which would generate employment.

from Blogger http://www.margdarsan.com/2020/09/ncert-class-12-indian-economic-chapter_29.html

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esytes69 · 5 years ago

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Doled out by Gehlot, stopped by Raje

Doled out by Gehlot, stopped by Raje Written by Sweta Dutta | Jaipur | Published: August 18, 2014 12:52:00 am Free medicines in front of a patient at Acharya Tulsi Regional Cancer Treatment and Research Centre in 2013. (File) Calling for an end to the ‘freebie culture’ of the previous Ashok Gehlot government, Rajasthan Chief Minister Vasundhara Raje has decided to do away with most of Gehlot’s populist schemes introduced months ahead of the assembly polls. Apart from suspending schemes such as free tablets for students, free sarees and blankets for the poor, loan waivers to farmers, and Mukhyamantri Gramin BPL Awas Yojana, Raje has put the universal free medicine and diagnostics and pension schemes under the scanner. Raje has repeatedly quoted Confucius’s “Give a man a fish and he will eat for a day but teach him to fish and he will eat for a lifetime”. “By stressing building infrastructure, skill development and providing jobs, we want people to stand on their feet and not be dependent on the state government to dole out freebies,” Raje told The Indian Express. “Our aim is to strengthen and provide skills to the youth so that they can get better jobs. I have said earlier too that the average Rajasthani is self-respecting and does not want to be out with a begging bowl for freebies. They want a life of dignity and that is what we will give them.” Of #DONOTUSERegional #India Read the full article

#DONOTUSERegional #India

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pmyojanablog-blog · 5 years ago

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Prime Minister Narendra Modi Schemes

Governments are constantly introducing various types of government schemes to provide better opportunities for citizens of the country. The main purpose of these schemes is to develop the country and improve the lives of citizens. Pm Modi Yojana offers many benefits such as financial assistance, subsidies, insurance, and loan waivers. The purpose of the Prime Minster scheme is to provide Indian citizens with better living opportunities. Under the PM modal system, several consulting departments regulate a range of welfare systems, including farmer welfare, women's welfare, and youth welfare.

Krishak Bandhu scheme: Mamta Banerjee has launched the West Bengal Krishak Bandhu project on January 1, 2019. The plan is managed by the Indian Ministry of Agriculture and benefits about 720,000 farmers in the state. Krishak Bandhu scheme provides farmers with two initiatives. First, if a farmer dies between the ages of 18 and 60, the farmer will be offered a free insurance plan that will provide the family member with Rs. 2 rupee coverage. The state government pays premiums on a crop insurance plan and provides farmers with Rs. 5000 per acre per year. The plan also provides life insurance of Rs 2.00,000 in case of death of a family earning (farmer), regardless of cause. The first installment of the Krishack Bandeau plan will be paid by Kharif Crops in June and the second installment will be delivered in November.

Nikshay Poshan Yojana: This scheme has been start on for patients suffering from tuberculosis (TB). In this nutrition support scheme for tuberculosis patients, each beneficiary receives R. 500 per month for treatment. People can now register / register Nikshay Poshan Yojana 2020 at medical centers seeking treatment. All notified TB patients will be the beneficiaries of Nikshay Poshan Yojana. The Ministry of Health, Labor and Welfare is implementing the Nixheiposhan program under the National Revised Tuberculosis Management Program.

Jan Soochna Portal: The Public Information Portal (Jan Soochna Portal) is the first portal to provide information on all the schemes implemented by the government in the district / Panchayat in one place. Implements Section 4 (2) of the Information Rights Act 2005. Sending all information to the public regularly through various means of communication, including the Internet, ensures that the public has a minimal reliance on using this law to obtain information. The purpose of Jan Suchna Portal Rajasthan is to provide citizens with a vision focused on "Panchayat". This vision provides information work for all programs / support agencies / departments in a particular region.

Kalia Yojana: The Odisha state government launched Kalia Yojana between 2019 and 2020 to improve small and medium-sized farms in the state. The main purpose of Kalia Yojana is to benefit farmers in Odisha. Because most of our farmers are not happy with the income they generate. In addition, the income generated is most likely not sufficient to satisfy the child's education, in addition to needs and desires. Kalia Yojana Online helps all farmers meet their needs and desires and helps them get loans for children's education and other purposes. The purpose of this scheme is to accelerate agricultural prosperity, reduce poverty in national payments, and promote cultivation and related activities. This scheme is considered a viable alternative to exempting agricultural loans.

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bigyack-com · 5 years ago

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How the ‘Congress model’ is delivering inclusive development | Opinion - analysis

As Indians watch one political party go about implementing its divisive and economically disruptive ideology, it would be worthwhile for them to consider how other political parties have translated their alternative world views into public policy. Given the Congress’s wins in various states over the last 12 months, we have an opportunity to examine how the Congress governments went about implementing their manifesto promises.Congress governments historically have been guided by some non-negotiable principles such as an unwavering commitment to inclusive economic development. During the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) decade in power, GDP growth averaged a historically high 7.6%, despite storms such as the global financial crisis. Its legacy is a host of legislations that empowered citizens. Aorund the same time, the BJP was offering an alternative “Gujarat model” of governance. Prime Minister Narendra Modi feverishly extolled the virtues of this model and how it was a panacea to all that ailed India. Having experienced two successful Gujarat models in the past — one got us Independence, another laid the foundations of a successful cooperative movement — many Indians decided to give Modi a strong mandate. But after five-and-a-half years of this model at the Centre, Modi has the following to show. For six quarters now, the GDP growth has been falling. Food inflation is rising steadily. Unemployment remains at a historic high. Farm incomes and rural wage growth have fallen drastically. There has been a precipitous drop in food consumption, raising concerns of increased malnutrition. For the first time in Independent India, poverty has increased. To make matters worse, the government has lost the trust of large sections of the population, people are out on the streets and young students are being assaulted in libraries. However, not all is lost. Over the past year and more, Congress governments in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh (MP), Rajasthan, and Punjab have presented an alternative governance model, which is progressive, empathetic, and development-oriented. This “Congress model” has the capacity to take India out of the current economic crisis.As India goes through the demand slump, it is important that we focus on reviving consumption, especially in rural areas. The “Congress model” has prioritised the development of the most vulnerable (farmers). These states provided a crop loan waiver within days of government formation. This was a much-needed measure to alleviate the distress of our farmers by increasing the purchasing power of their families. Chhattisgarh went a step ahead and ensured the highest Minimum Support Price (~2,500/quintal) for paddy, the principal cash crop. This led to an immediate surge in automobile sales in Chhattisgarh. The “Congress Model” focuses on increasing investments in human capital. Chhattisgarh is taking the lead by announcing the right to healthcare. The Congress government in Rajasthan is working hard to remedy the broken health care system it has inherited. It has reinstated the Free Medicine Scheme and is working to ensure quality affordable healthcare to every citizen. In 2016-17, more than 28,000 children in Madhya Pradesh died due to malnourishment. Now, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh have introduced eggs in mid-day meals, a nutritional measure recommended by experts across the world. Punjab and Rajasthan have announced free education for girls and women from kindergarten to the post-graduate level. At a time when health and education budgets have been slashed by the Centre, Congress governments are showing the way in how public funds can be spent effectively.The welfare measures have been accompanied with incentives for entrepreneurs. Rajasthan has legislated regulatory forbearance. An entrepreneur starting a small/medium enterprise would be exempt from getting approvals and regulations for the first three years. This is an important step towards ending the harassment and corruption of the Inspector Raj. MP has announced a similar policy under which industrialists would only need self-certification, paving way for a hassle-free business environment. It is also ushering in a law to ensure speedy government service delivery to citizens.These positive steps have helped tackle the grave unemployment crisis in these states. Compared to December 2018, the unemployment rate has reduced in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Chhattisgarh, whereas it increased in the rest of India. The “Congress model” is focused on welfare, increasing consumption demand across sections, ending the climate of fear, and ensuring harmony. The clock is ticking for the “Gujarat model”. Thankfully for India, the inclusive “Congress model” is demonstrating through tangible results how to build a coherent road map for charting economic recovery.Rajeev Gowda is Member of Parliament, and chairman of the AICC research departmentThe views expressed are personal Read the full article

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hellotaxindia-blog · 6 years ago

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#agriculture #loan upto Rs 1.6 lakh RBI increases limit on collateral-free agri loans. Watch New video for Farmers special To boost liquidity in the farming sector, particularly among small and marginal farmers, the RBI on Thursday announced increasing the limit on collateral-free agriculture loans to Rs 1.6 lakh from Rs 1 lakh. In 2010, the collateral-free limit for crop loans and term loans was hiked from Rs 50,000 to Rs 1 lakh. The RBI said that move has been taken “keeping in view the overall inflation and rise in agriculture input costs” since 2010. “This will enhance coverage of small and marginal farmers in the formal credit system,” the RBI said. It also decided to set up an internal working group to review agricultural credit and address issues such as regional disparity, and extent of coverage, among others. RBI The government has disbursed over Rs 11 trillion of agricultural loans till the middle of December 2018 of which a sizeable chunk — almost 50 per cent — was cornered by Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Rajasthan, and Maharashtra. In big states, like Uttar Pradesh, data shows there is wide regional disparity when it comes to availing institutional credit. “This will enhance liquidity in the system and will enable farmers to invest more,” said Shiraz Hussain, former agriculture secretary. But with banks facing the problem of spiralling non-performing assets (NPAs), expanding the limit of collateral-free loans for the farm sector could hurt them more. The government has disbursed over Rs 11 trillion of agricultural loans till the middle of December 2018 of which a sizeable chunk — almost 50 per cent — was cornered by Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Rajasthan, and Maharashtra. In big states, like Uttar Pradesh, data shows there is wide regional disparity when it comes to availing institutional credit. M#hellotax #village #farmer #unsecuredloans #agriculture #agri #hellotax #money #savemoney #emi #repayment #india (at Barakhamba) https://www.instagram.com/p/BvJmTmlgNcK/?utm_source=ig_tumblr_share&igshid=12uu81e0l9wld

#agriculture #loan #hellotax #village #farmer #unsecuredloans #agri #money #savemoney #emi #repayment #india

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fck-dis-shit-im-out · 6 years ago

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13 Great Facts About Narendra Modi Government

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has actually suffered his biggest electoral loss since coming to power in 2014, a blow to a re-election bid that will play out in the next a number of months. The losses that Modi's judgment Bharatiya Janata Party suffered came at the state level as citizens in five states put either the primary opposition party or local parties into power-- an outcome that is anticipated to join and enhance opposition forces. Ballot happened in 5 of India's 29 states over the past month. 3 of the states are essential-- Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh-- as they are the largest in India's heartland. The main opposition Indian National Congress now holds political sway in each. " We accept the people's required with humbleness," Modi stated in a series of tweets. "Success and defeat are an important part of life. [These] outcomes will further our willpower to serve individuals and work even harder for the advancement of India." After Modi assumed power in May 2014, the BJP went on to win elections in state after state, promising a "Congress free" India. Prior to the votes for the 5 state elections were counted on Tuesday, the INC held power just in two huge states-- northern Punjab and southern Karnataka. The BJP chief ministers of Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh have actually yielded and resigned. In Madhya Pradesh, senior INC leader Kamal Nath said his party has secured a clear bulk to form a federal government regardless of the INC failing by 2 seats, which it is confident of filling with assistance from other non-BJP winners. Regional parties, meanwhile, won majorities in the smaller states of Telangana and Mizoram. Voting in the five states had actually been promoted as the semifinals to the basic elections due by Might. " There was a double anti-incumbency, both against state federal governments and the central Indian government, which led to the kind of [verdict] that we have actually seen in the 3 [BJP-ruled] states," said Sanjay Kumar, director of the New Delhi-based Centre for the Study of Establishing Societies. In Chhattisgarh, some exit polls had anticipated a BJP victory. "One big element that swung the election in the favor of Congress [there] was that they guaranteed in their manifesto that if they come to power they will increase the minimum assistance costs of food grains in 10 days," Kumar stated. "So this was the last-minute rise in favor of Congress." In other BJP-ruled states, voters were moved by their dismay with an expanding financial obligation crisis among farmers who had actually marched to the capital 4 times within a year to demand loan waivers and higher rates for their crops. India's economic development softened to 7.1% for the three months ended in September, down from 8.2% for the previous quarter. " The three crucial states have largely agrarian populations," Japanese brokerage Nomura stated in a note, "and the drubbing recommends that farm distress remains an essential electoral concern for the BJP in the upcoming national elections." The INC's excellent performance, Nomura included, "marks a reversal of fortunes for its chief, Rahul Gandhi, who had earlier suffered a string of losses to the BJP in states." In Rajasthan, farmers, the Muslim minority community and Dalits, considered a lower caste in India, were "unhappy" with the BJP federal government, according to political analyst Narayan Bareth. He included that youth are divided, with some drawing inspiration from Modi while others criticize him for not producing work. " The BJP fielded only one Muslim candidate in the current surveys regardless of [Muslims] making up 10% of Rajasthan's population of over 70 million," Bareth stated, mentioning that there have been a number of occurrences of attacks against Muslims along with Dalits in the state in the recent past.

Though state elections are battled on regional problems, the BJP losses in the celebration's strongholds of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh show Modi's appeal is subsiding. The 3 states represent 65 of the 543 chosen members in the lower house of Parliament. Most of these seats were won by Modi's celebration in the 2014 basic elections. Two pratfalls have cost Modi a lot. In 2016, he all of a sudden demonetized high-value bank notes. A year later on, a goods and services tax was carried out. Chaos took place. Small and midsize companies were impacted. The nation's farm sector fell under distress. And the economy failed to create tasks. All of this expense Modi and his celebration in the state surveys, Bareth said.

Who is the Minister of India 2019?

The current ministry is led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who took workplace on 26 May 2014. There was reshuffling in his cabinet on 3rd September 2017. The dramatic developments show Modi and the BJP face numerous obstacles ahead of the 2019 basic elections. "Before the results came out, everyone thought the 2019 last would be in between two teams which do not match in capabilities," Kumar of CSDS said." [The] BJP was seen as really strong, and it was felt that Congress and other regional parties, even together, would not be able to install a strong fight. " These results now suggest that the 2019 contest is going to be intriguing since the team which is going to oppose the BJP [will be] much more powerful," with the INC in a position to lead an anti-BJP opposition alliance. However, Kumar added that being "much stronger" is most likely insufficient to enable the opposition to fall the BJP national council of ministers next year. "However absolutely we can anticipate a major contest coming forward in 2019," Kumar said, adding it will "not be a cakewalk for the BJP." The state elections along with the abrupt resignation of Reserve Bank of India Gov. Urjit Patel this week have contributed to the stress and anxiety of investors. As a result, chaos is most likely to rein in Indian monetary markets in the run-up to the general election. In a note issued on Tuesday concerning the BJP's state-level losses, the Eurasia Group, a political threat consultancy, stated it continues to think that Modi, who is without a doubt India's "most popular" political leader, "is more than likely to win re-election, however at the helm of a coalition rather than with a straight-out bulk of BJP parliamentarians." " However, the results today increase our certainty that that union will be big and unwieldy, significantly slowing movement on hard financial reforms and creating higher scope for independent power centers to emerge in the cabinet as union allies require control over essential economic ministries." More than 100 million citizens in 5 states across India went to the polls in November and December. The results revealed on Dec. 11 put the existing governing Bharatiya Janata Celebration (BJP) led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on the defensive: they didn't win a single state. With national elections to be held by Might 2019, the story has actually moved in India. For the very first time in a while, the BJP no longer looks invincible. It looked like yesterday that the BJP had all the political momentum. In 2014, they won the first single-party majority in 30 years in the nation's lower home of parliament. They followed this by gaining power in state after state, managing 21 of India's 29 state-level assemblies by Might 2018. Modi's policy concentrate on financial development, jobs, and good governance appealed to voters, and his early efforts to charm foreign investment to India and stimulate production attracted international attention. What's more, the Indian National Congress celebration (known as Congress)-- which had controlled politics for the majority of the country's history considering that self-reliance in 1947-- had a much-diminshed presence, with not even enough seats in the lower house to hold formal opposition status. In the states too the party's control dwindled as it kept losing out to the BJP.

So what happened? While it's too early to have a full picture of why voters rejected the BJP in all 5 states, economic concerns most likely played an essential role. In spite of the focus council of ministers has placed on economic growth and work, it has not provided enough jobs for India's blossoming population. Stories circulate regularly about the 20 million applicants for simply 100,000 tasks in the train service, or other examples of excessive odds. The unemployment rate as determined by the Centre for Keeping Track Of Indian Economy (CMIE) has actually been ticking up over the past year, and reached 6.62 percent since November 2018. This is on top of a growing awareness that rural India is suffering, and not presently enjoying the gains of national-level economic growth. Most of India remains rural. It likewise now appears that two policy steps the Modi government took in the name of reform also led to economic distress. The first was demonetization in Nov. 2016, which was billed as an anti-corruption procedure. Under that policy, almost 90% of the country's currency notes by value were gotten of circulation. Poor execution-- for example, the new notes had a various size so did not fit into ATMs, causing recalibration hold-ups-- deepened the shock, causing financial activity in the informal, cash-based economy, to freeze. This hurt small companies and employees throughout the informal sector. Second, a long-awaited and essential reform that merged all of India's states into a single market for a goods and services tax, had a rocky and complicated launching that hurt some companies as well. For a celebration that had actually staked its nationwide presence on financial efficiency, there simply wasn't a great story to tell the voters. In addition, citizens did not appear to discover the BJP's return to a more religious nationalism-based agenda engaging. In early 2017, after gaining power in the big state of Uttar Pradesh, the BJP appointed a divisive spiritual firebrand, Yogi Adityanath, as the state's chief minister. He set out on the nationwide stage this year, and campaigned vigorously for the celebration in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Chhattisgarh across the populated Hindi heartland. Although his own state suffers from law and order issues, he became a "star campaigner" somewhere else in India, delivering speeches with "generous doses of Hindutva" (Hindu nationalism), according to one press account. This did not be successful. It's also the case, however, that in three of the five states, the BJP had been in power-- and in India, incumbency provides no advantage. In fact, journalists routinely blog about the "anti-incumbency factor" in India. So it's possible that citizens in Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh, where the BJP had actually been in power for 3 succeeding terms, or Rajasthan (one term), felt it was simply time for a modification. However there's no rejecting that these losses for the BJP produce a new opening for the Congress party, which walloped the BJP in Chhattisgarh, won decisively in Rajasthan, and won the largest variety of seats in Madhya Pradesh. (In Telangana and in Mizoram, local parties trounced both the BJP and Congress.). The lessons of these state elections will apply to the national landscape ahead. Momentum matters: A year back, political pundits in India would have stated the BJP was near-certain to win re-election in 2019, with the margin of success the only unpredictability. Today, you're just as most likely to hear speculation about a decreased BJP requiring union partners to make clear the goal-- or even the return of a large Congress-led union. In other words, a government's record matters. If the BJP can not discuss how their policies have actually improved individuals's lives, then citizens may very well look to another person. Prime Minister Narendra Modi is having his worst week in a long period of time. On Tuesday his Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party crashed to electoral defeat in 5 Indian states. The losses established a possibility that as soon as seemed remote: Citizens may throw Mr. Modi out of office this spring.

The BJP's primary opponent, the left-of-center Congress Party, suddenly appears like a possible contender for nationwide power. In three essential states in the populated Hindi heartland-- Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan-- Congress federal governments will change BJP incumbents. Regional parties triumphed in 2 other states, Telangana in the south and Mizoram in the northeast. It's prematurely to write off Mr. Modi's prospects. He stays a popular figure and effective orator, and his celebration is India's best-funded and best-organized. Yet it's clear Mr. Modi's tax-and-spend design of advancement is failing to enthuse voters. Tuesday's outcomes recommend discontent in the Hindi heartland, a region that in 2014 offered the BJP two-thirds of its parliamentary seats.

What kind of government does India have?

India is a federal state with a parliamentary type of federal government. It is governed under the 1949 constitution (reliable given that Jan., 1950). The president of India, who is president, is elected for a five-year term by the elected members of the federal and state parliaments; there are no term limits. Basically, Modinomics is not working. When Mr. Modi was chosen, he assured to stimulate the economy by providing "optimal governance" with "minimum government" and changing red tape with a red carpet for service. Rather he chose to evade politically controversial reforms that would have enabled market forces to play a larger role in India's inefficient economy.

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Rather than offering money-losing state-owned companies, making it simpler for companies to hire and fire workers, or privatizing sclerotic Narendra Modi government banks, Mr. Modi has actually fashioned himself a grand benefactor for the poor. On the campaign trail, he boasts about what he appears to consider as his biggest achievements: opening more than 330 million checking account, supplying brand-new cooking-gas connections to 120 million homes, and installing 90 million toilets. Why aren't voters satisfied with the largess? In the Indian Express, reporter Harish Damodaran points out that the three heartland states where BJP governments lost did an excellent task of following the prime minister's playbook. They developed a lot of roads, homes and toilets, and provided towns with electrical energy, cooking gas and web connections. But they fell short in one important location: increasing incomes. Crop prices have actually increased slowly over the past four years in a part of the country that depends upon agriculture. Couple of nonfarm jobs have emerged. Making matters worse was Mr. Modi's harebrained decision two years ago to invalidate almost 90% of India's currency by worth, which gutted numerous small companies. The measure struck building and construction specifically hard, harming great deals of migrant workers. An overly complex nationwide goods-and-services tax introduced last year punished small companies unused to difficult filing requirements. By arming tax inspectors with draconian powers, Mr. Modi has also deter company belief. Earlier this year, Morgan Stanley reported that nearly 23,000 U.S.-dollar millionaires have actually left India because 2014. The firm's Ruchir Sharma criticized "the tightening grip" of India's "overzealous tax authorities.".

The lesson for India's next prime minister-- or for Mr. Modi, must he win a second term: India's task crisis is complex. The rise of robotics, integrated with a souring toward free trade in developed economies such as the U.S., might make it hard for India to emulate China by quickly moving countless workers from unproductive farm work to better-paid factory tasks. But just a market-based method has any chance of prospering. Entrepreneurs, not bureaucrats, will develop the task chances voters seek. The odds of Mr. Modi remedying course in the few staying months of his term are vanishingly slim. If anything, he appears to be preparing for more populist costs to sway voters thus far unimpressed with his efforts. On Monday Reserve Bank of India Gov. Urjit Patel resigned from his position. Mr. Patel mentioned "individual factors" for his departure, but the majority of observers translated it as a protest against government efforts to railway the reserve bank into following reckless policies. The brand-new guv, a previous bureaucrat understood for his proximity to the Narendra Modi government, may enable politicians to money pre-election spending by raiding the bank's rupee reserves. He may also permit weak state-owned banks to open the lending spigots, and assistance interest-rate cuts more readily than his predecessor, a highly regarded technocrat with a credibility as an inflation hawk. Unfortunately for India, the Congress Party shares Mr. Modi's populist bent. Extravagant pledges of welfare for the out of work and loan waivers for farmers marked its election triumphes this week. As India prepares for its nationwide election, the BJP's defeats have thrown the race open. However while we can't forecast the outcome, we can state one thing for certain: Whoever wins won't be promising market-friendly economic reform. Four years ago today, Narendra Modi was sworn in as India's prime minister amid the kind of excitement and expectation not seen in decades. Not for thirty years had a single party won an electoral majority. Modi's success, his rhetoric and his background all seemed like a decisive break with India's past-- one which numerous Indians aspired to accept. QuicktakeIndia's Aspirations What specifically was gotten out of Modi? Definitely, that's one fair method to judge how his federal government has done as he tries for reelection next year. As far as economic policy goes-- which was where the previous Congress administration had dissatisfied the most-- voters intended to see three things: less corruption, higher decisiveness in policymaking and more market-friendly reform. Even Modi's critics have to confess-- and welcome-- the fact that he's made real progress on all 3. Even his fans, however, need to acknowledge that offered its advantages, his government hasn't lived up to its capacity. Take the first metric. Modi's leading officials have actually certainly avoided getting caught up in the sort of huge scandals that disabled the previous federal government towards the end of its period. If anything can be said to be Modi's number one political priority, it's this-- to avoid any tip of financial impropriety. More than anything else, a picture of probity helps the prime minister cast himself as the champ of common Indians versus a historically venal political class.

When is the next indian election?

General elections are due to be held in India between April and May 2019 to make up the 17th Lok Sabha. It's similarly true, nevertheless, that the ability of those Indians to evaluate the government has actually lessened. The freedom of details demands that formerly drove reporting on corruption and cronyism are now being regularly denied; the opposition, at least, freely questions the independence of institutions, such as the Supreme Court, that are supposed to watch on the government. While things appear like they have actually enhanced, we might not have the complete photo. What about decisiveness? Well, Modi-- a leader with enormous political power, leading a majority in parliament and a celebration that manages the majority of India's states-- has both the chance and the desire to be more definitive than any prime minister in years. Nobody would claim, as they might have four years earlier, that India's federal government was so weak and vacillating that it was not able to make a genuine option or alter a law or institute new policy. Of course, being decisive isn't enough: What you choose also matters. And Modi's decisiveness has actually led to some huge blunders as well as indisputable accomplishments. Consider, for example, the one decision that will specify Modi's term in power: his overnight withdrawal, in November 2016, of 86 percent of India's currency from circulation. To this day, no one understands how and why this choice was made; who remained in the space; why the Reserve Bank of India, the custodian of India's monetary stability, signed onto the strategy; and whether it was successful in its ambiguous objectives. What India requires most is a more efficient state. However, prodfucing a structure that makes it possible for timely, evidence-based policymaking requires more than a prime minister who knows his mind. It requires administrative reform up and down India's dysfunctional administration-- the one obstacle Modi has actually been reluctant to undertake.

Lastly, there's financial reform, where Modi's government possesses guaranteed progress. It passed landmark tax reform, which completely upgraded India's system of indirect taxes and has the prospective to knit India's disparate states into one economy-- and even, perhaps, to increase tax compliance and raise government profits to a new, greater level. India's banking system, strained by bad loans, has been offered new hope thanks to an insolvency and bankruptcy code that might help free some of the capital that's been sunk into stalled or mismanaged jobs. Debt-ridden electrical power utilities have actually been offered an opportunity to tidy up their books, which together with a continued focus on rural electrification may lastly offer all Indians a possibility at 24x7 power. What the India government hasn't been able to do is render Indian companies more competitive. India's exports are historically low as a percentage of GDP and job growth has been very little. That's since the Indian economic sector is still awaiting truly versatile labor markets and for processes that permit them to engage with the world on equivalent terms. Modi's supporters will no doubt argue that he should be given a 2nd term precisely in order to attack these lingering issues. Yet his government has just recently appeared to move backward on reform, raising tariff walls and looking for to safeguard whole sectors from competition. If India's prime minister has disappointed a few of those who were most enthusiastic when he took workplace four years ago, it isn't since he did not have energy but because he didn't expend his political capital on the best purposes. It's hard to see why that would alter in a second term.

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margdarsanme · 4 years ago

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NCERT Class 12 Indian Economic Chapter 4 Poverty

NCERT Class 12 Solutions for Indian Economic Chapter 4 Poverty

NCERT TEXTUAL QUESTIONS WITH ANSWERS

Question 1. Define poverty.Answer. Poverty in India has been defined as that situation in which an individual fails to earn income sufficient to buy him minimum means of subsistence.

Question 3. State an example each of self-employment in rural and urban areas,Answer. PMRY is a self-employment programme in rural areas.SJSRY is a self-employment programme in urban areas.

To provide minimum basic amenities. The provision of basic anenities should be made like water supply, sanitation, nutrition, etc. to the people.

Question 6. What programmes has the government adopted to help the elderly people and poor and destitute women?Answer.

Question 8. What is the difference between relative and absolute poverty?Answer.

REGP (Rural Employment Generation Programme)

PMRY (Pradhan Mantri Rctegar Yojana).

The decline in poverty was comparatively much steep in rural areas where the percentageof people living below poverty line fell to 33.8 per cent (2009-10) from 41.8 per cent (2004-05).

In urban areas, percentage of people living below poverty line fell to 20.9 per cent (2009-10) from 25.7 per cent (2004-05).

The number of people living below poverty line was estimated at 354.7 million in 2009-10.

Question 12. Suppose you are a resident of a village, suggest a few measures to tackle the problem of poverty.Answer. Some measures that can be taken are:

Making people aware about benefits of sanitation.

Telling people about various programmes of the government.

Helping people to take loan and get self employed.

Keeping a control on growth rate of population.

Helping people to start small scale and cottage industries which would generate employment.

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