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nesiacha · 5 months ago

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In defense for Collot d'Herbois

Collot d'Herbois (1749-1796)

Warning: I do not like Collot d’Herbois at all. In fact, I find the executions in Lyon, especially by cannon, unacceptable—nothing justifies that plus . some sentences do not reflect my true opinions. However, my goal is to defend him as a lawyer would, within the context of the French Revolution. Therefore, it is normal for me to refer to Louis XVI as a tyrant or something else. You can also choose to play the role of jurors or simply state whether you acquit him or not, as you wish. Special dedication to @lanterne, whose intervention convinced me to take up his defense.

In Defense of Collot d’Herbois

Citizens, I have been mandated by the revolutionary tribunal to posthumously defend citizen Collot d’Herbois, accused of all the ills of the revolution and of opportunism. I am therefore very honored to take on this case. This revolutionary, who devoted the best of his efforts to the service of the revolution, has too often been cast in a negative light, which it is now time to dispel.

I will start with the least of the accusations against him, namely that he lacks culture and writes failed plays. One might object that this is of no importance, but I must dismantle every aspect of the bad reputation of this genuine revolutionary, whether in minor or major history. To better portray him as a fanatic atheist, it is said that he attended an Oratorian college, which is false. His plays reflect a great deal of culture.

He had to endure harsh trials since actors were socially looked down upon. The years 1767-1770 mark the beginnings of his career, during which he primarily played secondary roles like many of his peers at the start of their careers, to better learn the craft. He was a good actor, as attested by de Corsenville in the Journal de Paris and by a Mademoiselle Saint Val in 1784. He began creating his own works in 1772, starting with Lucie, ou les Parents imprudents, which critiqued social mores and arranged marriages, and where lovers triumph in the end. This play was contested by less liberal aristocrats. However, despite some criticisms, it also received high praise, such as in the summer of 1772 in L’Année littéraire, which published a laudatory article. This play was performed throughout France and even abroad. He was accused of plagiarism, but like many authors of his time, such accusations are not very credible, especially since he did everything to prove otherwise. While he showed certain limitations as a theater troupe director, he had some successes in Lyon, demonstrating his zeal and honesty, as some critiques noted.

It is true that Collot d’Herbois wrote plays praising the royal family, but at that time, like many French people, he was a royalist while still wanting systemic change. Therefore, we are far from the black legend of a failed playwright or a sycophant of the royal system. His plays played a role in the ideals of our glorious revolution. There is a certain tradition that depicts Collot d’Herbois as having entered politics in August 1789, but there is no documentation to corroborate or refute this information, although this does not diminish his revolutionary merit, which will be demonstrated again.

Although he remained a fervent royalist like many French citizens during this period, his first play, Le Paysan Magistrat, was not a success. Far from attributing this to Collot d’Herbois’s alleged mediocrity, we must see a political reason, as historian Michel Biard notes: "In this period of turmoil, of broken trust between the Nation and part of its army, it seemed unwise to stage a play where soldiers are about to massacre an entire village." Let us not forget that this play was intended to be understood as an allusion to the events of 1789, where the Court is severely criticized.

It is in this spirit that citizen Collot d’Herbois presented La Journée de Louis XII, where the King is depicted as Collot d’Herbois saw him in 1790—a man loved and loving the French, with only his entourage being pernicious.

Contrary to what has been claimed to discredit him, there is little evidence that he was a member of the Society in 1789, an attempt to portray him as an opportunist or to suggest that he was "easily" able to shift from moderation to becoming one of the worst revolutionaries capable of the worst revolutionary excesses—a term often used by counter-revolutionaries to better obscure the reasons for the revolution, especially by royalists after August 10, 1792.

On the other hand, it is true that he quickly joined the Society of Friends of the Constitution, known as the Jacobin Club. In praising Bonnecarrère, a Jacobin who became a plenipotentiary minister, here is one of his speeches that shows a new political entry into law, reported verbatim by the True Father Duchesne: "the honor of the sacred bugger of the tribune [...] has been clouded by the anger of two famous men [...] Collot d'Herbois, who is a secretary who knows how to write, (...), like no one else, has crafted in the minutes a fine pitiful turn of phrase to depict Buonne Carrère's tears that had made everyone feel pity. Here comes Danton, who has the heart of a lion, (...), and who wouldn't cry, (...), even if he saw all the Cordeliers on patrol, he put his voice from the days of great parades around his neck and spewed without hiccup that one must, fuck, have the heart gangrened by the slavery of the old regime to praise a character who only had the figure of a man like him. That damned d'Herbois, who, though a Jacobin, has(...) head that takes like a rifle's primer, has gone up to the tribune, like a kite that the wind fucks to the five hundred devils, and has delivered a blow to Danton's carogan, making him a dragon's helmet mane. The other responded with a five-leafed wallop,(...), that one wouldn't need, (...), a bunch of such blows to make an elephant die of cheek indigestion."

He defends the oppressed soldiers, especially during the session of June 6, 1791, when a military regiment from Burgundy was sentenced to death by a Council of War. Collot d'Herbois attacked the officers and war ministers, demanding clemency for the condemned. In the spring of 1791, he made several reports on the Nancy Garrison affair, suppressed by the infamous Marquis de Bouillé, cousin of the counter-revolutionary and deserter La Fayette. The main crime of these soldiers, as all citizens know, was daring to demand accountability for the regiment's finances, while he did worse and enabled the tyrant's first high treason attempt by helping him try to escape on June 20 and 21, 1791, thanks to good patriots like citizen Jean-Baptiste Drouet. Here is what Collot said in his report in July 1791: "It is more necessary than ever to give soldiers a brilliant proof of justice and protection. They have too often been the victims of their leaders' hatred." Such splendid words demonstrate a great and sincere aptitude for defending the oppressed. And I dare say, this masterpiece of ideals was the Almanach of Father Gérard, a great success among the Jacobins (this piece aimed to be on par with what the New Constitution represented). Collot's play was victorious among 42 works, showcasing his talent.

If Collot still praises the constitutional monarchy, a forgivable weakness that misled many good citizens at the time, this play criticizes the excessive power of the executive of the King, particularly the veto (a prediction that proved true), highlights universal suffrage, and consequently combats the censitaire. The Constitution must align with Rousseau's ideas, oppose ambitious military notions of going beyond borders with words like "warrior virtue does not hold everything; for then the military spirit would become dangerous. There are virtues whose practice is sweeter and no less necessary for the happiness of life and the tranquility of citizens" and criticizes slavery. Following the success of this play, Collot d'Herbois tried to get elected on December 5, 1791, as the deputy prosecutor of the Commune, but he failed, and Danton won. However, this did not stop him from continuing his fight for the oppressed soldiers of Châteauvieux, and the Swiss soldiers were released, which Collot announced on January 1, 1792, a triumph for all except the conservatives. Thus, his political beginnings are marked by some failures but also by his talent and sincerity in serving the Revolution.

Collot d'Herbois will show his lucidity again by opposing Brissot, Roland, and other colleagues' irresponsible war project in 1792 with the known results. He is denounced for this along with colleagues like Marat, Robespierre, Camille Desmoulins, etc., by the Chronicle of Paris. As historian Michel Biard said, "Collot d'Herbois remains relatively discreet on the theme of war before the key date of April 20, having already proclaimed that the priority for patriots was to fight the internal enemy, not foreign powers."

He represents the Library section with Marie-Joseph Chénier, Destournelles, and Baudrais. On July 23, 1792, Collot was part of the committee drafting the address of the Parisians with Tallien and Audouin. This was both a new attack against La Fayette and this time against the tyrant. This will further radicalize during Brunswick's manifesto on July 28. Citizen Collot d'Herbois becomes one of the most politically prominent men. On August 6, he even presides over the assembly of Parisian section commissioners. At the fall of the tyrant, the Parisian people finally recognized his merits. He was elected Parisian deputy to the Convention. Although the decision is collective, he had the honor of calling for the abolition of the monarchy, an obsolete system of tyrants. It was the tyrant's behavior towards the Constitution, his betrayal, and La Fayette's machinations that pushed Collot d'Herbois towards republican virtues, like many other Jacobins, with the Cordeliers having demanded the end of the monarchy since the King's attempted escape. His record is that of a man proposing all measures to alleviate the people's suffering: targeting speculators, advocating for taxes. Far from being an atheist, he believed in a Divine Being, attacking above all fanaticism and the clergy's vices. After all, his plays feature some good, though rare, priests, mostly bad ones. This is also reflected in his political career. It is not religion that citizen Collot d'Herbois targeted but rather those who refused to take an oath to the Convention. When some sworn priests sided with the Girondists during the civil war, he hardened further but never acted as a fervent de-Christianizer. During this period of external and internal war against our glorious revolution, from March to May 1793, he was involved in recruitment to fight counter-revolutionaries in Nièvre and Loiret. In Oise, he was responsible for overseeing supplies and implementing Convention decrees. The problem for mission representatives was sensitivity to local realities, and at times they were left in the dark about Convention orders.

Contrary to what many authors like Hillary Mantel in "A Place of Greater Safety," even nuanced ones like historians Albert Soboul and François Furet have said, Collot d'Herbois did not join the Committee of Public Safety (CPS) to counter Hébertists but because of his importance to the Jacobins and his faithful execution of CPS and Convention decisions, not to mention his effectiveness. Unlike the overly glorified Danton, Collot d'Herbois did not seek to escape his responsibilities, which is why he accepted to sit on the CPS when Danton refused, at a time when our revolution and country were more than ever in danger.

Collot demonstrated a central legislative sense and fought with all factions to unify the CPS. He was an effective office worker who devoted all his efforts to ensuring the Revolution triumphed in this war he did not want, along with other colleagues. Here's what Palmer, who holds him in deep contempt, said about him: "Once in government, these two firebrands (Billaud-Varennes and Collot d'Herbois), who had both failed in their personal affairs before the Revolution, showed themselves surprisingly capable of diligent and regular work. They quickly proved very useful [...] They worked tirelessly [...] even on Sundays, at any hour, more punctual and diligent than any of their colleagues except Carnot and Barère." It is important to note that the hours were infernal, yet he fulfilled his part without ever failing. Thus, we are far from the cliché of the ineffective and mediocre revolutionary.

Nevertheless, most of the black legend surrounding Collot d'Herbois comes from Lyon, renamed Ville-Affranchie. However, let's not forget what happened in Lyon. Our valiant and regretted revolutionary Joseph Chalier, martyr of the Mountain, arrested on May 30, 1793, by the Lyonnais, was killed in atrocious conditions, and the city sent back the Convention's envoys, declaring itself autonomous. The repression attributed to Collot and the Convention rarely mentions what happened on May 30 and July 16, 1793, conveniently forgetting that under the tyrants, it would have been ten times worse. Though having retaken the city, Couthon did not want to follow other Convention orders to better ensure justice and retaliation for this federalist revolt. Collot was sent in his place, likely due to his successful missions in Nièvre, Loiret, and Oise, and his prior knowledge of Lyon.

One of the objectives is to ensure the conversion of the people of Lyon to republicanism and to ensure that they never again reproduce the events with Chalier and the federalist revolt. Firstly, if one must reproach Collot d’Herbois, it should be towards the Convention that voted and the CPS. Just look at Barère's written order concerning the destruction of the city of Lyon: "The city of Lyon will be destroyed: everything inhabited by the rich will be destroyed. Only the house of the poor, the homes of slaughtered and exiled patriots, buildings specifically used for industry, and monuments dedicated to humanity and education will remain." Moreover, here is an anecdote reported by Michel Biard that challenges the argument of Collot d'Herbois's insensitivity. He issued a decree stopping the demolition because the people of Lyon chose women and children to carry out the work. Collot d'Herbois issued a decree establishing a list of workers with a maximum of one-fifth women and no children. From the outset, we notice the reluctance and tricks of the Lyonnais to avoid obeying the Convention’s envoys. Furthermore, their attitudes when they saw the executions were such that Collot d'Herbois recounted: "The military commission has too often employed judging those against whom it found no evidence, and it has released them, moments which should have been a terrible judgment pronounced against the guilty. It has executed several by firing squad. The tribunal is firmer, but its progress is slow; it had achieved little... Even the executions do not have the expected effect. The prolongation of the siege and the daily dangers faced by everyone have inspired a kind of indifference to life, if not outright contempt for death. Yesterday a spectator, returning from an execution, said: it is not too harsh. What could I do to be guillotined? Insult the representatives." That is why he advocated greater severity after weeks, using cannon executions which admittedly led to horrible suffering. This measure provoked panic among the people of Lyon, leading to a massive petition by ten thousand women and another petition near the departmental directorate, although dispersed. The black legend says that Collot d'Herbois was present at the executions, but there is no proof that he was at Brotteaux, not even from Abbé Guillon de Montléon.

Of course, I do not deny that what happened was atrocious, that justice was swift even before Collot d'Herbois and other representatives used the cannon for execution, and that consequently, a good number of innocent Lyonnais died. But I have already mentioned the reluctance of the Lyonnais to obey the Convention’s envoys and what this city was guilty of previously, not to mention the context that the Convention could not afford the luxury of Lyon rising again as soon as the representatives let down their guard, explaining, without excusing, Collot d’Herbois’s attitude which was in no way disapproved by the CPS; otherwise, there would be traces of their disagreements. Furthermore, let us not forget, as I mentioned earlier, that at times the local authorities and therefore the mission envoys were sometimes left in the dark about the mission orders. Besides, Jacobins and Convention members applauded what Collot d'Herbois said about the cannon executions he ratified: "They spread the word that they did not die at the first shot... Well! Jacobins, did Chalier die at the first shot? If the aristocrats had triumphed, do you think the Jacobins would have perished at the first shot? Who are those who have tears to spare for the corpses of the enemies of liberty, when the heart of the nation is torn? A drop of blood shed from the generous veins of a patriot falls back on my heart, but I have no pity for conspirators."

Moreover, although there were de-Christianization celebrations in honor of the martyr Chalier, there was no specific decree against clergy members. Those who were executed were designated as refractory priests. As for the confiscated religious objects to be melted down, it was in the context of requisition. Moreover, he took the trouble in Commune-Affranchie to issue texts to eliminate begging and ease the suffering of the most needy.

Some have claimed that Collot d'Herbois was primarily a Hébertist who would prioritize this group over the CPS. This is false. If he tried for a reconciliation that failed between the Hébertists and him, it is because Ronsin and he were targeted by the same adversaries, and there is no evidence of a privileged link between Hébert and Collot d'Herbois. When this reconciliation failed, he was among those who signed the arrest of the Hébertists and later the Indulgents. Certainly, there were parodies of justice that he accepted, but the CPS was in a position where it needed to be preserved for the revolution to triumph in light of the ongoing war.

Regarding Thermidor, it is important to note that after the assassination attempt on him by Admirat, he somewhat disappeared from the political scene for three weeks until the 8th of Thermidor. It is hard to say he premeditated Robespierre’s execution. The attempt to reconcile the members of the CPS and the CSG seemed to fail on the 8th of Thermidor, for which Robespierre also bears responsibility when he said and read what seemed to be his political testament. Billaud and Varennes and Collot d'Herbois, attacked at the Jacobin club, had every reason to believe they were in danger as well as their expulsion with cries of "To the guillotine." They had every reason to believe their lives were in danger, not to mention the fatigue he was suffering after giving so much to the revolution was immense.

Yet after Thermidor, the worst was yet to come for him. He would become a scapegoat along with Billaud Varennes, Vadier, and Barère. Despite Carnot and Prieur showing solidarity with them, it worsened. They had to leave political life and be placed under residence. On the 12th of Germinal, exhausted sans-culotte militants of the new incompetent government demanded bread and the Constitution of 1793. There would be repression, and the fate of Billaud Varennes and Collot d'Herbois was sealed. After reflection, instead of the guillotine, they were condemned to the "dry guillotine." Barère likely escaped, helped as a political weathercock. This time Carnot, Lindet, and Prieur did not intervene to help them. Billaud Varennes and Collot d'Herbois, legalists, accepted without flinching even though they knew deportation could be worse than death. The conditions were very harsh, and they were sent to Guyana, although gradually some improvements were seen. We see Collot d'Herbois one last time proposing favorable measures for the Black people. He advised Cointet to "distribute to all Black people who wish it virgin lands to turn them into small proprietors. The large number of these micro-farms would produce a quantity of goods far superior to that from large plantations, all while respecting everyone's right to equality. The settlers, through their emissary, believe such reasoning comes from a European imagination totally ignorant of local realities, that since the abolition of slavery the Black people no longer work ('their natural apathy has prevailed'), and that the only solution would be to reestablish the system of slave plantations" (words of Michel Biard in his biography of Collot d'Herbois).

With the arrival of Governor Jeannet, Billaud Varennes and Collot d'Herbois fell gravely ill and were treated at the military hospital in Cayenne where, for the first time, the two Conventionals could meet. The black legend continued to kill this authentic revolutionary Collot d'Herbois. Forgotten were all his positions for universal suffrage, against slavery, to eliminate begging, for the poor, and the fact that he wanted to maintain the unity of the CPS. Only the bloodshed remains to make a sale, forgetting all the ferocity of the royalists and the violence of the counter-revolutionaries. By citing all these facts, I ask you to acquit the charges against this genuine patriot whose memory has been constantly sullied and who give his best for the revolution.

Sources :

Danton, Frédérich Bluche

Michel Biard Collot d’Herbois Légendes noires et révolution

Antoine Resche

#french revolution #frev #collot d'herbois #in defense for

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sieclesetcieux · 1 year ago

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This site compiled their addresses here though Barère's page is missing (here are some of his addresses), Lindet's address is different than the one give here, and though some mail was sent to Couthon where Robespierre lived, I think he had another address too? (Hérault is also just not listed but the site is centered around Thermidor.)

Copy-pasted below for convenience. I added their birthdates and astrological signs (for those who care about that):

Jean-Baptiste Robert Lindet

Age : Né à Bernay (Eure), 48 ans en thermidor. [2 mai 1746 ♉]

Adresse : 68, rue de la Sourdière.

Métier : Avocat

Fonctions : Député de l’Eure, membre du Comité de salut public du 6 avril 1793 au 7 octobre 1794

Antoine Louis Léon de Saint-Just

Age: Né à Décize, 26 ans en Thermidor an II [25 août 1767 ♍]

Adresse: 3, rue Caumartin, 2ème étage (depuis mars 1794), à la même adresse que Thuillier. Il demeurait auparavant à l’hôtel des États-Unis, rue Gaillon.

Fonction(s): Député de l’Aisne à la Convention depuis le 5 septembre 1792, membre du Comité de Salut Public depuis le 10 juin 1793.

Georges-Auguste Couthon

Age : Né à Orcet, 38 ans en thermidor [22 décembre 1755 ♑]

Adresse : 366, rue Saint Honoré

Profession : Avocat

Fonction(s) : Elu député du Puy-de-Dôme à la Convention le 6 septembre 1792. Membre du Comité de salut public du 10 juin 1793 au 9 Thermidor an II.

André Jeanbon, dit JEAN BON SAINT-ANDRÉ

Age : Né à Montauban, 45 ans en thermidor [25 février 1749 ♓]

Adresse : 7 rue Gaillon

Profession : Marin, puis pasteur

Fonction(s) : Elu député du Lot à la Convention le 5 septembre 1792, membre du Comité de salut public depuis le 10 juin 1793. Fréquemment en mission pour superviser les opérations maritimes, il est absent de Paris le 9-Thermidor.

Pierre-Louis Prieur, dit PRIEUR de la MARNE

Age : Né à Sommesous (Marne), 37 ans en thermidor [1er août 1756 ♌]

Surnom : Appelé Prieur de la Marne (pour le différencier de Prieur de la Côte-d’Or)

Adresse : 11, rue Helvetius

Métier : Avocat

Fonction(s) : Député de la Marne à la Convention depuis le 3 septembre 1792, membre du Comité de salut public du 10 juillet 1793 au 13 thermidor an II (31 juillet 1794), puis à nouveau du 15 vendémiaire au 15 pluviôse an III (6 octobre 1794-3 février 1795).

Absent de Paris au moment du 9-Thermidor.

Maximilien Marie Isidore de Robespierre

Age : Né à Arras, 36 ans en thermidor. [6 mai 1758 ♉]

Adresse : 366 rue Saint-Honoré (numérotation actuelle : 398)

Métier : Avocat

Fonction(s) : Député de Paris à la Convention nationale depuis le 5 septembre 1792 ; membre du Comité de salut public depuis le 27 juillet 1793

Claude-Antoine Prieur-Duvernois, dit PRIEUR de la CÔTE-d'OR

Age : Né à Auxonne, 30 ans en thermidor [22 décembre 1763 ♑]

Surnom : Appelé Prieur de la Côte-d’Or (pour le différencier de Prieur de la Marne)

Adresse : 5, rue Caumartin

Profession : Ingénieur militaire

Fonction(s) : Elu député de la Côte-d’Or à la Convention le 5 septembre 1792. Membre du Comité de salut public du 14 août 1793 au 16 vendémiaire an III (7 octobre 1794).

Lazare Nicolas Marguerite Carnot

Age : Né à Nolay, 41 ans en thermidor. [13 mai 1753 ♉]

Adresse : 2 rue Florentin

Métier : Mathématicien, physicien, militaire

Fonction(s) : Elu député du Pas-de-Calais à la Convention nationale le 5 septembre 1792 ; membre du Comité de salut public depuis le 14 août 1793, il le quitte le 7 octobre 1794 mais y siège à nouveau un mois plus tard, jusqu’au 6 mars 1795.

Jacques-Nicolas Billaud, dit BILLAUD-VARENNE

Age : Né à La Rochelle, 38 ans en Thermidor an II [23 avril 1756 ♉]

Adresse : 40 rue Saint-André-des-Arts

Métier : Avocat

Fonction(s) : Député de Paris à la Convention depuis le 7 septembre 1792, membre du Comité de Salut Public depuis le 5 septembre 1793

Jean-Marie Collot, dit COLLOT d'HERBOIS

Age : Né à Paris, 45 ans en Thermidor an II [19 juin 1749 ♊]

Adresse : 4 rue Favart (3ème étage)

Métier : Acteur, directeur de théâtre

Fonction(s) : Elu député de Paris à la Convention le 6 septembre 1792, membre du Comité de Salut Public depuis le 5 septembre 1793.

#the csp #committee of public safety #comité de salut public #antoine saint just #maximilien robespierre #robert lindet #lazare carnot #claude antoine prieur #jacques nicolas billaud varenne #collot d'herbois #georges couthon #andré jeanbon saint andré #pierre louis prieur #prieur duvernois #prieur de la côte d'or #prieur de la marne #jeanbon saint-andré #bertrand barère

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