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erhiem · 3 years ago

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From left: Photo by Gi Naps/Getty Images; Photo by Rose Hartman/Archive Photos/Getty Images; Photo by Victor Virgil/Gamma-Rafo via Getty Images

Today, the House of Jean Paul Gaultier is relaunching its ready-to-wear line after a hiatus of six years. It comes 16 months after fashion’s “Maestro of Mehmed”, as journalist Georgina Howell dubbed her in the early ’90s, took her final bow as the brand’s designer, implying that this iteration of its namesake. will not be designed. Instead, the reins are taken over by a dedicated team from their atelier, with help crafted from the rotating doors of some of the most independent designers working today – Palomo Spain, Ottolinger, Nix Lecourt Mansion, Alan Crosetti and Marvin M’Tumo .

Since starting his own label in 1976, Jean Paul has been instrumental in turning underwear into acceptable outerwear, making sailor fashion sexy and, more generally, paving the way for designers to experiment with diverse and unexpected castings on the runway. have been responsible for. He also dedicated an entire collection – AW97 – to the fight against racism. The collection, titled ‘Fight Racism’, featured graphic prints of young anti-fascists with slogans printed on their chests.

In fact, with such a rich history behind it, and vintage JPGs becoming increasingly collectible since the recent renaissance—partly stemming from the Kardashians’ love of all things net—more thanks to the label’s revival. Couldn’t be the right time- the line to wear from now. Although it is a well-known fact that Jean Paul himself decided to step back from the category in 2014 after a somewhat tumultuous feud with Florence Tetier (graphic designer and co-founder). November MagazineNow serving as the brand’s creative and brand director, Ghar is poised to enter the field again. in an interview with WWDJPG’s general manager, Antón Gégy, described the relaunch as an opportunity to “celebrate Jean Paul Gaultier, its values, its archives and its history”. And what better way to raise the glass to the core of fashion? Horrible Instead look at seven of the most show-stopping moments from its most iconic era, the ’90s. Long live Gaultier!

Photo by Gie Knaeps/Getty Images

Madonna’s Conical Corset from the Blonde Ambition Tour, 1990

Back in 1989, when Jean-Paul Gaultier was told by an assistant that Madonna had told the audience, she was convinced that he was playing a trick with her. They knew how obsessed he was with her, just could not do be true But she soon found herself on the phone to the original queen of pop, making a match in ’90s fashion heaven. Naturally, Madonna already knew what she wanted: to create something for her that surrounded Jean Paul’s signature masculine-feminine crossover. Inspired by his love of the late ‘queen of Paris punk’ Edwij Belmore, Jean Paul conceived a pinstripe suit – the top of ’80s manhood – and a corset with the now famous conical bra, which he designed six years ago on AW84 had started for. /85.

Photo by Victor Virgil/Gamma-Rafo via Getty Images

Eva Herzigova’s cut-out dress, 1992

Thought harnesses were a new thing on the runway? Wrong! After all, you’re not known as a fashionista Horrible Without a sprinkling of kinks here and there, as this look proves well. Presented on JPG’s AW92 runway, this dress, so slick in its fit that clothes can even put on Eva’s body, exemplifies the powerful-yet-playful take on sexuality that serves as a throughline throughout the French designer’s body of work. runs as. Styled with bicep-clad opera gloves and proudly crafting the Czech-Italian supermodel’s bust, there’s a distinctive dome-y tone at play here, though no compromise on the beauty of the silhouette or the quality of the make. It speaks to an ideological throughline that runs through Jean Paul’s work – that no matter who a woman is or wants to be, she always has the right to be chic!

Photo by Pierre Guillaud/AFP via Getty Images

Houndstooth bodysuit inspired by Leigh Bowery, 1991

In an interview with iD in 2018, Jean Paul declared his love for the “London Way”, which means “just creating your own style, your own creativity and being free to do what you want to do”. When he took the idea back to Paris, it wasn’t very popular, but that didn’t stop him from creating his own trademark approach to design. He spent his youth in the 80s at famous London nightclubs such as Blitz and Heaven, where he met performance artist Leigh Bowery. In a nod to Bowery’s influence on fashion, Jean Paul sent down his interpretation of the Leigh Bowery Houndstooth bodysuit—which would later inspire Alexander McQueen for AW09 and Gareth Pugh for SS07.

Photo by Pierre Guillaud/AFP via Getty Images

‘Chic Rabbi’ Collection, 1993

For AW93/94, Jean Paul presented the ‘Chic Rabbi’ collection, inspired by the traditional dress of Hasidic Jews. Models in streamels and black suits danced to the sounds of a violinist who played live on the catwalk. The usual circle of supermodels was there, but Jean Paul also decided to cast someone who visually embodied the cultural context: a man with a big beard. During the ’80s and ’90s, designers were known for their casting choices, pioneering their diversity. “I’m fascinated by strong personalities, people who capture my imagination because they walk well down the street,” Gaultier explained in a 2014 interview. “Showing just one type of girl is a flaw,” he adds, “something I’ve always fought with. One kind of beauty – no. If I show a bigger girl, I’ll always show a younger girl.” will show.” It is now legend that Gaultier once posted an advertisement in a French daily newspaper release Looking for “atypical” models, saying that “facial distortions should not be avoided in application”.

Photo by Arnal/Garcia/Gama-Rafo via Getty Images

Mesh Tattoo Top, 1993

Back in 1993, the trend Declared this prestigious collection as “a startling vision of cross-cultural harmony”. While we’d be inclined to cringe at the somewhat reasonable look now that Jean Paul drove down the runway for the SS94 (which can actually be read as another nod to Leigh Bowery) it certainly Historical perspective. It also marked the debut of Jean Paul’s iconic mesh tops, which were inspired by a tattoo convention he once found himself spinning around – today, they are some of his most sought-after designs. The collection also includes heavy notes of punk, grunge, and 18th century men’s frock coats made in Jodhpur and denim in the typical JPG style. How did he ever find the place for all this?!

Photo by Pierre Vuthe/Sigma/Sigma via Getty Images

Björk!, 1994

Jean Paul’s celebrity friends don’t start and end with Madonna. A year after Björk’s properly titled debut solo album, First entry, Taking the music and fashion worlds by storm, she appeared on the designer’s AW94/95 show, about a magical train that stopped in a small village somewhere high in some mountains. And what, duh?! As you’d expect from JPG, the show was a mish-mash this time in terms of different styles of traditional arctic costume. The models trotted down the snow-covered runway (which almost tripped Kate Moss), decked out in a hell of a lot of fur, silk, wool, and leather.

Photo by Pierre Verdi / AFP via Getty Images

Op-Art Inspired Catsuit, 1995

Two women riding a motorcycle hit them. One of them descends and climbs onto a loft at a DJ booth. Jean Paul’s AW95 ‘Mad Max’ Show Has Started. As he was in the middle of designing the costumes for Luc Besson’s famous film fifth element In which Bruce Willis and Milla Jovovich fight a mysterious cosmic force, they had science-fiction in mind, which means it was technology and cyber-heavy. The bodysuit inspired by Viktor Vasarelli’s op-art paintings became the show’s most memorable aspect—now made super collectible by Kim K and Cardi B and partly responsible for the JPG-madness we’re seeing on Depop these days. Also on the show was Carmen Dell’Orefice, who walked with a live falcon on her arm and sported ornate football armor that lit up like a circuit board. Really prestigious.

Photo by Victor Virgil/Gamma-Rafo via Getty Images

trompe l’oeil torso top, 1995

The next season, Jean Paul took his quest for sci-fi polka dots further, this time translating it into menswear. This time, however, he brought his knack for trompe l’oeil print placement to the table—skills he had previously flexed in the aforementioned Les Tautouzes, and even as early as 1992, when he sculpted the enviable Presented Printed Mesh Top with Toros. The look sported here by Tanel Bedrossiantz is perhaps a little more figurative in its approach, though no less direct is its infrared-style suggestion of what might lie beneath the longtime house muse’s button-down shirt.

Photo by Danielle Simon/Gamma-Rafo via Getty Images

JPG Set Sale, 1998

In a promo video for JPG’s new ready-to-wear line, Bella Hadid is wearing a big red ship on her head. In case you didn’t already know, it debuted at the Haute Couture SS98 show, where it takes us back to the Age of Enlightenment. It was a time of scientific progress, the advent of modern capitalism and of course colonialism. The ‘explorers’ were sailing around the world from Europe, ‘discovering’ new lands for them – a ship serving as a nod to the continent’s shameful past. Some say, however, that it was during the Enlightenment that the fashion we know today – as a form of self-expression that can be accessed by the public – first began to emerge, making the historical period a fashion show. became an ideal subject. .

Photo by Rose Hartman / Archive Photos / Getty Images

Man Himself!, 1992

Sure enough, to write a list of Jean Paul Gaultier’s most iconic looks from his most iconic decade, and not for the man himself. Indeed, as Florence Tetier spoke to her before the label’s launch, “Everybody knows who she is!” whether it’s his striped Whether paired with a pleated black skirt or, as seen here, a denim vest and a punkish tartan kilt, JPG’s personal style has made her one of the most instantly recognizable designers of our time. Plus, there’s a direct connection between what she wore and what we then saw on the runway. While we may have never seen a proper, French Navy-standard Sailor From the designer, “he’s done a lot of stripes and nautical-inspired pieces,” notes Florence. “It’s really nice to see the link between the way he dresses and the way he designs.” we love you, Jean Paul! Follow iD on Instagram and TikTok for more fashion.

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risingpakistan · 12 years ago

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Flags of Pakistan Political Parties

Pakistan Peoples Party - Murtazi Bhutto's faction

image by Joe McMillan The Pakistani flag is derived from a party flag. The ruling PPP of Benazir Bhutto uses a flag which incorporates the basic flag design (white inclined crescent and star on dark green), the same is true for the separatist faction of the PPP let by Mrs Bhutto's brother. Both parties use vertical tricolors. Harald Müller, 28 October 1996 Yesterday I saw on the news a report on the murder of Pakistani politician Murtazi Bhutto, brother of prime minister Benazir Bhutto, and one of the strongest oppositions leaders. There was a short scene from archives of one of his speeches a few days ago, where he sat at the table on which there was a flag I haven't seen before. I suppose that it is the flag of his party (which I don't remember what it is called). The flag was a vertical tricolour of red (at the hoist) - black - green with a white crescent and star very similar in shape to the one on Pakistani national flag. The flag looks quite dark with this choice of colours, but quite effective if you ask me. Željko Heimer, 22 September 1996 This would appear very similar to an old flag of Libya (1950-1969), which was red-black-green in three stripes, but horizontal(with the black stripe twice as wide as the other stripes). There was a white crescent and star on the black stripe. Source: The International Flag Book in Colour, C.F. Pedersen (1970) James Dignan, 25 September 1996 Two offshoots of this party are represented in the newly elected parliament, PPP-Parliamentarians and PPP-Sherpao. PPP-P won 71 of the 342 seats (25.8% of the vote) and is the largest single block in the National Assembly. PPP-Sherpao won two seats. The websites of both Benazir Bhutto's faction of the party and her brother's widow show identical flags, a red-black-green vertical tricolor with a white crescent and star on the black stripe. (I'm not quite clear on how these long-established factions relate to the offshoots elected to parliament, as Benazir herself is in exile and definitely persona non grata.) We show (below) a plain tricolor without the crescent and star, identifying it as the flag of the faction led by Benazir. I saw a number of the plain tricolors, especially before crossing the Indus River from Punjab into the Northwest Frontier Province (NWFP), as well as a few on the outskirts of Peshawar on which some kind of white logo but not the crescent and star had been applied to the black stripe. I'm forwarding the flag as seen on the party websites. Joe McMillan, 30 January 2003 The latest photos I have (but months before Joe's trip) show the flag with a white horizontal sword in the lower part. Jaume Ollé, 31 January 2003 Might it have been an arrow? One of the PPP factions was using an arrow as a party symbol, although I did not see it on a flag. The unidentifiable logo I saw was clearly not a sword--it looked like an American football with an inscription below it.Joe McMillan, 1 February 2003

Pakistan Peoples Party - Benazir Bhutto's faction

image by Jorge Candeias Yesterday, in a news report on the nuclear tensions between India and Pakistan, I saw an unknown to me flag: a 1:2 vertical tricolour of red, black and green. It was being flown in a military parade. Any ideas? Jorge Candeias, 18 May 1998 It's the flag of the Pakistan People's Party, of which Benazir Bhutto is the leader. Flags of political parties throughout the sub-continent tend to be modified at the whim of the maker: crescents, stars, slogans, images of people, (usually the leader), etc., are all commonly displayed on them. Glen Robert-Grant Hodgins, 19 May 1998 A few days ago, television news covered the arrival back in Pakistan of Benazir Bhutto. A large rally was shown in one scene, with a lot of flags, mainly of two sorts. One of those was a variant on a flag shown above (Murtazi Bhutto's faction), with the white crescent and star on a red-black-green vertical tricolour. It had the addition, however, of script in white under the crescent and star. James Dignan, 22 October 2007 image by Eugene Ipavec, 28 December 2007At the funeral of Benazir Bhutto, the coffin was covered with the red-black-green tricolor flag of the Pakistan People's Party, but oddly with a crescent & star in the middle stripe as identified here as the flag of the PPP's "Murtazi Bhutto's faction." Benazir Bhutto's faction's flag used to lack the charge. I assume the party has reunited in the four years since? The coffin flag was in the longer proportions of the Benazir faction, and the crescent & star were rendered differently (thicker): Eugene Ipavec, 28 December 2007 image by Clay Moss, 28 December 2007 I have also seen a party flag variant(?) with an arrow that was prominently displayed on BBC. I saw two versions of this same flag. One was on BBC's website and the other was on BBC television. Clay Moss, 28 December 2007A recent Reuters news photo showed the PPP flag of red/black/green tricolor with crescent and star, but also what appears to be an arrow and Arabic script just below, all in the center black stripe. Is this a faction flag of the PPP and which one? Tom Carrier, 29 December 2007 A second flag was also in evidence - a France-like tricolour of red-white-blue, with script across the bottom in red and white, and three or four Roman/European letters vertically in red on the white stripe, "? P M A". James Dignan, 22 October 2007

Muslim League

The ruling party in Pakistan is currently the Muslim League. It's flag is a white crescent on a green field, (just like the Pakistani national flag, but without the white bar at the hoist); in fact, the Pakistani national flag was based upon the flag of the Muslim League, just as the Indian national flag was based upon that of the Indian National Congress. Glen Robert-Grant Hodgins, 19 May 1998 Parties of this name have come and gone since before independence. The current incarnation was the party of former Prime Ministers Junejo and Nawaz Sharif. It is now split into a number of factions, five of which won seats in the October election: PML-Quaid-i-Azam (69 seats, 25.7% of the vote), PML-Nawaz (14 seats, 9.4%), PML-Functional (4 seats, 1.1%), PML-Junejo (2 seats, 0.7%) and PML-Shahid Zia (1 seat, 0.3%). The flag of the PML is green with the white crescent and star--basically the national flag minus the white stripe at the hoist. This flag can also be seen at the website-in-exile of the Nawaz faction. Joe McMillan, 30 January 2003

Jamiat e Islami

image by António Martins and Mario Fabretto Yesterday, the news was full of reports from demonstrations against Mrs Bhutto, now led by the party jam'at alislami. Its flag replaces the white stripe of the national flag by a light blue and a white stripe (ratio approx 2:1). Moreover, the crescent and star point towards the hoist. Perhaps, the orientation of the crescent reflects the orientation of the party (which, in this case, is considered to be a "fundamentalist" one). Harald Müller, 28 October 1996 In yesterday's paper Publico I saw a photo taken in Islamabad (a demonstrator holding a sign saying "CRUSH INDIA") with two or three flags on background: per bend azure over green, a bend argent. Does this ring a bell to someone? António Martins, 15 May 1998 That's the flag of the party Jamiat Al Islami. At least three versions are know, all in vertical blue (at hoist) and green at fly (1:4) and a narrow white stripe between the two bands. The differences are the following:

1) the first one has the crescent and star (like the Pakistan national flag) and below the shahada.

2) the second has only the crescent and star (reported by Harald Mueller, former list member, with the crescent pointing towards the hoist and slighty rotated to the bottom; but I saw it in TV with the crescent and star in normal position).

3) The third has only the shahada and no crescent and star.

Seems to me that the last one is the official version. The second one is the most frequently used by the people; the first one is a variant of the other two. Jaume Ollé, 17 May 1998 image by Jorge Hurtado The Party Jamât-e-Islami (Islamist party) flag was seen on a visit to Pakistan from February to March 2001. Michel Lupant, published in Gaceta de Banderas, October 2001 The Jamaat-e-Islami is a very conservative Islamist party that is one of the two leading components of the MMA, the Islamist coalition. The MMA won 53 seats in the national assembly (11.3% of the vote) as well as control over the state assembly of NWFP. We have an image of one and describe several others on our party flag page. I saw this flag on at least 100 houses and commercial buildings between the Indus and Peshawar--green field with light blue and white vertical stripes at the hoist, and on the green field a crescent star opening toward the upper hoist (the crescent thinner and shallower than that on the national flag) and the shahada in white at the top. Also visible on the party website. Joe McMillan, 30 January 2003

Jamiat Ulama'a e Islam

image by Santiago Dotor A poster was displayed in Quetta, Pakistan, showing this flag along with what appear to be variants of the Taliban flag (white with one or another variant of the shehada), displayed in Quetta, Pakistan. Al Kirsch, 13 October 2001 Some time ago I recorded a photo from the news of a demonstration in Sindh. The demonstrators hoisted a flag in the Catalan pattern (4 bars) white on dark (probably black or dark red). Many years ago, when Islamism didn't exist at the level of political organisations, I saw this flag many times on TV in new related to Pakistan, Sindh or Punjab (green, black or blue were the colors that I seemed to see). Currently the flag seems to be identified as an Islamist party flag, but why does it exist from many years ago? Can it be a regional flag? Probably regional flags exist in Pakistan. Some years ago, in my notes, and from other vexillologists, it seems that is has only three white bars (and four green). I saw a photo of Jaipur in Punjab with a similar flag (the flag is not totally visible, but could be three white bars on blue of three blue bars on white. Jaume Ollé, 30 August 1999 The faction of this even more hardline Islamist party led by Fezlur Rehman (and known by the ironic abbreviation JUI-F) is the other main component of the MMA coalition. The JUI flag, seen in the logo on its website http://www.juipak.org is black with four narrow white horizontal stripes. Joe McMillan, 30 January 2003

Variants of this flag

image by Santiago Dotor During demonstrations in Peshawar, this flag was also seen in a square (1:1) format, almost certainly black (it could be mistaken with very-very dark green at first glance) and had four white horizontal stripes. The proportion of the white and black stripes was 2:3. Joe McMillan, 30 January 2003 I have just seen a documentary on the "Talibanization" of Pakistan, and in it the Islamist MMA party was holding a rally, at which there was a variation of this flag with the black stripes twice the size of the white stripes. Nygdan, 9 January 2006

National Alliance Party

image by Joe McMillan A coalition of moderate secular parties which won 12 seats (4.6% of the vote) in the national assembly. Athttp://pakistanspace.tripod.com/1977.htm the flag of the Pakistan National Alliance, which seems to be the same group, is shown as green with nine white stars, 3 x 3, each star tilted about 30 degrees counterclockwise. Joe McMillan, 30 January 2003 The nine stars flag was reported some years ago as the flag of IDA, Islamic Democratic Alliance. Jaume Ollé, 31 January 2003

Millat Party

image by Joe McMillan One of the component parties of the PNA. I saw this flag--divided lower hoist to upper fly, red over green, with the white crescent and star overall--on Pakistani television on 12 January and was able to identify it from http://www.millatparty.com Joe McMillan, 30 January 2003

Khaksar Tehrik

This is the flag of Khaksar Tehrik, a political party in Pakistan. The English translation of "Tehrik" is "Movement". Seehttp://allama-mashriqi.8m.com/ for information on Allama Mashriqi -scholar and founder of the Khaksar movement Office of Allama Mashriqi, 29 Nov 1999

Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf

image by Joe McMillan A small party favoring "a model moderate Islamic republic, political freedom, economic opportunity, and social justice," but best known for being led by the great cricket player Imran Khan, who won the party's only parliamentary seat (the party got 0.8% of the vote). The flag can be seen at http://insaf.org.pk: horizontally green over red with a white crescent and star overall. Joe McMillan, 30 January 2003

Pakistan Awami Tehreek

image by Joe McMillan A rather Iranian-looking flag for a party with 1 parliamentary seat and 0.7% of the vote. Despite its small support base, I saw several of these flags on the outskirts of Peshawar: horizontal tricolor, red-white-green. Joe McMillan, 30 January 2003

Party El Jihad Tanzim

image by Jorge Hurtado Seen on a visit to Pakistan from February to March 2001, this flag is fairly new as far as I know, though I have seen the flag on TV. Can anybody identify the inscription? Michel Lupant, published in Gaceta de Banderas, October 2001 The inscription is Akbar = The greatest. Dov Gutterman, 16 October 2001 I would like to contest your translation of Party Al-Jihad Tanzim. It could be read Akbar, but I believe it to be Al-Jihad. Though it could very well have been written this ambiguous way to convey both meanings. As with the following pages which do indeed say al-Jihad, a small 'h' (chhoTii he) is occasionally used instead of the big 'H' (baRii He) in Urdu. If this were pure Arabic, you would be uncontested. But in my opinion, this is a Nastaliq (Perso=Arabic style of the Arabic Alphabet) rendering of Al-Jihad. Kurt Singer, 24 February 2005

Party Sipâh-e-Sâhaba

image by Jorge Hurtado Seen on a visit to Pakistan from February to March 2001, several variants are known. Michel Lupant, published in Gaceta de Banderas, October 2001 This flag and variants was seen in various reports in 2001, and is more fully described on our page on Party Sipâh-e-Sâhaba.

Party Arkat el Mujahideen

image by Jorge Hurtado Seen on a visit to Pakistan from February to March 2001, this flag is fairly new as far as I know. Michel Lupant, published in Gaceta de Banderas, October 2001 I believe the inscription is 'the jihad'. Santiago Dotor, 16 October 2001 On ABC Television last night, there was a piece on Pakistanis who've gone to fight with the Taliban in Afghanistan. At one point, there was a brief shot of a billboard in Pakistan about those who've fought. The camera focused on a flag depicted on the bottom left (the "signature" area) of the sign (that is, a small picture of a flying flag on a pole, not a real flag). The flag was white, with two green stripes running across it- rather than five stripes, white-green-white-green-white, it seemed to be two thick stripes in the center of the flag. In the center of the flag, covering the stripes (they weren't visible under it) was a black and white globe, shown as a circle/sphere with latitude and longitude marked (no continents). Written on the globe was an Arabic (or Urdu/Pashto?) word or two, but the camera moved away before I could make it out. Nathan Lamm, 5 December 2001

Party Jihad

image by Jorge Hurtado Seen on a visit to Pakistan from February to March 2001, the Party Jihad, which advocates holy war in Kashmir. This is a fairly new flag as far as I know. I believe the inscription is 'jihad'. Michel Lupant, published in Gaceta de Banderas, October 2001

Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM)

image by Jarig Bakker This party flag can be seen at http://www.mqm.com/ Dov Gutterman, 15 Dec 1999 The MQM was founded in 1981 as "Muhajir Quami Mahaz" (Muhajir National Movement), and was mainly concerned with the rights of post-partition Urdu-speaking migrants from India to Pakistan, who it would like to see recognized as constituting a "fifth nationality". In 1987 the party won a majority of seats in Karachi, and, with 13 seats, became the third biggest party in the National Assembly in 1988. In 1993 the party split in three groups: - The "official" MQM - MQM-Altaf, led by Altaf Husain. resident in London - MQM-Haqiqi, led by Afaq Ahmed It seems that the MQM-Altaf became the dominant party under the name Muttahida Quami Movement. In 1999 the Pakistani government launched a secretive operation against the MQM, which cost the lives of several prominent party-members, which in its turn caused demonstrations in Karachi Source: Political Handbook of the World, 1997 Fischer Weltalmanach 2001 Jarig Bakker, 17 September 2001 The MQM movement applied to become a member of the UNPO some years ago. They are from the Sind minority living in the Southern part of Pakistan. Pacer Prince, 27 September 2001 Muttahida Quami Movement (formerly Mohajir Quami Movement) (MQM) - The MQM is a mainly Karachi-based party that caters to the interests of Mohajirs, the Muslims who emigrated from India to Pakistan at partition in 1947 and their descendants. It won 13 seats (3.1% of the vote) in the new national assembly. The flag, as shown at http://www.mqm.orgconsists of vertical stripes of red and dark green at the hoist and a large white field in the fly. The green stripe is sometimes shown equal to the red one and sometimes slightly narrower. Click here for an equal width red/green stripe version. Joe McMillan, 30 January 2003

Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA)

I haven't seen any of these in town [Islamabad], but at the website of the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) is the MMA party flag: white with a green crescent open toward the upper hoist, with the Arabic words Allahu akbar (God is great) inscribed within the horns of the crescent and the party name in Urdu script at the bottom. This is the union of Islamist parties that got so much attention for its strong showing in the recent elections, including gaining control of the provincial legislature in the heavily Pashtun Northwest Frontier Province. Joe McMillan, 12 January 2003

Pushtunkuwa Milli Awami Party (Pushtunkuwa National Awami Party)

image by Santiago Dotor Yesterday I saw a TV report about the arrest of Maulana Fazlur Rehman, leader of the pro-Taleban Pakistani party Jamiat Ulema Islam. Even though most images showing him attending demonstrations showed the black flag with white stripes we have already discussed, another demonstration showed several people waving large flags unlike any other of the Pakistani UFEs we have discussed. These were vertical tricolours of red-white-green, with a red star in the centre pointing downwards. The shade of red appeared slightly orange on my monitor. I guess you are thinking I saved my image upside down by some mistake. Well, I am afraid I didn't! I did see several flags, all of them with the red stripe by the *hoist*, and those in which I could see the central star, this was pointing *down*. Santiago Dotor, 8 October 2001 BBC TV also had similar footage. I agree that the red looked orange. My impression - and it's only an impression - was that some stars were pointing downwards, some sideways. Difficult to tell in a couple of seconds and without the video running! I wasn't clear from the commentary who the demonstrators were - the former king of Afghanistan was also mentioned. André Coutanche, 8 October 2001 This red-white-green tricolour with red upside-down star is that of the Pushtunkuwa National Awami Party. The star is correct as in the image (upside down), even if there might be variations as in Santiago Tazón's image below. It has been reported onYahoo Daily News, wrongly attributed to the Jamuhari Watan Party, unless this party uses the same flag. The caption reads: "Pakistani men wave their party's flag and hold up banners during a rally of the JWP (Jamuhari Watan Party, a leftist, nationalist, pro-democracy party) in central Quetta October 7, 2001. Thousands of Pakistan's Pasthun-speaking people heard their leader, Mehmoud Khan Achakzai, call for an independent, democratic government in Afghanistan. The Achakzai leftist Nationalist party is opposed to any U.S. military intervention, saying a democratic Afghanistan would root out foreign terrorists like Osama Bin Laden. REUTERS/Jerry Lampen" Jaume Ollé, 12 October 2001

Variant of the flag

image by Santiago Tazón I saw this flag in the TV news, today. A Spanish TV channel was broadcasting a report about the Islamic movements of Pakistan, they mixed several images and in one of them appeared several flags like the image that I made. Three vertical stripes, green, white and red; all of them same width. In the center of the white stripe a red five points star. I don't know what group uses it. Santiago Tazón, 7 October 2001

Islamic Students Organization of Pakistan (Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba)

image by Juan Manuel Gabino Villascán According to the "El Universal" (Mexican newspaper) this is the flag of the "Islamic Students Organization of Pakistan". I can just identify the text that says "Pakistan" at the end of the sentence, may be it is the organization's name. The orange text says: "Allahu Akbar" (God is almighty). Juan Manuel Gabino Villascán, 13 October 2001 The flag of Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba is green at the hoist, narrow red vertical stripe, last half (more or less) light blue with white crescent and star opening to fly. Whatever website I got this from says the organization was formed in 1947. "Jamiat" means something like "union," I believe, so this would be something like "Islamic Union of Students." A similar flag is at http://www.jamiat.org/about/flag.asp. The colors are the same, but the green and red bands in the hoist are of about equal width, the crescent and star face the hoist, the crescent is thinner and shallower, and the Takbir (Allahu akbar) appears in red between the crescent and the star. The name on this site is given as Islami Jamiat Talibat Pakistan, which should mean Islamic Union of Students of Pakistan. Sounds like the same group, but the site says it was founded in 1969, so apparently not--maybe an offshoot. Joe McMillan, 2 February 2003 Mr. Juan Manuel Gabino Villascan IS correct on Allaahu Akbar, however the text on the flag says 'Bagistan' NOT 'Pakistan'! Kurt Singer, 24 February 2005 by Santiago Dotor I saw on Polish TG a flag hoisted during an anti-American demonstration in Pakistan (most probably in Peshawar). This flag does not seem to be any of Pakistani political movements' flags, nor it is the Taliban movement's flag, as far as the outside world knows anything about Taliban regime. It's probable that it's to connected to some political and religious movement involving Taliban and Pakistani Moslems. Bartek Wojciechowski, 22 September 2001 There is something written under the crescent. Fortunately, in a TV news coverage this evening a slightly enlarged version of the flag appeared. I took a TV screenshot of it and analyzed the content of the inscription. Please note it has a rather low degree of accuracy, as: - the shooting quality was poor - transposing images via TV-MAC-PC gives shabby effects - the flag appeared for mere 2.05 sec - the flag was waving - the flag (and letters) was actually inverted - the flag appeared in the very corner of the TV screen - I don't speak Urdu. I have some knowledge of Persian (written in Arabic script as well) though and I tried to put down the letters: I don't understand the first word (words?), but the middle one and the last one go "...Talib Pakistan". That's quite understandable, isn't it? I hope somebody with good command of Urdu or Arabic, maybe will able to correct my version and say what it means. Bartek Wojciechowski, 26 September 2001 This is the flag of islami jamiat e talabe (Islamic Students Organization). Their official website is at: www.jamiat.org.pk Dr. Zafar Iqbal, 22 April 2006

Hizb ut Tahrir

image by Joe McMillan Black with the shahada. Given the source, undoubtedly a radical Islamist group, but a minor political party. The transliteration of the name is not typical of Urdu, so this may actually be an Arab group of some kind, but the source is in Pakistan. Source:http://www.khilafah.com.pk Joe McMillan, 2 February 2003

Pakistan Christian Congress

image by Joe McMillan Vertical tricolor, red-yellow-green, with a red Latin cross on the center. Source: http://pakistanchristiancongress.com Joe McMillan, 2 February 2002

Sindh National Front

image by Joe McMillan Seven horizontal stripes, white and red. The party says it seeks provincial autonomy on the United States, Swiss, and Canadian model. Source: http://snfsindh.netfirms.com/snf.htm Joe McMillan, 2 February 2002

Gilgit-Baltistan United Movement (GBUM)

image by Chrystian Kretowicz, 29 March 2008 One of the most prominent political movements in present-day Northern Areas of Pakistan (known also as Boloristan, Dardistan, Karakuram, Balawaristan, etc). It advocates a far-reaching autonomy for Gilgit-Baltistan State within Pakistan with the status similar to that of Azad Kashmir. The other main political movements there: Balawaristan National Front and Karakuram National Movement, demand outright independence for the state under their name. The image of the flag of Gilgit-Baltistan United Movement was obtained from the Chairman of GBUM, Mr.Manzoor Hussain Parwana. Chrystian Kretowicz, 29 March 2008

Hezb-e-Mughalstan (Mughalstan Party)

image from http://www.dalitstan.org/mughalstan/ located by Dov Gutterman, 26 May 2002 Hezb-e-Mughalastan stands for independence and reunification of Muslim areas of Pakistan, north India and neighbouring regions. This is a fictional creation, as is most of the other organizations mentioned on www.dalitstan.org. J.A. Sommansson, 23 Febraury 2005

Pasban

image by Ian MacDonald, 18 May 2006 An image of this flag was provided by an anonymous site visitor. It can be seen in use at the Pasban home page. [Ed.] Pasban ( The Defenders), is a Pakistani political movement that aims to uproot what it sees as the current oppressive system and to establish a welfare state in Pakistan. Pasban's president is Altaf Shakoor, born in Karachi in 1959. An engineer by education and trader by profession, Shakoor was president of the students' union at NED University of Engineering and Technology in 1981–1982. The flag consists of a red field with a wide white stripe along the hoist, and a large white disk bearing a red star extending to the edges of the disk. Written verically down the hoist side of the white stripe is the word PASBAN. Ian MacDonald, 18 May 2006

All Pakistan Minorities Alliance

image by Ian MacDonald, 1 January 2013 The All Pakistan Minorities Alliance flag is red, white and blue, sometimes with the letters APMA written vertically down the white stripe. There’s a photo in http://liam-theactivist.blogspot.com.es/2011/03/blasphemy-and-death-in-pakistan.html. Other photos in http://zeenews.india.com/photogallery/day-in-pics-23rd-september_2526.html?pagenumber=1 andhttp://news.kuwaittimes.net/2012/09/23/pakistan-govt-rejects-filmmaker-bounty-fresh-rallies-held-across-pakistan, with the red at hoist and no letters. Jaume Olle, 1 December 2012

#PPP #Pakistani #Pakistan People #Pakistan History #Pakistan #Flags of Pakistan Political Parties #Flags #December 2007 #Bhutto #Benazir Bhutto #Assassination of Benazir Bhutto

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shiningpakistan · 12 years ago

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Flags of Pakistan Political Parties

Pakistan Peoples Party - Murtazi Bhutto's faction

Pakistan Peoples Party - Benazir Bhutto's faction

Muslim League

Jamiat e Islami

1) the first one has the crescent and star (like the Pakistan national flag) and below the shahada.

3) The third has only the shahada and no crescent and star.

Jamiat Ulama'a e Islam

Variants of this flag

National Alliance Party

Millat Party

Khaksar Tehrik

Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf

Pakistan Awami Tehreek

Party El Jihad Tanzim

Party Sipâh-e-Sâhaba

Party Arkat el Mujahideen

Party Jihad

Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM)

Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA)

Pushtunkuwa Milli Awami Party (Pushtunkuwa National Awami Party)

Variant of the flag

Islamic Students Organization of Pakistan (Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba)

Hizb ut Tahrir

Pakistan Christian Congress

image by Joe McMillan Vertical tricolor, red-yellow-green, with a red Latin cross on the center. Source: http://pakistanchristiancongress.com Joe McMillan, 2 February 2002

Sindh National Front

Gilgit-Baltistan United Movement (GBUM)

Hezb-e-Mughalstan (Mughalstan Party)

Pasban

All Pakistan Minorities Alliance

#PPP #Pakistani #Pakistan People #Pakistan History #Pakistan #Flags of Pakistan Political Parties #Flags #December 2007 #Bhutto #Benazir Bhutto #Assassination of Benazir Bhutto

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colleen-mcnally · 5 years ago

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Geführte Wohnmobilreisen USA, Kanada, Neuseeland und Hausboot Touren in Irland, Schottland, Frankreich und Deutschland mit ADAC-Reisen Frankfurt/Main und DERTOUR

With your New Zealand motorhome, you have numerous options for making your round trip. However, always pay attention to where you are staying, because you are not allowed to stand everywhere with the motorhome of your choice - our New Zealand travel experts are at your side with advice and action. Renting a motorhome or camper through Motorhome Republic is a breeze. Are you looking for a cheap provider for a motorhome in New Zealand?

Meet the locals by motorhome?

We as a travel specialist for New Zealand will be happy to help you make this dream come true - but without a motorhome. We do it differently from other travel agencies because we know from our local knowledge and experience that a motorhome trip through New Zealand is not the way to get the most out of your trip. For this reason, you can marvel at all of this directly from the window of your motorhome while driving. Just for information, not only the large mobile homes, but also the 2 bed campers with shower / toilet have a length of 6.40m to 7.10m. This is not the first time we have been with the motorhome and we have learned to park very brazenly (but not in violation of traffic), but even in many places we did not have the opportunity to do so.

Which flight route is the longest?

explains how long the shortest flight in the world takes. The shortest scheduled flight in the world is offered by a European airline. It is less than three kilometers between the Scottish Orkney Islands Westray and Papa Westray. According to the plan, a flight takes just two minutes.

Motorhomes without a corresponding certificate are not allowed to spend the night at many well-located campsites. The lakeside towns, Rotorua and Taupo, are easy to reach with a day trip and are centers for recreation in nature and offer a lot of fun for holidaymakers with mobile homes. In the cold months, however, we recommend heated motorhomes !. Our New Zealand travel offer includes cheap Fly & Drive trips (flight with camper, motorhome or rental car), rental car trips with pre-booked hotels, guided bus tours, adventure tours in small groups and with a German-speaking tour guide, hiking tours, bike tours, day trips, hotels and bed and breakfast houses and much more. Since 1998 we have been organizing guided and guided motorhome trips and houseboat tours.

Not later than 4 to 6 months before the start of the trip, as RV trips in New Zealand are very popular and campers are therefore quickly sold out.

The lakeside towns, Rotorua and Taupo, are easy to reach with a day trip and are centers for recreation in nature and offer a lot of fun for holidaymakers with mobile homes.

All the important information you need for a motorhome tour through New Zealand can be found in our practical motorhome guide.

Our accompanied motorhome tour through New Zealand is ideal for all travelers who like to travel independently, but still do not want to do without the security and the company of a group as well as a local German-speaking tour guide.

What is the climate like in Australia?

In the south of the continent, Maui campervans the Australian summer (October to March) is the most beautiful season. In autumn and winter (May to September) it can be cool and windy, snow also falls in the Australian Alps and Tasmania. The rainy season in the tropical north (wet season) extends from November to April.

And our RV in New Zealand was just great too. Of course you can also read my testimonials about my own motorhome tours in New Zealand. You shouldn't miss this ferry crossing on a motorhome trip through New Zealand. Anyone exploring New Zealand with a motorhome can hardly miss a visit to the metropolis Auckland. In principle, you can therefore drive your motorhome in New Zealand with a German driver's license. And if you are still looking for a suitable rental motorhome, you could find it among others at our partner SHAREaCAMPER. Driving around New Zealand in a motorhome doesn't just have advantages. 14 days flight and motorhome, for example, from Christchurch to Auckland. New Zealand flight and RV rental, individual travel, inexpensive travel modules and campers. We never had any problems and our motorhome was definitely one of the longest campers. We went one step further and were on the road with a large motorhome that measured a proud 7.30 meters. For beginners who have never driven a motorhome before, I would not recommend at least the North Island of New Zealand as the first choice travel destination with a large camper.

Neuseeland bietet eine große Anzahl an Campingplätzen, die Wohnmobilreisende aufsuchen können, um dort zu übernachten. Die verschiedenen Wohnmobil-Modelle in Neuseeland bieten jeweils eine gute Ausstattung auf kompaktem Raum. So können Sie es sich während Ihrer Wohnmobilreise in Neuseeland im Zuhause auf Rädern gemütlich machen!

#Neuseeland Wohnmobilreisen

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alainguillotpodcast · 5 years ago

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098 Michael Eskenazi; President & Founder at Felix & Norton

http://www.alainguillot.com/michael-eskenazi/

This is the story of how Michael Ezkenzi created Felix & Norton.

In the early 1960s in the home kitchen at the age of eight, Michael Eskenazi was already wearing a chef’s hat, cooking up lavish 5-course meals for his family, always finished off with a lavish chocolatey dessert. Yummy chocolate was already his passion, all day long and even in his dreams.

Growing up, he had aspirations of becoming a great chef, but it remained simply a hobby while he worked for a variety of clothing retailers.

The inspiration to follow his dreams came during a trip to Manhattan where he discovered gourmet cookie boutiques on every corner, which was followed just days later by an incredible stroke of fortune - his employer fired him from his job. It was time to do what he was meant to do- Make people smile by baking the best cookies in the world!

Back from New York, and supported by his wife and a close friend, Michael began the most important challenge, creating the cookie recipes.

Simple research showed him that multiple chocolate chip cookie recipes consisted of all the same ingredients in varying quantities. If he was to sell only cookies, they would have to be the best cookies anywhere, so it would have to start with finding the best of each of the main ingredients.

For almost a year, his home kitchen became a lab. Different flours, different butters and of course different chocolates were tested hundreds of times. Family and friends were invited and forced to eat and give ratings for multiple versions of each recipe gaining a few pounds and lots of happiness, to create the recipes that are still used today.

On April 24, 1985, the first Monsieur Félix & Mr. Norton cookie shop opened on Queen Mary Road in Montreal. To be sure that some customers showed up the first day, cookies were brought early in the morning to various radio stations. Hopefully one or two of the eight selected stations would say something nice. They all did. By 9 am, there was a line up stretching down the block with hundreds of cookie connoisseurs waiting to sample these new creations. It was love at first bite, the fan base was starting to be built.

During the first four years, 8 boutiques were opened. Félix & Norton cookies became well-known throughout Montreal. Michael and Félix & Norton became local celebrities, cover stories in magazines and newspapers, radio and TV appearances.

More and more cookies. Got to make more and more cookies. Let’s build a (too big) bakery to supply everyone, we’ll grow into it. We’ll open a new store in Ottawa as we start our national growth plan. OK, if so many people want to buy a franchise, we’ll sell franchises too. By 1993, there are 25 stores in Quebec and Ontario. Isn’t life sweet?

But like so many stories of success, when things are going too well, they take a turn for the worse. Since Félix & Norton was built on a story of intense passion without compromise, the twists and turns downhill were truly severe. After some very poor choices of partners and new store locations as well as changing market conditions, financial pressures that couldn’t be paid off with cookies led the retail division to bankruptcy proceedings in 1998.

All that was left was the factory, the recipes, and the trademarks. With the help of Sweet Factory candy stores, the retail division was relaunched. But destiny was even more bitter than the darkest of chocolates, and every time an opportunity to rebuild presented itself, another huge setback occurred, from the burst of the stock market bubble in 2000 that wiped out a planned major investment, to the sudden death in an auto accident of a partner and investor just days before the contract was to be signed. Wounded, frustrated, and exhausted, Michael needed a break.

Michael had been a dessert specialist all his life. He knew he had to find a way to end this story with something sweet. He knew that after years of mismanagement by the successors at Sweet Factory, the Félix & Norton love brand had faded and was being forgotten. But he knew that so much goodwill was created by years of sharing smiles with millions of cookie lovers. And he knew that he still had the power of seducing them again with cookies baked and served warm like they always were when he had his stores. But how? How to get warm cookies to the customers?

Well before food trucks were all the rage, Michael decided that he would relaunch the brand by driving a pink truck that would deliver smiles (and cookies) wherever he would stop. An ecologically friendly, propane-powered truck with a full kitchen inside, ready to bake cookies at any time.

As passionate about this idea as he was when he opened his first boutique in 1985, Michael excitedly put his business plan together. Finding the affordable truck online in Portland, Oregon, he took a one-way flight there and crossed the continent behind the wheel of a truck for the first time in his life, driving through the cornfields as he kept asking himself, “If I build it, will they come?” 5,000 km. later he was home and converting this crazy idea into Montreal’s first food truck.

And it was a huge success! Everywhere the truck went, it was true love again. Nostalgics were thrilled to see Félix & Norton again, newbies were immediately seduced. The magic of a freshly baked cookie warm from the oven.

Word of mouth attracted new partners. Supermarket chains wanted superior cookies, and wanted a quality brand with an immense following. And that is why today you can find Félix & Norton cookie dough and their other new dessert creations in stores like Loblaws, Metro, Sobeys, Provigo, IGA and many more… and even in Dubai and Qatar.

Even though Michael had always resisted returning to franchising despite receiving requests virtually every week, he was convinced by the ambition and business skills of his Middle Eastern associate, who needed quality cookies and a Canadian love brand to share with his compatriots. And now, containers filled with cookie dough set sail across the ocean for 40 days and 40 nights…

So does this story have a happy ending? It is still being written, one smile at a time!

Check out this episode!

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latestnews2018-blog · 6 years ago

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Record-breaker Cross Counter can continue Godolphin’s vintage year

New Post has been published on https://latestnews2018.com/record-breaker-cross-counter-can-continue-godolphins-vintage-year/

Record-breaker Cross Counter can continue Godolphin’s vintage year

Melbourne Cup hopeful faces eight rivals in strong renewal of Great Voltigeur Stakes

Dubai

Godolphin’s Cross Counter can continue what has been a vintage year for the stable by winning the Group 3 Great Voltigeur Stakes, the showpiece race on the opening day of York’s four-day Ebor Festival on Wednesday.

The three-year-old son of Teofilo announced himself as a serious stayer when winning the Group 2 Gordon Stakes at Goodwood earlier this month in track record time.

He is likely to be sent off as the red-hot favourite in the Voltigeur, a 2,400-metre contest that Godolphin have won four times in the past with Rewilding (2010), Rule Of Law (204), Sea Wave (1998) and Slowaway (1997).

Trained by in-form handler Charlie Appleby, Cross Counter faces eight rivals including stable companion Old Persian and French Group 1 scorer, Kew Gardens. William Buick continues his association with the Godolphin colt who his trainer says is on an ‘upward curve.’

“Cross Counter must have a great chance of winning the Voltigeur, though we respect plenty of others in a strong field,” Appleby told the Godolphin website.

“He showed his potential last start, and I feel he remains on an upward curve.”

Another good performance at York’s historic track can add credence to his chances of becoming a genuine contender for the Group 1 Melbourne Cup, on November 6, a contest that Godolphin have long sought to win.

He burst into the Cup picture when easily defeating Epsom Derby second Dee Ex Bee at Goodwood prompting Appleby to say at that time: “We respected Dee Ex Bee and would have been happy with second, but we were confident we could make a race of it and it was great to see him win like that.

“The plan was always to use the race as a platform for a trip to Australia, and that should get him straight into the Melbourne Cup. If it doesn’t then he’ll still go down there and hopefully get into the race via one of the trials.”

Just last week Godolphin reached a major milestone when it claimed its 5,000th winner worldwide. The memorable win was reached by Expecting To Fly, who scored at Teste de Buch, France, on Thursday, August 16.

Since its inception in 1992, Godolphin has currently won races in 14 countries on four continents.

Godolphin’s first winner came at Nad Al Sheba racecourse in Dubai,on December 24, 1992 with a horse called Cutwater, who was trained by Hilal Ebrahim and ridden by jockey Dennis Batteate, Earlier this year the stable won a first English Derby (G1) in its own Royal Blub colours when Masar, ridden by William Buick and trained by Appleby, romped to victory at Epsom Racecourse.

Latest odds

Great Voltigeur Stakes (G1)

At York, UK

7/4 Cross Counter, 9/4 Kew Gardens, 5/1 Wells Farhh Go, 7/1 The Pentagon, 14/1 Old Persian, Sevenna Star, 20/1 M C Muldoon, 25/1 Nelson, 40/1 Zabriskie.

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clusterassets · 6 years ago

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New world news from Time: Brexit Could Jeopardize Peace in Northern Ireland—and America Is Ignoring It

When I moved to Belfast for a three-year fellowship in September 2001, American news was covering a nasty episode in the capital of Northern Ireland. In a segregated neighborhood, a Protestant mob shouted abuse and threw bricks and blast bombs at Catholic schoolgirls whose parents—eventually joined by riot police—were escorting them to Holy Cross School. A week later, two planes crashed into the World Trade Center. Friends never again asked if I felt safe in Belfast, and the place disappeared from international headlines.

In recent months, Northern Ireland has dominated Britain’s negotiations to leave the European Union, as the Irish border has come to symbolize the challenges of Brexit. When E.U. leaders met in Brussels on June 28-29 and assessed the status of divorce talks, the E.U.’s Brexit negotiator Michel Barnier warned “huge and serious divergences” remained over the unique problems posed by this divided island.

Despite years of American investment in the Northern Ireland peace process, this issue has received scant coverage in the U.S. press and minimal engagement by the Trump Administration. In May, I returned to Belfast, along with Dublin and London; I spoke with over 40 people from government, media, business, and civil society about the implications of Brexit for politics, prosperity, and peace in my former home. What I heard should worry Americans.

Life After the Troubles

In 1921, the island was divided: the Republic of Ireland gained independence from the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland (U.K.), while the six northern counties comprising Northern Ireland remained part of the U.K. The region’s constitutional status has remained contested, as the unionist and largely Protestant community wishes to remain part of the U.K. while the nationalist and predominantly Catholic community wants Irish unification. This dispute caused decades of political turmoil and violence, often known as the Troubles. More than 3,600 people were killed.

In April 1998, the signing of the Good Friday Agreement/Belfast Agreement—comprised of an international agreement between the British and Irish governments and a multi-party agreement in Northern Ireland—heralded a comprehensive approach to governance, civil rights, policing, and justice. Peace talks were shepherded by George Mitchell, the former U.S. Senate Majority Leader who served as Special Envoy for Northern Ireland.

Cathal McNaughton—Getty ImagesLocal residents of the Glenbryn area in North Belfast walk past burnt-out remains of an armored police car following overnight rioting between Nationalists and Loyalists crowds January 10, 2002 in Belfast, Northern Ireland. Rioting erupted as Catholic parents picked up their children from the Holy Cross girls” primary school.

The fact that both the U.K. and Ireland belong to the E.U. has made this tenuous peace more viable—eliminating physical, economic, and psychological barriers and facilitating cross-border ties. Along with the peace process, the E.U.’s single market (which means the bloc functions as one territory without any internal borders or other regulatory obstacles to the free movement of goods and services) enabled the gradual dismantling of customs posts and military checkpoints along the border.

Northern Ireland slowly and quietly began moving in the right direction. Its new Assembly focused on routine issues of governance rather than contentious debates about identity. Invest Northern Ireland reports an influx of foreign investors focused on technology and financial services, with nearly 900 international companies employing around 100,000 people. I used to ride the bus to Dublin Airport for cheap Ryanair flights to the continent, unaware I had crossed an international border until I saw Gaelic street signs, kilometer speed limits, and euros. There are now dozens of direct flights across Europe. Belfast opened a museum about the Titanic (built at the local shipyard), served as the location for films and TV series (most notably “Game of Thrones”), revamped its city center with high-end shops and hipster cafes, and was named by Lonely Planet as the best travel destination in 2018.

Relations also improved between the U.K. and Ireland. The Good Friday Agreement created north-south and east-west institutions that enabled government officials to coordinate policies (such as agriculture and environment) across the island of Ireland. Queen Elizabeth made a state visit to Ireland in May 2011, the first trip by a British head of state since Irish independence. During a visit to Northern Ireland a year later, the Queen shook hands with Martin McGuiness, Deputy First Minister and former leader of the paramilitary Irish Republican Army (IRA). The conflict was personal for the Queen: her cousin, Louis Mountbatten, was killed in a 1979 IRA bombing. Her actions would have been unthinkable only years before.

And then Brexit happened.

Derailing the Brexit Process

In a June 2016 referendum, Britain voted to leave the E.U. by a narrow margin of 51.9 to 48.1 percent. London has now spent months entangled in messy negotiations with Brussels about the terms of separation, which will take effect on March 29, 2019. Northern Ireland, which was little discussed during the campaign, has proven the most complicated issue and could derail the process.

When leaders met at the European Council in December to assess progress on negotiations toward a withdrawal agreement, tensions quickly became apparent. The U.K. is currently part of the EU’s customs union and single market. After Brexit, it will leave both—raising the status of the Irish border to that of a customs border, with associated checks and controls. This does not just create practical and economic challenges; it is also politically and psychologically inconceivable for many who live there.

Although the U.K. committed to avoiding a hard border with Northern Ireland, it offered no formal proposals for doing so. Given uncertainty about the U.K.’s future relationship with the EU, Brussels insisted on a “backstop” provision to safeguard the status quo for Northern Ireland. If London is unable to devise alternative arrangements, the backstop says Northern Ireland will remain in the E.U. customs union and “full regulatory alignment” (at least for goods) with the single market. This effectively eradicates the need for checks and controls at the Irish land border, pushing them to sea and air entry points to the island of Ireland. In response to objections from unionists, London added a provision preventing “new regulatory barriers” between Northern Ireland and the rest of the U.K. These aims are mutually incompatible. The question is who blinks first.

Despite work in recent months, these differences were not resolved before leaders reconvened at the European Council on June 28-29. They expressed “concern that no substantial progress has yet been achieved on agreeing a backstop solution” and called for “intensified efforts” amid looming deadlines. Closer British ties with the E.U. would make it easier to manage the Irish border yet harder to achieve the autonomy that motivated Brexit.

May is running out of time in this high stakes face-off, as the U.K. could crash out of the E.U. with no deal. European Council President Donald Tusk cited a “great deal of work ahead” if the sides are to reach a deal by October. He warned May’s Cabinet, which meets next week to take major decisions on Brexit, that “This is the last call to lay the cards on the table.”

The E.U. has thus far backed Ireland, a small member state with existential policy concerns. Just last week European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker visited Dublin and warned the U.K. there would be no Brexit deal without agreement on the border. Yet Dublin fears Leo Varadkar, Ireland’s Taoiseach (Gaelic for prime minister), will be forced to make concessions when leaders next meet in October. Former Taoiseach Bertie Ahern described this nightmare scenario as “a Halloween party,” with Varadkar’s arm twisted at 2 a.m. to conclude the withdrawal agreement.

Charles McQuillan—Getty ImagesTwo men dressed as customs officers take part in a protest outside Stormont against Brexit and its possible effect on the north and south Irish border on March 29, 2017 in Belfast, Northern Ireland.

Brexit Fatigue

Dynamics in London, Dublin, and Belfast make the situation even more complicated. Theresa May became the U.K.’s prime minister in June 2016 after David Cameron resigned following the Brexit defeat. In an effort to strengthen her negotiating legitimacy, she held snap elections a year later. She had a disastrous result, falling 8 seats short of a parliamentary majority less than two weeks before EU talks began. In a dramatic twist, May became reliant on 10 MPs from Northern Ireland’s Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) for a “confidence and supply” agreement (it supports the government on budget and confidence motions but is not bound by a policy platform).

In Ireland, Leo Varadkar—the young, gay, son of an Indian immigrant—has served as leader since winning a party leadership contest last June. All parties support the government’s stance in Brexit negotiations: an orderly U.K. exit that protects Ireland’s fundamental interests, including trade and a strong bilateral relationship. The challenge, an Irish official told me, “is how to achieve the first without damaging the second.”

In Northern Ireland, the Good Friday Agreement created an Assembly with a power-sharing executive to ensure representation of unionist and nationalist communities in policy-making. And although Sinn Féin, the largest nationalist party in Northern Ireland, and the DUP are on opposite sides of the Brexit debate, they sent a joint letter to May with shared concerns about its impact on Northern Ireland. Yet the region’s voice has been absent in these discussions since January 2017, when the executive collapsed amid a domestic political controversy; the polarized nature of politics amid Brexit have hindered efforts to revive the Assembly.

But May has now boxed herself in politically with a “trilemma” of three incompatible goals: an exit from the E.U. single market and customs union, no hard border with Ireland, and an all-U.K. approach to Brexit. If she reneges on the first, she will lose the backing of “Brexiteers” who would argue this undermines the point of the referendum. If she waivers on the second, Ireland (and the EU) would almost certainly reject the deal and the U.K. could crash out of the EU. If she caves on the third, the DUP could bring down her government. In recent months, British officials have explored various options, involving the creative collection of customs tariffs and advanced technology to monitor border crossings. To date, they have failed to find a workable alternative to the backstop. Brexit fatigue is palpable in London, with many arguing May simply needs to make a choice.

America’s Absence

Despite significant American investment in the Northern Ireland peace process across several administrations, Washington has been largely absent from these discussions. Former President Barack Obama visited London two months before the referendum and expressed support for “a strong U.K. in a strong E.U.”

In contrast, President Donald Trump is skeptical of the EU and called Brexit a “great thing.” He wants a free trade agreement with the U.K., which he described last summer as “a very powerful deal, great for both countries” that will get done “very, very quickly.” In reality, it seems unlikely a deal will be either quick (as most take 10 years to negotiate) or great for Britain. According to Secretary of Commerce Wilbur Ross, the U.K. must choose between E.U. and U.S. regulatory models. American standards on agricultural products are controversial in the UK (particularly chlorinated chicken), while any divergence would hinder the U.K.’s ability to trade with the E.U. My Brookings colleague Tom Wright has described the Trump Administration’s approach as “a predatory policy, designed to take immediate economic advantage of the dislocations and vulnerabilities created for the U.K. by the Brexit process.”

American diplomats have quietly encouraged progress in negotiations, but the U.S. has mostly remained silent on what it views as a domestic matter. The Administration has not yet nominated an ambassador for Ireland nor has it decided whether to appoint an envoy for Northern Ireland. Although the unique nature of the current Administration elicited caution in all three capitals about greater U.S. involvement (with someone in Belfast telling me “we don’t want Trump tweeting about Northern Ireland”), there was agreement that American appeals to protect the Good Friday Agreement would resonate with those who ignore Brexit’s impact. While Trump reportedly mentioned Northern Ireland in a phone call with May earlier this month, his visit to London in July seems to be a good opportunity to convey this message more strongly.

Richard Baker—In Pictures via Getty ImagesAn EU flag is waved in front of the British parliament as the British government debated US President Donald Trump’s state visit to the UK, thousands of protesters gathered in large numbers against the trip which would potentially cost millions of pounds in security alone, on February 20, 2017, in Parliament Square, London, UK.

Dividing Lines

Brexit has soured Dublin’s relations with London. A member of Irish civil society told me “Brexit triggered a historical muscle memory switch,” with tensions previously confined to the rugby pitch spilling out in daily life. My Irish interlocutors sounded like aggrieved younger siblings, as they lamented British television hosts who mispronounce “Taoiseach,” engage in “paddywhackery,” and caricature Irish politics.

Despite decades of IRA bombings in England, memories of the Troubles have faded there. Three English MPs caused outrage by suggesting the Good Friday Agreement “had outlived its usefulness” and was “not sustainable in the long term.” British Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson has repeatedly downplayed the threat, saying recently it is “beyond belief that we’re allowing the tail to wag the dog.”

Irish diplomats are quick to reject suggestions Brexit may lead to “Irexit,” understanding that E.U. membership gave a small and peripheral island an enhanced role on the world stage. In contrast, many outside observers see Brexit as the cry of English nationalism and are skeptical about May’s call for a “Global Britain.” As I sat in the British Foreign Office listening to a diplomat explain the concept, I looked out the window and saw a gilded, horse-drawn carriage deliver an African dignitary to a Commonwealth meeting. It was a relic of an imperial era when Britain truly had global reach.

Brexit negotiations have already caused damage in Northern Ireland, as the very idea has destabilized politics, divided families and communities, and forced people to choose sides. The Good Friday Agreement, which celebrated its 20-year anniversary in April, did not fully resolve past tensions. There were no peace commissions or reconciliation efforts, nor has there been an enduring answer to the constitutional question. Less than seven percent of children attend integrated schools, with former First Minister Peter Robinson describing the segregated system as a “benign form of apartheid which is fundamentally damaging to our society.” Localized violence remains higher in Northern Ireland than outsiders realize, with punishment beatings by paramilitary organizations increasing 60 percent in the last four years.

During my recent visit I toured the peace walls—erected to prevent attacks on residents living along the lines between mainly unionist and mainly nationalist areas. It was a marker of how physically close yet psychologically far the two communities live from one another. Community groups have toned down the militaristic nature of several murals, while some gates are staying open longer. Yet there are more peace walls now than in 1998, with the International Fund for Ireland reporting nearly 70 percent of Troubles-related murders took place within 500 yards of these walls.

Despite these remaining challenges, the Agreement allowed people to take a break from ever-present identity questions. Nearly everyone I met in Belfast lamented how Brexit has forced the return of “orange and green,” a shorthand reference to the constitutional preferences of unionists and nationalists. Many unionists supported Brexit. DUP representatives are unconcerned by border debates given their primary loyalty to Britain and loath to see the region have a “special status” (preferring “special circumstances”). Yet the reality is Northern Ireland has always been treated differently from the rest of the U.K. It is heavily subsidized by the British state. It is the only part of the U.K. where gay marriage and abortion remain illegal; it is even isolated from Ireland, which recently voted to legalize both measures. At the same time, the island’s economy has become heavily integrated, particularly in the agri-food sector.

In contrast, the overwhelming majority of nationalists voted to remain in the E.U. They view a hardening border as a political defeat given recent progress on demilitarization, a single economic market, and free movement. Sinn Féin has renewed calls for a “border poll” to determine whether Northern Ireland should remain part of the U.K. or join Ireland. A recent survey found increasing support for the E.U. in Northern Ireland amid the complexities of divorce, with 69 percent now backing Remain (compared to 56 percent in the referendum two years ago). Brexit has increased Catholic support for Irish unification: while only 28 percent would vote for a united Ireland if the U.K. remained in the E.U., 53 percent would support unification if the U.K. left the customs union and single market.

Charles McQuillan—Getty ImagesA man walks past a mural marking unionist territory on May 4, 2016 in Londonderry, Northern Ireland. The city of Londonderry is situated on the border between the north and south of Ireland. Flags, murals or kerbstone painting are sometimes the first visual indication of the border having been crossed.

What the Future Looks Like

Irrespective of political views, a hard Brexit will affect daily life in Northern Ireland in myriad ways. Business representatives worry about transport delays, supply chain disruption, and new bureaucracy. The agriculture sector will be particularly hard hit, as it comprises 35 percent of Northern Ireland’s exports with nearly a quarter shipping to Ireland. All-island healthcare has grown amid high costs and limited demand, with Brexit raising questions about future access; for example, the closure of children’s heart surgery services at a Belfast hospital led to the joint creation of a pediatric cardiology center in Dublin. Brexit could limit citizens’ rights. The most frequently cited example is a provision in the Good Friday Agreement that allows those born in Northern Ireland to hold British passports, Irish passports, or both; it is unclear how the rights of Irish (E.U.) citizens will be enforced. On the policing front, the U.K. will lose access to the European Arrest Warrant that facilitated information sharing and extradition with Irish law enforcement.

My interlocutors were careful not to overstate the risk of renewed violence and did not expect a return to the Troubles, especially as there is no appetite for conflict on either side. Yet everyone was equally clear that any infrastructure on the border would be attacked. The Chief Constable of the Northern Ireland Police Service, George Hamilton, warned customs posts would re-emphasize “the context and causes of the conflict,” be seen as “fair game” by dissident republicans, and require 24-hour police protection. Three former Irish Taoiseachs echoed this concern, with one (Bertie Ahern) explaining: “You wouldn’t have to wait for violence—the communities on both sides of the border, with their bare hands, would pull down anything that was put up.”

Northern Ireland remains a place of contradictions and challenges, of tentative steps forward and shuffles backward. In a world dotted with frozen conflicts, the Good Friday Agreement provided an imperfect but workable solution for a war-weary population. Brexit has re-opened old wounds.

An irresistible force is preparing to meet an immoveable object; the lack of a solution to the “trilemma” means something will surely break. This year will define Northern Ireland’s future. Whatever the shape of the final deal, the people will likely have to live with its consequences indefinitely. Given the fragility of the situation, Americans should help Europeans do everything possible to protect the gains of the Agreement.

June 29, 2018 at 11:35PM ClusterAssets Inc., https://ClusterAssets.wordpress.com

#Time #world #news #ClusterAssets #ClusterAsset #Cluster Asset Inc.#ClusterAssets Inc.

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investmart007 · 7 years ago

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MOSCOW | The Latest: Pogba pokes 2-1 lead v Australia

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MOSCOW | The Latest: Pogba pokes 2-1 lead v Australia

MOSCOW — The Latest on Saturday at the World Cup (all times local):

2:38 p.m.

France has taken a 2-1 lead against Australia with less than 10 minutes left to play in the World Cup Group C game. Paul Pogba scored following a fine one-two with substitute Olivier Giroud after his shot took a deflection, hit the bar and crossed the goal line.

___

2:20 p.m.

France has been awarded a penalty following a VAR review and scored to take the lead against Australia. After checking images of a tackle from behind from Joshua Risdon on Antoine Griezmann, referee Andres Cunha pointed to the penalty spot. Griezmann sent a powerful strike into the net that left ‘keeper Mat Ryan stranded to give France a 1-0 lead.

Australia equalized within minutes with captain Mile Jedinak converting from the penalty spot after Samuel Umtiti handled the ball in the box. Jedinak took the kick and sent France ‘keeper Hugo Lloris the wrong way

____

1:55 p.m.

Germany coach Joachim Loew says goalkeeper Manuel Neuer is looking confident ahead of the team’s World Cup opener against Mexico, despite missing most of the season with injury.

Neuer, a star of Germany’s World Cup-winning team in 2014, played just four times this season for Bayern Munich because of a fracture in his left foot.

Loew says “he looks self-confident in training, the Manuel Neuer that we’ve always known.”

Loew adds that Neuer has been “very calm, stable and he’s in a very good mood. You could see that in the weeks and month before that he was working to strengthen his stamina.”

Ahead of Sunday’s game against Mexico, Loew revealed Germany spent Friday concentrating on corners, free kicks and penalties to deal with a perception that set-pieces might be a weak point for the 2014 champions.

____

1:46 p.m.

It’s 0-0 at halftime between France and Australia in their World Cup Group C opener in Kazan.

The French have been dominating in the early stages and had the best chances before Australia settled in.

Australia defenders Trent Sainsbury and Joshua Risdon have been doing a fine job in making sure Antoine Griezmann and Kylian Mbappe did not get too many balls.

Applying coach Bert Van Marwijk’s orders, the Socceroos are putting on a composed but aggressive display that has been working well so far.

___

12:55 p.m.

Julian Draxler says it’s “not true” that his Germany teammates Mesut Ozil and Ilkay Gundogan are feeling isolated in the squad following controversy over their photo with Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Arsenal’s Ozil and Manchester City’s Gundogan, who are both of Turkish descent, posed with Erdogan during the Turkish president’s visit to Britain last month.

Gundogan, who gave Erdogan a shirt with a message “to my revered president,” was jeered by fans during last week’s friendly win over Saudi Arabia.

Draxler says reports “that Mesut Ozil was not up to his best or that Ilkay Gundogan was a bit subdued, that’s not true.” He’s praised Ozil as “probably our most creative player on the pitch and so I’m sure that Mesut oezil will be there when we need him.”

Germany starts its title defense against Mexico in Moscow on Sunday.

____

12:05 p.m.

France coach Didier Deschamps has opted for a three-pronged attack of Kylian Mbappe, Antoine Griezmann and Ousmane Dembele to face Australia in the World Cup Group C opener.

Paul Pogba, N’Golo Kante and Corentin Tolisso have been selected in a three-man midfield, with Benjamin Pavard, Samuel Umtiti, Raphael Varane and Lucas Hernández making up the back four.

Australia captain Mile Jedinak has been confirmed as a starter in place of Massimo Luongo, who started as screening midfielder in recent friendlies. Striker Andrew Nabbout will assume the scoring duties for the Socceroos.

Lineups:

France: Hugo Lloris, Benjamin Pavard, Raphael Varane, Samuel Umtiti, Lucas Hernandez, Corentin Tolisso, N’Golo Kante, Paul Pogba, Antoine Griezmann, Ousmane Dembele, Kylian Mbappe.

Australia: Mat Ryan, Josh Risdon, Trent Sainsbury, Mark Milligan, Aziz Behich, Mile Jedinak, Aaron Mooy, Mathew Leckie, Tom Rogic, Robbie Kruse, Andrew Nabbout.

___

ENGLISH HOPES

Though teams of the recent past may have had more high-profile names, Southgate has potentially more options at his disposal. The squad, one of the youngest in Russia, is versatile, meaning that Southgate can adjust the way his team plays.

As things stand, it appears that against Tunisia, he will play with three at the back — John Stones, Kyle Walker and Harry Maguire — and another line of three, including two wing-backs, in front.

It’s the four furthest forward that has excited fans.

Kane, who has yet to score in tournament football, will spearhead the attack, that’s clear. What’s more interesting is the combination Southgate opts for around the striker — three from Jesse Lingard, Dele Alli, Raheem Sterling and Marcus Rashford. Opting for Rashford, who returned to training on Friday following a minor knee complaint, will give more pace and thrust; opting for Alli will yield dinky runs. Whatever Southgate decides, that trident will be primed to sow confusion among the Tunisian ranks especially as the game gets stretched in the latter stages.

Quite an attacking brew then and that’s why England is widely expected to beat The Carthage Eagles. Just as England did almost 20 years to the day when the two sides, again, played their first group match in the World Cup in France.

In these more realistic times, another 2-0 victory would no doubt be greeted positively, paving the way for the team to quickly make it out of Group G if it then beats Panama. The expectation is that England’s final group match against Belgium will be the main event and determine which side comes out on top.

___

TUNISIA’S LONG WAIT

Tunisia, back in the World Cup after a 12-year absence, has a lot to prove too.

The team, after all, blazed a trail in 1978 by becoming the first African team from the continent to win a match at the World Cup. In its three tournaments since from 1998 to 2006, it has yet to notch a second.

Though England is favorite, Tunisia is likely to present a challenge, especially if conditions remain hot and muggy. Tunisia, under Nabil Maaloul, is well-organized, particularly in defense. Spain can bear witness to that, requiring a late winner in their final friendly game before the World Cup.

The team may have lost arguably its best creative player, Youssef Msakni, to injury, but it has others who can trouble England, not least the now fit-again forward Wahbi Khazri, who has turned in strong performances for French side Rennes while there on loan. Also, Ali Maaloul is a marauding left-back who could take advantage of any leaden-footed defending.

Still, Panama, in their final group match, is the more likely proposition for Tunisia to record a second World Cup victory.

11:35 a.m.

Laurent Ciman has left Belgium’s World Cup squad, the team says on its official Twitter account, although it has not said if the defender’s departure means that center back Vincent Kompany is fit again after injuring his groin in a warmup match two weeks ago.

Coach Roberto Martinez took Los Angeles FC defender Ciman to Russia as a stand-by player in case Kompany was not fit for Belgium’s opening Group G match against Panama on Sunday.

The team says that despite returning to Belgium, Ciman will remain on stand-by until Sunday evening.

Kompany and Barcelona defender Thomas Vermaelen have not been training with the Belgium team in recent days.

In the Saturday morning tweet, Martinez thanks Ciman “for his professionalism and contribution to the team” during its World Cup preparations.

___

11:10 a.m.

French president Emmanuel Macron will travel to the World Cup only if Les Bleus make it to the semifinals.

But the French players will have the support of a former French president during their opening match against Australia in Group C.

FIFA says Nicolas Sarkozy, an avid football fan who served as president from 2007-12, is among the guests at Kazan Arena.

___

10:30 a.m.

Some soccer fans will follow their team anywhere to see it play in the World Cup. For five friends from Croatia that meant cycling 1,500 kilometers (930 miles) all the way from Zagreb to Kaliningrad in Russia.

The epic trek took them 15 days, cycling for 10 hours a day as they pedaled through Slovenia, Hungary, Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Poland.

On the way they encountered a number of challenges including a broken bridge. As they reached their final destination, the group collapsed into a bar and celebrated with a well-earned drink.

They’re now looking forward to Saturday’s game between Croatia and Nigeria.

Frane Lukovic, a 46-year-old lawyer from Zagreb, insisted it was nothing out of the ordinary for long-distance cyclists such as himself.

For Lukovic, the trip represented a personal comeback, having been diagnosed with skin cancer six years ago.

____

10 a.m.

While fans from around the world are singing and celebrating the World Cup on Moscow’s streets, they can’t go to the most famous place in the Russian capital — Red Square.

Barriers staffed by police officers have blocked off the square for several days, with authorities citing the need to build and dismantle stages for a national holiday and a World Cup-themed opera performance last Tuesday and Wednesday.

Mexico supporter Cesar Reyes, peering past the barriers, says “it’s a real shame it’s closed because it’s one of the best places to visit when you’re in Moscow. It’s a real shame that people will miss it because it’s closed for special event and there’s no opportunity to appreciate this building.”

Russian police have closed off a number of roads and other areas for security reasons over recent days. It’s unclear when the square will be reopened.

By Associated Press

___

#2-1 lead v Australia #Moscow #Pogba pokes #TodayNews #World Cup Group C game

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jailbreak2018 · 7 years ago

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June 06, 1944: D-Day

Although the term D-Day is used routinely as military lingo for the day an operation or event will take place, for many it is also synonymous with June 6, 1944, the day the Allied powers crossed the English Channel and landed on the beaches of Normandy, France, beginning the liberation of Western Europe from Nazi control during World War II. Within three months, the northern part of France would be freed and the invasion force would be preparing to enter Germany, where they would meet up with Soviet forces moving in from the east.

With Hitler’s armies in control of most of mainland Europe, the Allies knew that a successful invasion of the continent was central to winning the war. Hitler knew this too, and was expecting an assault on northwestern Europe in the spring of 1944. He hoped to repel the Allies from the coast with a strong counterattack that would delay future invasion attempts, giving him time to throw the majority of his forces into defeating the Soviet Union in the east. Once that was accomplished, he believed an all-out victory would soon be his.

On the morning of June 5, 1944, U.S. General Dwight D. Eisenhower, the supreme commander of Allied forces in Europe gave the go-ahead for Operation Overlord, the largest amphibious military operation in history. On his orders, 6,000 landing craft, ships and other vessels carrying 176,000 troops began to leave England for the trip to France. That night, 822 aircraft filled with parachutists headed for drop zones in Normandy. An additional 13,000 aircraft were mobilized to provide air cover and support for the invasion.

By dawn on June 6, 18,000 parachutists were already on the ground; the land invasions began at 6:30 a.m. The British and Canadians overcame light opposition to capture Gold, Juno and Sword beaches; so did the Americans at Utah. The task was much tougher at Omaha beach, however, where 2,000 troops were lost and it was only through the tenacity and quick-wittedness of troops on the ground that the objective was achieved. By day’s end, 155,000 Allied troops–Americans, British and Canadians–had successfully stormed Normandy’s beaches.

For their part, the Germans suffered from confusion in the ranks and the absence of celebrated commander Field Marshal Erwin Rommel, who was away on leave. At first, Hitler, believing that the invasion was a feint designed to distract the Germans from a coming attack north of the Seine River, refused to release nearby divisions to join the counterattack and reinforcements had to be called from further afield, causing delays. He also hesitated in calling for armored divisions to help in the defense. In addition, the Germans were hampered by effective Allied air support, which took out many key bridges and forced the Germans to take long detours, as well as efficient Allied naval support, which helped protect advancing Allied troops.

Though it did not go off exactly as planned, as later claimed by British Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery–for example, the Allies were able to land only fractions of the supplies and vehicles they had intended in France–D-Day was a decided success. By the end of June, the Allies had 850,000 men and 150,000 vehicles in Normandy and were poised to continue their march across Europe.

The heroism and bravery displayed by troops from the Allied countries on D-Day has served as inspiration for several films, most famously The Longest Day (1962) and Saving Private Ryan (1998). It was also depicted in the HBO mini-series Band of Brothers (2001).

Source

http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/d-day

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oneguywithaniphone · 7 years ago

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June 06, 1944: D-Day

With Hitlerâs armies in control of most of mainland Europe, the Allies knew that a successful invasion of the continent was central to winning the war. Hitler knew this too, and was expecting an assault on northwestern Europe in the spring of 1944. He hoped to repel the Allies from the coast with a strong counterattack that would delay future invasion attempts, giving him time to throw the majority of his forces into defeating the Soviet Union in the east. Once that was accomplished, he believed an all-out victory would soon be his.

By dawn on June 6, 18,000 parachutists were already on the ground; the land invasions began at 6:30 a.m. The British and Canadians overcame light opposition to capture Gold, Juno and Sword beaches; so did the Americans at Utah. The task was much tougher at Omaha beach, however, where 2,000 troops were lost and it was only through the tenacity and quick-wittedness of troops on the ground that the objective was achieved. By dayâs end, 155,000 Allied troopsâAmericans, British and Canadiansâhad successfully stormed Normandyâs beaches.

Though it did not go off exactly as planned, as later claimed by British Field Marshal Bernard Montgomeryâfor example, the Allies were able to land only fractions of the supplies and vehicles they had intended in FranceâD-Day was a decided success. By the end of June, the Allies had 850,000 men and 150,000 vehicles in Normandy and were poised to continue their march across Europe.

from History.com - This Day in History - Lead Story https://ift.tt/19KvsHh

#IFTTT #History.com - This Day in History - Lead Story #this day in history #history channel #history

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chloe-jayde · 7 years ago

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Special report: A journey on a caravan of misery

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Special report: A journey on a caravan of misery

By Alexandra Ulmer

CARACAS (Reuters) – Just after dawn, dozens of Venezuelans gathered at the dark bus station in Caracas. They lugged one big suitcase each, as well as blankets, toilet paper, cheap bread and jugs of water. Weeping wives, confused children and elderly parents hugged them over and over until it was time to check tickets and weigh bags, then hung back, waiting hours for the bus to leave. When it finally pulled out, the passengers looked down at their loved ones, pounding on the windows and blowing kisses as they speeded out of this crumbling capital city.

On board the bus, web developer Tony Alonzo had sold his childhood guitar to help pay for his ticket to Chile. For months he had been going to bed hungry so that his 5-year-old brother could have something for dinner. Natacha Rodriguez, a machine operator, had been robbed at gunpoint three times in the past year. She was headed for Chile, too, hoping to give her baseball-loving son a better life. Roger Chirinos was leaving his wife and two young children behind to search for work in Ecuador. His outdoor advertising company had come to a bitter end: Protesters tore down his billboards to use as barricades during violent rallies against authoritarian President Nicolas Maduro.

Their bus tells the story of a once-wealthy nation in stomach-dropping free fall, as hundreds of people flee daily from a land where fear and want are the new normal.

By the time dawn rises over Caracas, hungry people are already picking through garbage while kids beg in front of bakeries. Come dusk, many Venezuelans shut themselves inside their homes to avoid muggings and kidnappings. In a country with the world’s largest proven crude reserves, some families now cook with firewood because they cannot find propane. Hospitals lack supplies as basic as disinfectant. Food is so scarce and pricey that the average Venezuelan lost 24 pounds last year.

“I feel Venezuela has succumbed to an irreversible evil,” Chirinos said.

Many blame the country’s precipitous decline on the government of Maduro, who has tightened his grip on power, holding fast to statist policies that have throttled the economy. His government says it is facing a U.S.-led conspiracy to sabotage leftism in Latin America by hoarding goods and stoking inflation.

Poorer by the day, hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans have concluded that escape is their only option. With the country’s currency virtually worthless and air travel beyond the reach of all but elites, buses have become Venezuela’s caravans of misery, rolling day and night to its borders and returning largely empty to begin the process all over again.

The 37 Venezuelans leaving on this day had hocked everything – motorbikes, TVs, even wedding rings – to pay for their escape. Most had never been outside the country before.

For nine days, a reporter and a photographer from Reuters accompanied the migrants as they headed for what they hoped were better days in Ecuador, Peru, Chile and Argentina. For nearly 5,000 miles, they rolled through some of South America’s most spectacular landscapes, including the vertiginous Andean mountain range and the world’s driest desert in Chile. But even though the Venezuelans were awed by the views whizzing by their window, their minds were mostly on the land they had left behind – and the uncertainty facing them in the lands ahead.

FROM CARACAS TO CONCON

A heavy silence fell over the bus after it pulled out of the Rutas de America terminal. Passengers glumly texted family members or stared out the window as the packed vehicle rolled by mango trees, shuttered factories and crumbling murals of the late President Hugo Chavez.

Natacha Rodriguez, the machine operator, had been running on adrenaline in the mad rush to pack, sell her television and washing machine, and endure long lines to get her documents in order. Now, on this day in November, she was near exhaustion as she tried to get comfortable in her seat.

The 29-year-old single mom was traveling with her 12-year-old son, David, her sister Alejandra and a family friend, Adrian Naveda, to what she dreamed would be a quiet life. The group was bound for Concon, Chile, a beach resort where Venezuelan expat friends assured them there was plenty of work.

Rodriguez said she had hoped Venezuela’s youth could bring about change. Like millions of her countrymen, she took to the streets to protest the unpopular Maduro last year, only to despair when he responded by consolidating his authority.

Fear added to Rodriguez’s hopelessness: Her story of three robberies at gunpoint is a familiar one in a country awash with drugs and gangs. And with inflation fast outrunning her paycheck, the already petite woman had lost 13 pounds as she cut fruit and soft drinks from her diet so that David would not go hungry. She knew she had to act.

“In Venezuela you go to sleep thinking about what you’re going to eat the next day,” Rodriguez said. “I never wanted to leave, but the situation is forcing me to.”

She had never left the country, and the enormity of what she was attempting was sinking in. In the days ahead she would visit four new countries, cross the equator and see the Pacific Ocean for the first time. But she couldn’t stop thinking of how far she had traveled from the home she still loved.

‘FIGHTING AGAINST THE TIDE’

Venezuelans elected Chavez, the late leftist firebrand, in 1998 with a mandate to fight inequality. A charismatic former lieutenant colonel, Chavez transformed the country during his 14-year rule, pouring oil revenue into wildly popular welfare programs. But he also nationalized large swaths of the economy and implemented strict currency controls, state meddling that economists say is the root of the current crisis.

Once a magnet for European and Middle Eastern immigrants during its 1970s oil boom, Venezuela now exports its people along with petroleum.

Spooked by Chavez, a first wave of engineers, doctors and other professionals began fleeing for the United States, Canada and Europe in the early 2000s. Most arrived to warm welcomes in their adopted homes, many with their savings intact.

Now, financially ravaged Venezuelans with fewer skills are pouring across South America in a frantic search for work in restaurants, stores, call centers and construction sites. Some travel only as far as their savings will stretch: A one-way bus ticket to neighboring Colombia from Caracas costs the U.S. equivalent of around $15; the fare for a trip to Chile or Argentina can run as high as $350, a small fortune for many. The plunging currency and rocketing inflation make financing the voyage more expensive with each passing day.

Sociologist Tomas Paez, an immigration specialist at the Central University of Venezuela, estimates that almost 3 million people have fled Venezuela over the past two decades. He believes nearly half of them have left in the last two years alone, in one of the largest mass migrations the continent has ever seen. The socialist government does not release emigration statistics, but Maduro says his enemies have exaggerated the extent of the exodus.

Neighboring Colombia has taken in the bulk of migrants in Latin America, although Argentina, Chile and Peru are also seeing a big influx.

In contrast to refugees fleeing Syria, Myanmar and North Africa who have met with violence and resistance, Venezuelans are moving easily across land borders on tourist visas. But tensions are increasing as their numbers strain the resources of South America’s developing countries, which have their own problems with poverty and crime.

Carmen Larrea has a front-row seat to the migration. She is the owner of Rutas de America, a small Caracas-based bus company founded nearly 50 years ago to ferry Peruvians and Ecuadoreans to Venezuela in search of work.

At 75, she has lived long enough to see the world turned upside down. She now survives on Venezuelans heading in the other direction. Her customers included the 37 migrants whom Reuters followed.

Larrea’s terminal sees dozens queue up daily to purchase tickets. Many must return repeatedly to pay in installments. Daily withdrawal limits on debit cards no longer keep up with inflation-fueled prices. Card readers frequently crash.

Requests for tickets abroad had roughly doubled in the last six months, Larrea said. Around 800 Venezuelans leave the country every month on her company’s handful of Caracas-based buses alone.

But skyrocketing prices for spare parts and the plunging bolivar have hammered her profits, Larrea said. And while Rutas de America buses leave Caracas jam-packed, they often return empty, further denting business.

“We’re fighting against the tide,” she said.

‘HERE NO ONE SPEAKS ILL OF CHAVEZ’

By daybreak, the bus had arrived in the garbage-strewn Venezuelan town of San Antonio del Tachira, near the Colombian border. The teeming frontier is a lifeline for desperate Venezuelans. They cross daily to sell goods like liquor, , even their own hair, often making more money in a day in Colombia than in a month back home.

Maduro has increased security at the border in an attempt to crack down on contraband. The bus riders were forced to disembark and pass through half a dozen checkpoints on foot, struggling to haul their suitcases, backpacks, blankets, food and water jugs under the searing sun. Trudging to the narrow Simon Bolivar International Bridge that links Venezuela to Colombia, they walked under a big government sign that read: “Here no one speaks ill of Chavez.”

The gauntlet took five hours, in part because the Venezuelan migration office’s computers crashed. The travelers’ apprehensions grew as Venezuelan soldiers, known for shaking down border crossers, searched their bags repeatedly.

Passenger Chirinos, the ad man, was carrying $200 in U.S. currency, a precious hedge against inflation. A National Guard soldier demanded half of it to let him through with an old Playstation video game console deemed contraband. Chirinos handed over a $20 bill to end the standoff.

“Our own people rob us,” Chirinos said later, recounting the humiliation.

The Armed Forces did not respond to a request for comment.

Just a few years ago, the 34-year-old Chirinos was solidly middle class. He boxed at a gym and splurged on vacations, including a 2014 trip to Rio de Janeiro with his wife.

But as the crisis worsened, even small indulgences like movie tickets spiraled out of reach. Chirinos cut down on his own food intake to ensure his two children had enough to eat. He began to pray daily that his kids would never fall ill; there was no medicine to treat them.

The coup de grace came during anti-government protests last year when the demonstrators outside the capital knocked down his company’s billboards to shield themselves from National Guard soldiers. The enterprise his parents had founded in the 1970s was all but lost.

Several passengers around him wept as they listened to his story. Chirinos, an athletic man with a shaved head and goatee, remained stony-faced.

“I don’t have time for resentment,” he said. “What I feel is deep sadness.”

‘I HAVE TO BE STRONG AND CONTINUE’

Once over the border in the buzzing Colombian town of Cucuta, Jehovah’s Witnesses, vendors and hustlers of all stripes descended on the overwhelmed migrants. The streets of Cucuta were already full of poor Venezuelans, some sleeping in parks and washing their clothes in creeks because they had no money to travel farther.

The bus passengers immediately bought Colombian pesos in crowded exchange houses where wads of near-worthless Venezuelan bills flew out of money-counting machines. The bolivar has lost a mind-boggling 98 percent against the U.S. dollar in the last year, meaning $100 worth of local currency a year ago is worth just $2 now.

Pesos in hand, the migrants boarded a new Rutas de America bus waiting for them in Cucuta. The vehicle climbed upward into the foggy Colombian mountains. Out the window, farmers in traditional Andean ponchos tended their herds.

Crossing the city of Bucaramanga, Naveda, the family friend who was traveling with Rodriguez and her son, learned by text that his great-grandmother had died. The 23-year-old felt an urge to turn back. But he knew the rest of his family was depending on him to send money home once he reached Chile and found employment.

“I have to be strong and continue,” Naveda said.

Even though entering other parts of Latin America on temporary tourist visas is easy for Venezuelans, some are struggling to secure jobs and work permits. Those who strike out often get back on the road to try their luck in another country. In the United States, for example, Venezuelans now lead monthly applications for affirmative asylum.

Others are forced to return to Venezuela, broke and distraught. Maduro has warned Venezuelans that life in “capitalist” societies is tough.

“In six months you’ll be back in Venezuela,” the president said in a recent televised address.

Meanwhile, his government is benefiting from migrant remittances that are helping to prop up Venezuela’s economy and keep a lid on unrest in the nation of about 30 million. The government does not release remittance figures. But the Inter-American Dialogue think tank estimated that some $2 billion flowed into Venezuela last year from citizens working abroad.

Other Latin Americans have been largely sympathetic to Venezuelans’ troubles. Chileans, for instance, note that Venezuela sheltered thousands of their exiled countrymen during Gen. Augusto Pinochet’s right-wing dictatorship in the 1970s.

But the influx is stoking tensions with some South American workers who view Venezuelans as rivals. News broadcasts increasingly feature stories about Venezuelans committing crimes. In Brazil, Venezuelans are already living in shelters just over the border in Boa Vista. In Colombia, the government says it has treated more than 24,000 Venezuelans for medical emergencies, and authorities in January evicted more than 200 homeless Venezuelans from an athletic field in Cucuta. In a possible sign of further crackdowns ahead, Brazil and Colombia tightened their borders in February as they grapple with the influx.

Despite the hardships of starting over, almost all Venezuelans on the bus journey said they planned to help relatives leave – or “get them out,” as most now say.

‘IT’S A NEW WORLD!’

The bus plowed on, stopping in Colombia’s western Cauca province on the third day to let the Venezuelans shower and eat. The week before, hundreds of Venezuelans had been stranded there for several days after indigenous Colombian protesters blocked the highway to demand better living conditions from the government.

Milena Ramos, who works in a store at the roadside stop there, recalled the helplessness of the marooned Venezuelans.

“Some slept on the bus, others on the floor. People from the area brought them food and water. They were in a bad state,” Ramos said. She estimated that up to eight buses full of Venezuelans pull up every day.

Just before 2 a.m. on the fourth day of the journey, the bus arrived at the frigid Colombian border town of Ipiales, near the Ecuadorean border, 9,508 feet high in the Andes. The shivering Venezuelans, almost none of whom had warm coats, lined up in the dark to get their passports stamped. Several more buses pulled up, unloading more of their countrymen.

As they crossed into Ecuador, the Venezuelans told border agents they were tourists; the bored-looking officials stamped their documents and waved them through. Any who are rejected just wait to cross during the next shift, handlers and food sellers there told Reuters.

As the bus kept heading southward, the Venezuelans expressed amazement at the views from their windows: Plump cows. Functioning traffic lights. Fully stocked store shelves. Thriving corn and coffee fields. People nonchalantly wearing gold jewelry on the streets.

“It’s a new world!” exclaimed 7-year-old Josmer Rivas. Back home, the boy sometimes missed school because his family couldn’t afford a few U.S. cents’ worth of transport costs. In the Ecuadorean capital, Quito, Josmer was so excited to find soap in a bathroom that he insisted on dishing it out to everyone.

Still, the mood on the bus was often heavy, especially among parents who took advantage of stops to call children left behind. Billboard company owner Chirinos, who disembarked in Ecuador and headed straight to the home of some Venezuelan friends who were putting him up, felt lost without his kids. Some migrants had swollen ankles or painful backs after several days on the road. Others were sick of munching their stashes of white bread and other cheap staples.

For Rodriguez, the single mom, warm food at the rest stops was a luxury she splurged on only for her son, David. He was excited about the trip at first, thinking it was a sort of vacation. But as the voyage dragged on, he became tired and threw up one night on a winding mountain road in Colombia. He wondered why they hadn’t taken a plane.

Although many Venezuelan parents entrust their children to relatives and send for them once they have a toehold abroad, Rodriguez said she couldn’t risk it.

“What if they limit emigration or entry to other countries, or everything becomes more expensive and I can’t get him out?” she said. “I wasn’t going to be at peace with myself if I went and left him.”

When in the early evening the bus pulled into Guayaquil, the last stop on the Rutas de America line, little Josmer Rivas flew into the arms of his overjoyed father, who had emigrated to Ecuador four months earlier.

Rodriguez’s foursome and a few others boarded a midnight bus to continue their journey south to Chile, some carrying tuna and crackers given to them by those who had disembarked. Again, the buses were mostly filled with Venezuelans – easily recognizable by their bulky bags and jugs of water – although they were now rubbing shoulders with grungy Western backpackers.

The voyage across Peru was uneventful, punctuated by views of the Pacific Ocean and Hollywood action films on video screens hanging from the bus ceiling. But potential trouble loomed at the crossing into Chile, one of Latin America’s most stable and prosperous nations. Police grilled the Venezuelans sharply.

“How much money do you have?” one officer asked Rodriguez. “Do you know Chile is an expensive country? Do you know there are Venezuelans sleeping under bridges here? Are you and your child going to sleep under a bridge?”

Rodriguez, unflustered, responded that she had a place to stay and enough money to get by.

She and the rest of the group eventually were admitted into Chile. Beaming, they hugged quickly before yet another bus journey, to Santiago – nearly 1,300 miles to the south.

Alonzo, the Chile-bound web developer, was not so lucky. He had tarried a few days in Peru to spend time with a cousin. Arriving at the same border crossing just a few days after Rodriguez, he was refused entry by Chilean police.

STARTING OVER

It was just the latest in a series of setbacks for Alonzo, who had been trying to leave Venezuela for two years. His trip had been thwarted twice after he was forced to use savings for medical bills, first for a lung problem and another time to fix an infected molar.

When the 26-year-old web developer finally left Venezuela, he had just $230 in his pocket, scraped together from loans from friends as well as a fire sale of his dearest possessions.

“I sold the guitar I had since I was 16. I sold my computer. I sold my bed,” Alonzo said.

He had hoped his programing skills would be snapped up in Chile, a budding technology hub. But after he was turned back at the border, Alonzo had little choice but return to his cousin’s apartment in the Peruvian capital, Lima.

Chirinos and Rodriguez have fared better, both quickly obtaining work and legal papers.

Chirinos has rented an apartment in Quito and is working six days a week at a graphic design and advertising company. He spends what little free time he has with old friends from Venezuela.

A family man to the bone, Chirinos says he feels incomplete without his wife, 9-year-old son and baby daughter and wants to bring them over as soon as possible.

“I’m terrified about what’s happening in Venezuela, and I don’t want my children to grow up in such a heavy and negative environment,” said Chirinos, whose family is surviving off the money he sends.

Down in Chile, Rodriguez waits tables at a busy seafront restaurant popular with tourists. She initially slept on the floor in a crowded two-bedroom apartment packed with Venezuelans. Now she sleeps in a room with David because her sister and friend Naveda moved to their own place, freeing up space in the apartment.

Rodriguez relishes simple pleasures: walking alone to a nighttime party; finding soap at pharmacies. She was especially thrilled to buy her son a bicycle for Christmas.

David loves his new home. He quickly made friends – all Chileans – and has ditched baseball, a major sport in Venezuela, in favor of pick-up soccer at a field near his home. Photos sent from Rodriguez’s cell phone show the boy grinning astride his black mountain bike in one shot, tucking into a hamburger at McDonald’s in another.

Rodriguez herself, meanwhile, gets frequent news about Venezuela from her mother and siblings. Hungry mobs have been looting stores as shortages and inflation worsen. Maduro has just announced he is running for re-election in May. With the opposition’s two main leaders barred from holding office, the unpopular president looks likely to clinch a six-year term.

In Chile, Rodriguez has found the tranquility she longed for. Still, she cannot let go of Venezuela.

“Every day I ask myself – how long will it be until I can return?”

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Special report: A journey on a caravan of misery

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Special report: A journey on a caravan of misery