#bjp pride

[mariacallous]

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated the Ram temple in Ayodhya in the key northern state of Uttar Pradesh in January in hopes it would earn him a massive victory in the national election that concluded in June. That didn’t happen—at least not to the extent that Modi, his Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and their ideological fountainhead Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) expected.

In what has widely been described as a shock result, the BJP won merely 240 seats in the 543-seat parliament, after setting a target of 400 seats. Modi has formed a government but only with support from other parties.

Like any election result, the outcome had multiple causes that will take time to fully sort out. But one thing is already clear: Modi failed in his long-running bid to homogenize India’s Hindus across castes and cultures and consolidate their vote for his political benefit.

In 2014, Modi came to power on the back of religious nationalism and security issues, and he continued that trend in 2019. This year, in the absence of any urgent security threat from regional rival Pakistan and rising concerns over unemployment, inflation, and authoritarianism, Modi banked on the RSS’s homogenization strategy.

The Ram temple was built on a site long disputed with Muslims, where a 16th-century mosque stood until December 1992, when a group of Hindu nationalists razed it to the ground allegedly on the BJP’s provocation. Experts said the BJP had envisaged the temple would instill pride in Hindus, feed their Muslim animosity, and bring them under the Hindu umbrella to choose Modi.

Even though, by and large, the Hindu community seemed to have been pleased with the inauguration of the temple, that didn’t translate into votes for Modi across the Hindu hierarchy. Instead, the results exposed the weaknesses of the homogenization exercise.

Hartosh Singh Bal, an Indian journalist and the executive editor of the Caravan, said there is “diversity in Hinduism” and the election results prove that it can’t be “papered over by directing attention and hatred outwards” toward Muslims. This election proves that “Hindus are not a monolith” and that “various segments of Hinduism have a successful chance of taking on the BJP,” he added in reference to tactical voting by lower castes in Uttar Pradesh against the BJP.

Karthick Ram Manoharan, a political scientist at the National Law School of India University in Bengaluru, said that in Tamil Nadu, a state in southern India with the second-biggest economy in the country, the BJP did not win a single seat out of a total of 39.

“Hindus are the absolute majority in Tamil Nadu, but they still mostly vote for the secular Dravidian parties,” Manoharan said in reference to local parties that have emerged out of social movements opposed to an upper-caste Hindu order that the BJP and RSS have been long accused of nurturing and propagating.

In March, just a month before voting began, I witnessed saffron-colored flags expressing support for Modi’s party jutting out from rooftops and windows in tightly packed homes in western Uttar Pradesh. Some people I spoke to said that BJP workers had decided to adorn the neighborhoods as they pleased, but underneath the flag-waving, a large-scale discontent was brewing over a lack of employment opportunities.

The upper-caste youth seemed confused, if not yet disenchanted, with Modi and in the absence of industry and strong local economies once again mourned the loss of government jobs to affirmative action. (The Indian Constitution reserves almost half of all state jobs for people from lower castes and others who confront a generational disadvantage and historical discrimination.)

Meanwhile, Dalits, who sit at the bottom of India’s Hindu hierarchy, in hamlets nearby who depend on the quota for their dignity and livelihood were quietly recalibrating their options. The mood was starkly different from 2014 and 2019 when I visited some of the Dalit-dominated parliamentary seats in Uttar Pradesh. Back then, Dalits I met were upbeat and decisively pro-Modi. They said they supported him since they believed that he might raise their stature in the Hindu hierarchy.

But 10 years later, they suspected the BJP was plotting to weaken the constitution, the only assurance of rights for marginalized communities in a country where upper-caste Hindus continue to hold social capital and economic power.

Recent comments by BJP leaders that if Modi won 400 seats, he would change the constitution spread anxiety among lower castes that the party intended to scrap the reservation system. The BJP repeatedly denied this, but the suspicion that it is first a party for upper-caste Hindus is deep-rooted among lower castes, and experts believe the comments were part of the BJP’s political strategy.

“They were testing the waters to see what would be the reaction,” said Sushil Kumar Pandey, an assistant professor of history at Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar University in Lucknow and the author of Caste and Politics in Democracy.

“The opposition picked it up and campaigned on it, telling people a change in the constitution could mean losing your livelihood, your jobs,” Pandey added. “That worked at a time [when] people were also scared of privatization” and in government-run sectors.

For Dalits, it was about more than jobs. The Indian Constitution is nearly worshipped by the community and celebrated en masse on the birth anniversary of the Indian intellectual who wrote it. B.R. Ambedkar was no fan of Ram and advocated against the caste discrimination inherent in Hinduism all his life, even converting to Buddhism when he felt there was no escaping caste-based prejudice. While he couldn’t annihilate the caste system, he ensured that the constitution offered lower castes a quota in government jobs to gradually uplift them.

In his honor, and as an ode to the progressive document, Dalits sing songs in praise of the constitution and hail it as the upholder of their dignity in a society where they continue to be belittled. Any change to the text was unacceptable. “Their cultural identity is linked to this book,” said Ravish Kumar, a journalist and the host of a popular YouTube news show.

In the south, too, there was a fear of culturally being subsumed by a Hindi-speaking upper-caste elite. Indian federal units, or states, were defined in the 1950s on the basis of language, and to this day south Indians identify themselves on the basis of the language they speak. The Ram temple had no resonance in the southern states, particularly in electorally significant Tamil Nadu, with the highest number of seats regionally. Tamils were wary that the RSS’s homogenization agenda would drown out their cultural ethos and impose a secondary status on the Tamil language.

Manoharan, the political scientist, said that in Tamil Nadu, it was “not so much religious but fear of cultural homogeneity” and “a language policy which will give importance to Hindi speakers over Tamil speakers and upper-caste Tamils over other backward castes.”

In a state where “88 percent people come from so-called lower castes” and “69 percent have jobs under affirmative action through a special act,” people were also extremely worried that the BJP may “water down” the employment quota promised in the constitution, Manoharan added.

The southern Indian states have a longer history of resistance to upper-caste domination, a higher literacy rate, better economies, and a tradition of secular politics. While the BJP maintained its tally of 29 seats from the last election, it is being seen as a poor result considering the inroads the RSS has made in the south.

For instance, in the southwestern state of Kerala, the RSS has more than 5,000 shakhas, or branches, second in number only to Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state—yet “despite the fact that the RSS has thousands of training grounds in Kerala, they are unable to get influence,” said K.M. Sajad Ibrahim, a professor of political science at University of Kerala. “That’s because while religion is important, communal harmony is more important to people here. BJP tries to create tensions, and that doesn’t work here.”

The BJP managed to gain one seat for the first time in Kerala, but that isn’t being attributed to its ideological success or expansion of homogenization project but to the winning candidate’s personal appeal. Suresh Gopi, the winning candidate, is a popular movie star.

In many states in the Hindi belt and even in the south, the BJP did well. The upper castes and urban voters are standing firmly behind Modi. Kumar, the journalist, said it would be foolhardy to dismiss Modi—and the bigger Hindutva, or Hindu nationalist, forces backing him—just yet. He said Hindutva hasn’t lost and only faced a setback. “The BJP was trying to dominate caste politics with Hindutva,” he said, “but the election result shows that dominance has cracked.” However, he added, “it has only cracked—the ideology still has wide-scale acceptance.”

Everyone else Foreign Policy spoke to concurred but added that Hindus are far too diverse to be homogenized. Manoharan said the results exposed the weakness of the homogenization agenda and its faulty premise. “Hindutva’s aim for homogeneity is confounded precisely by a structural feature of the religion-culture it seeks to defend—caste,” he said.

[shut-up-rabert]

Do u know what POCSO act is? In this case, the police cannot give bail to the accused. The police first arrests the accused and then proceed with the investigation. Why is he not arrested? Why is he roaming freely? Why is he attending various political functions? “It took seven days for the Delhi Police to register an FIR against sexual harasser Brij Bhushan and it didn’t even take seven hours to register an FIR against us for peacefully protesting." -Sakshi Malik, The Olympic and Commonwealth Medalist who is the pride of the nation according to Mr.Modi. Also the wrestlers are demanding a committee that is unbiased not the one that has brij Bhushan's sympathizers. I agree that the protesters broke barricades, but do you think these medalists deserved to be manhandled like that? So according to you anybody who protests against the modi government (shaheen bagh protesters, farmers, congressis) are anti national. Wow what a way to put it?

Hey

Yes, I do know what Pocso act is.

Now tell me, do YOU know what section 41A of CRPC is? How it instructs the officers to act, how they are given discretionary powers in cognizable offences that section 41 defines?

Brij Bushan’s case has provided no evidence, the officers, if they do not have a reasonable doubt, need not arrest.

The case and its investigation could have been delayed because of political reasons, true, but nothing is outside the bounds of legality technically speaking if that's what you are trying to imply.

This rule regarding cognizable offences was enacted in case a serious threat lurks around the victim, but the fact is that such cases have ruined lives aswell. False allegations during Me too is a prime example and hence the existence of this law. No arrest warrant has been issued yet despite the deadlines either.

And like I said, lack of evidence means the case can go either side.

FIR against Brij Bhushan was not filed as quickly, because he was an MP from the ruling party. Is that what you want to hear me admit? Then yes, that is the case, cry me a fucking river and welcome to politics. That's the case for every party, because no one wants their members dragged. Whether he is guilty of the crimes or not, only time will tell, like it did with Modi in Godhra.

The wrestlers are demanding his arrest and resignation as the chief, this was never as much about the comittee boss. The findings are being kept secret and the accusations against them are piling, so it could be that their is some dirty work going on behind the scenes or some sensitive data involved, but neither speculation is enough to form a concrete opinion as of yet – even if former seems stronger than the latter – but an eyebrow raising suspicion, if you really want to.

As of choosing Brij Bhushan Sympathisers, maybe you are right about Mary Kom, she is close to BJP but one of the Commitee members was Babita Phogat, who happens to be Vinesh’s Cousin and a wrestler herself. Make what you will of that.

If you think that he should have been arrested based on the system's somewhat shady behaviour, that is a matter entirely upto you, but the thing is we still do not know whether he assaulted them or not, so you cannot hold me responsible for refusing to chose a side.

Wrestlers should not have been manhandled, that is true, but that was an outcome of breaking the law, not a cause of it. I do not believe it threatens their case as much because it can be just frustration, but law is law, and the last time people forgot the rules while protesting, well, we lost some pretty big bills that would have benifitted the nation.

And lastly, can you not read? I specifically reffered to Shaheen Bagh and Farmer’s protest as anti national. Not because they were “protesting against the governments”, but because they were being incited by organisations that are now banned, had leaders or patrons who are either to be arrested as soon as they enter the Republic of India or booked under UAPA. I did not include the wrestlers here because the barricade thing aside, they have been genuinely lawful in their protests and irrespective of whether the charges are true or not, they handled their complaints well.

[pallabbose-blog]

New Parliament building, the symbol of #NewIndia

Our heart filled with pride as we get our own built Parliament after 75 years of Independence,

My SandArt at Puri beach in Odisha with message #MyParliamentMyPride

- Sudarsan Pattnaik, Sand Artist, Orissa

- #indianparliament #india #narendramodi #parliamentofindia #bjp #politics #indianpolitics #congress #rajyasabha #sansad #parliament #news #delhi #modi #loksabha #sansadbhavan #mumbai #indiahistorypics #bharatdarshan #delhiparliament #bharatdarshandiaries #indianapolis #indianconstitution #modiji #rahulgandhi #politicalmemes #primeminister #bjpindia #indiatourism #indian

[everythingkashmir]

Inclusion, not Exclusion

Jammu is Kashmir

CM Omar Abdullah must take the moral high ground to redefine J&K politics

By Faisul Yaseen

Assuming charge of the National Conference (NC)-Congress coalition government in Jammu and Kashmir following their INDIA alliance’s win in the Jammu and Kashmir assembly polls, Omar Abdullah faces a knotty but critical challenge. The challenge is that of tackling the aspirations of Jammu’s Hindu heartland.

The region, a bastion of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), only elected BJP legislators and faces the prospect of being on the wrong side of the corridors of power. Since the BJP could not get its man to the governing seat, Abdullah had to balance the concerns of this politically important constituency while setting a narrative of inclusivity and equity that avoids the polarising dichotomy oft made at best by the BJP.

He did so by including Satish Sharma, an independent legislator elected from Chhamb assembly constituency of Jammu district, among the five ministers who were administered Oath of Office and Secrecy as part of his cabinet.

The road ahead is tough, but it is here that Abdullah has a chance to chart a different agenda – an agenda that should appeal not only to Jammu’s Hindu heartland but also respect the aspirations of traditionally marginalised regions such as the Chenab Valley and Pir Panjal while also reaching out to the Kashmiri Pandit community.

The Hindu heartland of Jammu for all these years has become synonymous with BJP dominance. The party found fertile ground for its rhetoric of Hindu nationalism in this region, where development and identity-based politics, interwoven with issues of security, resonated deep within the population. However, after electing only BJP legislators, the fear of being sidelined looms large. Abdullah would do well to be cautious here. Let him not alienate the very important constituency but also ensure that he is different from the model of governance that the BJP seeks to preside over. Unlike BJP, which has enormously relied on majoritarianism across India to consolidate its vote bank, Abdullah must take the moral high ground.

He can tap into the Hindu heartland - not with empty words, but with a true expansive intent to win over their economic, social, and political anxieties. This might potentially do a better job in mending fences by rejecting the exclusionary politics which BJP has often used in mobilising its own base.

But that alone will not be enough, and only symbolic at best. Development in the Jammu’s Hindu heartland cannot be set against the needs of other areas, and past grievances should not be drowned by new goodwill gestures. Abdullah’s government can take one step forward toward inclusive economic policies for all regions so that Jammu’s sizable Hindu population feels not forgotten or singled out for special treatment at others’ expense. Perhaps the most injurious narrative that Abdullah needs to work much harder to break is the communal rhetoric routinely trotted out in political speeches in Jammu and Kashmir. A classic example was the plea for a “Hindu chief minister” or a “Dogra chief minister,” one that dominated governance as an identity-based battle.

Such appeals are usually phrased in the rhetoric of “regional pride,” but are intensely exclusionary and based on the politics of division. He should outrightly refuse the communitarian and even racist undertones and instead voice support for governance, which does not make subservience to the supremacy of one community over the other. This moment for him as a Kashmiri gives him the opportunity to be the emblem of the very ethos of the culture of Kashmir – erected on pluralism, tolerance, and the spirit of Kashmiriyat.

Outreach to both Hindus and Dogras would give Abdullah a chance to make an unequivocal statement that governance needs to be about competence, fairness, and development, and not identity. It asks for leadership that not only rejects the poisonous communal politics of “us versus them” but projects a sense of belonging to all communities.

It’s the enormous heart that Kashmiris have, and it can wake up in the form of building trust bridges under Abdullah’s governance, having dialogue with each and every section of society – and conversations around mutual respect and understanding, acknowledgement of the fears of the Hindu heartland but not letting it feed, and standing firm against forces that would seek to divide Jammu and Kashmir on communal lines.

Outreach to Jammu’s Hindu heartland is important, but Abdullah also needs to reach out to the long history of marginalisation of regions like Chenab Valley and Pir Panjal. Both these regions have suffered political and institutional neglect in the past at the cost of both Jammu's Hindu heartland as well as Kashmir valley. More often than not they have been too introverted and given a backstage in the apparatuses of state functioning in Jammu and Kashmir. For decades these regions remained victims of economic deprivation, lack of infrastructural development, and limited political representation. Abdullah’s government needs to ensure that people from these regions are brought out in public and voiced. No doubt, Chenab Valley and Pir Panjal have considerably contributed towards the cultural as well as the economic landscape of the region, their voices, however remain peripheral. Maybe Abdullah’s biggest task would be to make policies that uplift these regions and bring them into the mainstream of Jammu and Kashmir’s developmental framework.

Investments in infrastructure, education, and healthcare in such regions will definitely send the signal of a breakthrough from the past when certain regions were politically sidelined due to religious or ethnic characteristics of the population.

This political hegemony of the Hindu heartland of Jammu needs to be balanced with proper representation and distribution of resources for these relatively neglected areas. It is not only a political necessity but a moral imperative in addressing the expectations of the people from these areas. The government led by Abdullah needs to prove that this government stands for the whole of Jammu and Kashmir, not for the oft-noise-making-only regions.

An outreach to the Kashmiri Pandit community should be an important part of Abdullah’s governance. Displaced from their homeland for decades now, their alienation has only grown with time. Adding to their miseries, the community has gotten assimilated across different cultures and is losing the exclusive identity it was known for.

Unfortunately, this discourse about their coming back has been hijacked by self-proclaimed Kashmiri Pandit activists seeking a communal ecosystem portraying every Kashmiri Muslim as an extremist and the entire community as abetting their displacement. It has only made it tougher for both the parties to get real reconciled.

Abdullah has to move beyond the divisive narratives and reach out to the Kashmiri Pandit community. He must tell them it pains and hurts them but simultaneously dismantle the dangerous rhetoric that tries to demonise an entire community. Abdullah needs to tell the people unequivocally that this is not a matter of a physical resettlement in Kashmir but rebuilding those ties of trust and coexistence that once existed in the Valley. However, this outreach should be genuine. Reconciliation cannot be overnight work, but honest dialogue can initiate the healing process. The creation of arenas for conversation, discovery of real fears and concerns of both Kashmiri Pandits and Muslims, should start the slow yet necessary healings under Abdullah.

It is here that the high ground matters most, not in settling political scores but in goodness, patience, and understanding becoming a recipe for lasting peace. This is an opportunity for Abdullah to be a change agent in the political paradigm of Jammu and Kashmir, at a time when the region has slipped into communal and regional divisions. He can offer an alternative vision of inclusiveness without divisive politics like that of BJP.

Outreach to the Hindu heartland of Jammu, reconciling aspirations of Chenab Valley and Pir Panjal, and outreach to Kashmiri Pandits could set a new style of leadership in the region. The politics of exclusion must yield to the politics of inclusion. The politics of settling scores must cede to the politics of compassion. And the politics of division must yield to the politics of unity. And in all these, Abdullah from his acquaintance with the corridors of power can now change. The question is whether he will rise to the occasion and lead Jammu and Kashmir into a new era of equity, justice, and hope for all its people. After all Jammu is Kashmir’s. Jammu is Kashmir. 

Greater Kashmir

[news365timesindia]

[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 11th November. The Indian National Congress (INC), Bharat’s oldest political party, has long held itself as a champion of secularism, priding itself on representing a vision of inclusive governance across religious, cultural, and ethnic lines. However, recent developments have sparked a wave of criticism, not only from political commentators and opposition parties but even from some allies within its own coalition, the I.N.D.I.A. (Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance). At the center of this controversy is the Congress’s alleged alignment with Islamic groups, including organizations like the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), which some argue compromises Congress’s secular credentials. With notable accusations from CPI(M), an ally in the I.N.D.I.A. alliance, claiming that Congress is fraternizing with Islamist groups for political advantage, this complex issue opens a discussion on the authenticity of Congress’s secular stance, the realities of coalition politics, and the broader implications for Bharatiya democracy. Congress’s Historical Commitment to Secularism Historically, the Congress Party has stood as a bulwark for secularism in Bharat, advocating policies that aim to represent all of Bharat’s diverse communities. Founded on principles of unity and secularism, Congress was instrumental in shaping Bharat’s constitutional framework to protect religious freedoms and ensure that no group, religion, or individual would be marginalized on religious grounds. This commitment to secularism became synonymous with Congress’s political identity, helping the party earn the loyalty of a diverse voter base across communities. Secularism and Minority Outreach in Bharatiya Politics In the context of Bharatiya politics, secularism entails respecting religious pluralism while maintaining a neutral stance in governance. For Congress, this has often meant forming alliances or policies that seek to include Bharat’s significant minority groups, particularly Muslims, who constitute around 15% of the population. Historically, this inclusion has been viewed as a strength and has enabled Congress to build an image of tolerance and unity. However, over the years, critics have argued that Congress’s efforts at minority outreach have transformed into what they term as “minority appeasement,” impacting the perception of secularism within the party. The Role of the I.N.D.I.A. Alliance in Congress’s Secular Image The I.N.D.I.A. alliance, a coalition formed with several opposition parties to counter the ruling BJP, brought together parties with differing ideological bases, including Congress and CPI(M). The coalition’s objective was to create a unified opposition, yet the partnership has been fraught with challenges. Recently, Congress’s ties with Islamist-linked organizations have caused unease within CPI(M), a traditionally secular and left-leaning party that has often criticized communal forces on all fronts. This intra-coalition criticism, notably by Kerala’s Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, reflects growing concerns about Congress’s secular integrity. Controversy Surrounding Congress’s Alleged Links with Jamaat-e-Islami One of the central accusations came when CPI(M) leaders, including Pinarayi Vijayan, alleged that Congress was seeking support from Jamaat-e-Islami, a banned extremist Islamist organization. Vijayan condemned Congress, asserting that they were aligning with the Jamaat-e-Islami-backed Welfare Party of India (WPI) to gain an advantage in the Wayanad by-elections in Kerala. According to Vijayan, Jamaat-e-Islami’s objectives are incompatible with democratic values and prioritizes Islamic governance, raising questions about Congress’s alignment with such an organization. This alleged support, he claims, is inconsistent with Congress’s stated secular values. Jamaat-e-Islami’s History and Global Controversies Founded by Sayyid Abul A’la Maududi, Jamaat-e-Islami has historically advocated for Islamic rule, and its influence has extended beyond Bharat.

Known for its involvement in extremist activities, the organization has gained a controversial reputation, particularly after its role in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War, where it was implicated in war crimes and genocidal acts. It also has known links with terror organizations such as Hamas, with documented financial support to various global extremist causes. Within Bharat, Jamaat-e-Islami’s influence is predominantly felt in Jammu and Kashmir, where it was banned in 2019 for promoting separatism and alleged radicalization activities. Congress and the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML): A Symbiotic Relationship? Apart from Jamaat-e-Islami, Congress’s partnership with the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) has also come under scrutiny. The IUML, an ally in Kerala under Congress’s United Democratic Front (UDF), represents the state’s Muslim population but has often been criticized for its religious focus. This partnership drew attention when Rahul Gandhi defended IUML, stating that it is a “completely secular party,” a statement that sparked controversy due to IUML’s explicit religious identity. Critics argue that Gandhi’s endorsement of IUML as secular is inconsistent with Congress’s own denunciation of religious politics in other contexts, particularly regarding Hindu-nationalist groups. The All India Ulema Board’s Demands on Congress and Secularism Adding fuel to the debate is Congress’s recent engagement with the All India Ulema Board. In a bid to garner support for the upcoming Maharashtra Assembly elections, Congress reportedly agreed to several demands from the Ulema Board, including proposed reservations for Muslims, financial aid to the Maharashtra Waqf Board, and, controversially, legal actions against BJP leaders and a ban on the RSS. These demands, often framed as minority rights, have deepened the perception that Congress’s secularism is more political than principled, as they align closely with one community’s religious interests. Criticism from Within: CPI(M)’s Challenge to Congress’s Secular Credentials The crux of the recent criticism, however, comes from within the I.N.D.I.A. alliance itself. Chief Minister Vijayan’s public denouncement of Congress’s ties with the Jamaat-e-Islami-affiliated Welfare Party exposed ideological rifts within the opposition coalition. By claiming that Congress’s alliances threaten Bharat’s democratic values, CPI(M) has underscored a pressing question: Can Congress claim to be secular while allegedly seeking support from organizations with strong Islamist agendas? Vijayan’s rhetoric highlights an inherent contradiction in Congress’s stance: while the party portrays itself as secular, its alliances often suggest otherwise. For CPI(M), the issue is not just political but ideological; alliances with groups like Jamaat-e-Islami, which they view as fundamentally opposed to democratic principles, endanger the very ideals the left parties claim to protect. Broader Implications for Congress and Bharatiya Democracy These developments cast a spotlight on the complex terrain of secularism in Bharatiya politics, where political survival often dictates alliances over ideology. For Congress, its alliances with parties like IUML and associations with organizations linked to Jamaat-e-Islami are a double-edged sword. On one hand, these partnerships help consolidate minority support in regions like Kerala, where Muslim votes are critical. On the other hand, they risk alienating secularists, including party loyalists and coalition partners like CPI(M), who see these moves as contradictory to Congress’s founding values. The Path Ahead for Congress Congress’s position in Bharatiya politics is undeniably at a crossroads. With the BJP framing itself as a nationalist, Hindu-centric party, Congress’s role as a secular alternative is crucial for preserving Bharat’s pluralistic democracy. However, the party must redefine its approach to secularism by creating a balance that respects minority rights without aligning itself with groups seen as divisive or extremist.

To maintain credibility, Congress should pursue alliances grounded in shared democratic values rather than short-term electoral gains. Engaging with religious organizations for minority outreach is understandable, but openly supporting groups with links to extremism risks undermining the party’s moral authority and estranging its secular voter base. Conclusion: A Critical Juncture for Congress and Bharatiya Secularism The Indian National Congress now faces a moment of introspection. The party must carefully evaluate the risks of aligning with organizations whose ideologies run counter to its foundational secular values. In an era where political survival often overshadows ideological purity, Congress’s challenge is to reclaim its secular mantle in a way that aligns with democratic principles rather than opportunistic alliances. While the road ahead is fraught with difficult choices, a commitment to authentic secularism could help Congress rejuvenate its image and build a stronger, more cohesive opposition. As it navigates these alliances, Congress must decide if it will uphold the secular vision of its founders or continue on a path that risks alienating its core supporters and allies alike. The path Congress chooses will not only shape its political future but also impact the trajectory of Bharatiya secularism in the years to come.   The post Congress’s Secular Façade Cracks: Alliance with Islamist Groups Sparks Debate on Bharat’s Democracy appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[news365times]

[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 11th November. The Indian National Congress (INC), Bharat’s oldest political party, has long held itself as a champion of secularism, priding itself on representing a vision of inclusive governance across religious, cultural, and ethnic lines. However, recent developments have sparked a wave of criticism, not only from political commentators and opposition parties but even from some allies within its own coalition, the I.N.D.I.A. (Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance). At the center of this controversy is the Congress’s alleged alignment with Islamic groups, including organizations like the Jamaat-e-Islami and the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML), which some argue compromises Congress’s secular credentials. With notable accusations from CPI(M), an ally in the I.N.D.I.A. alliance, claiming that Congress is fraternizing with Islamist groups for political advantage, this complex issue opens a discussion on the authenticity of Congress’s secular stance, the realities of coalition politics, and the broader implications for Bharatiya democracy. Congress’s Historical Commitment to Secularism Historically, the Congress Party has stood as a bulwark for secularism in Bharat, advocating policies that aim to represent all of Bharat’s diverse communities. Founded on principles of unity and secularism, Congress was instrumental in shaping Bharat’s constitutional framework to protect religious freedoms and ensure that no group, religion, or individual would be marginalized on religious grounds. This commitment to secularism became synonymous with Congress’s political identity, helping the party earn the loyalty of a diverse voter base across communities. Secularism and Minority Outreach in Bharatiya Politics In the context of Bharatiya politics, secularism entails respecting religious pluralism while maintaining a neutral stance in governance. For Congress, this has often meant forming alliances or policies that seek to include Bharat’s significant minority groups, particularly Muslims, who constitute around 15% of the population. Historically, this inclusion has been viewed as a strength and has enabled Congress to build an image of tolerance and unity. However, over the years, critics have argued that Congress’s efforts at minority outreach have transformed into what they term as “minority appeasement,” impacting the perception of secularism within the party. The Role of the I.N.D.I.A. Alliance in Congress’s Secular Image The I.N.D.I.A. alliance, a coalition formed with several opposition parties to counter the ruling BJP, brought together parties with differing ideological bases, including Congress and CPI(M). The coalition’s objective was to create a unified opposition, yet the partnership has been fraught with challenges. Recently, Congress’s ties with Islamist-linked organizations have caused unease within CPI(M), a traditionally secular and left-leaning party that has often criticized communal forces on all fronts. This intra-coalition criticism, notably by Kerala’s Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, reflects growing concerns about Congress’s secular integrity. Controversy Surrounding Congress’s Alleged Links with Jamaat-e-Islami One of the central accusations came when CPI(M) leaders, including Pinarayi Vijayan, alleged that Congress was seeking support from Jamaat-e-Islami, a banned extremist Islamist organization. Vijayan condemned Congress, asserting that they were aligning with the Jamaat-e-Islami-backed Welfare Party of India (WPI) to gain an advantage in the Wayanad by-elections in Kerala. According to Vijayan, Jamaat-e-Islami’s objectives are incompatible with democratic values and prioritizes Islamic governance, raising questions about Congress’s alignment with such an organization. This alleged support, he claims, is inconsistent with Congress’s stated secular values. Jamaat-e-Islami’s History and Global Controversies Founded by Sayyid Abul A’la Maududi, Jamaat-e-Islami has historically advocated for Islamic rule, and its influence has extended beyond Bharat.

Known for its involvement in extremist activities, the organization has gained a controversial reputation, particularly after its role in the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War, where it was implicated in war crimes and genocidal acts. It also has known links with terror organizations such as Hamas, with documented financial support to various global extremist causes. Within Bharat, Jamaat-e-Islami’s influence is predominantly felt in Jammu and Kashmir, where it was banned in 2019 for promoting separatism and alleged radicalization activities. Congress and the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML): A Symbiotic Relationship? Apart from Jamaat-e-Islami, Congress’s partnership with the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) has also come under scrutiny. The IUML, an ally in Kerala under Congress’s United Democratic Front (UDF), represents the state’s Muslim population but has often been criticized for its religious focus. This partnership drew attention when Rahul Gandhi defended IUML, stating that it is a “completely secular party,” a statement that sparked controversy due to IUML’s explicit religious identity. Critics argue that Gandhi’s endorsement of IUML as secular is inconsistent with Congress’s own denunciation of religious politics in other contexts, particularly regarding Hindu-nationalist groups. The All India Ulema Board’s Demands on Congress and Secularism Adding fuel to the debate is Congress’s recent engagement with the All India Ulema Board. In a bid to garner support for the upcoming Maharashtra Assembly elections, Congress reportedly agreed to several demands from the Ulema Board, including proposed reservations for Muslims, financial aid to the Maharashtra Waqf Board, and, controversially, legal actions against BJP leaders and a ban on the RSS. These demands, often framed as minority rights, have deepened the perception that Congress’s secularism is more political than principled, as they align closely with one community’s religious interests. Criticism from Within: CPI(M)’s Challenge to Congress’s Secular Credentials The crux of the recent criticism, however, comes from within the I.N.D.I.A. alliance itself. Chief Minister Vijayan’s public denouncement of Congress’s ties with the Jamaat-e-Islami-affiliated Welfare Party exposed ideological rifts within the opposition coalition. By claiming that Congress’s alliances threaten Bharat’s democratic values, CPI(M) has underscored a pressing question: Can Congress claim to be secular while allegedly seeking support from organizations with strong Islamist agendas? Vijayan’s rhetoric highlights an inherent contradiction in Congress’s stance: while the party portrays itself as secular, its alliances often suggest otherwise. For CPI(M), the issue is not just political but ideological; alliances with groups like Jamaat-e-Islami, which they view as fundamentally opposed to democratic principles, endanger the very ideals the left parties claim to protect. Broader Implications for Congress and Bharatiya Democracy These developments cast a spotlight on the complex terrain of secularism in Bharatiya politics, where political survival often dictates alliances over ideology. For Congress, its alliances with parties like IUML and associations with organizations linked to Jamaat-e-Islami are a double-edged sword. On one hand, these partnerships help consolidate minority support in regions like Kerala, where Muslim votes are critical. On the other hand, they risk alienating secularists, including party loyalists and coalition partners like CPI(M), who see these moves as contradictory to Congress’s founding values. The Path Ahead for Congress Congress’s position in Bharatiya politics is undeniably at a crossroads. With the BJP framing itself as a nationalist, Hindu-centric party, Congress’s role as a secular alternative is crucial for preserving Bharat’s pluralistic democracy. However, the party must redefine its approach to secularism by creating a balance that respects minority rights without aligning itself with groups seen as divisive or extremist.

To maintain credibility, Congress should pursue alliances grounded in shared democratic values rather than short-term electoral gains. Engaging with religious organizations for minority outreach is understandable, but openly supporting groups with links to extremism risks undermining the party’s moral authority and estranging its secular voter base. Conclusion: A Critical Juncture for Congress and Bharatiya Secularism The Indian National Congress now faces a moment of introspection. The party must carefully evaluate the risks of aligning with organizations whose ideologies run counter to its foundational secular values. In an era where political survival often overshadows ideological purity, Congress’s challenge is to reclaim its secular mantle in a way that aligns with democratic principles rather than opportunistic alliances. While the road ahead is fraught with difficult choices, a commitment to authentic secularism could help Congress rejuvenate its image and build a stronger, more cohesive opposition. As it navigates these alliances, Congress must decide if it will uphold the secular vision of its founders or continue on a path that risks alienating its core supporters and allies alike. The path Congress chooses will not only shape its political future but also impact the trajectory of Bharatiya secularism in the years to come.   The post Congress’s Secular Façade Cracks: Alliance with Islamist Groups Sparks Debate on Bharat’s Democracy appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[telugufundahyd]

Amid controversy, BJP leader lauds blockbuster film ‘Amaran’- Telugu Funda

Amidst this, Tamil Nadu State BJP President K Annamalai has lauded the Rajkumar Perisamy directorial. “Happened to watch the movie ‘Amaran’. This is a very important one in many aspects. The bravery, courage and the integrity that our men in uniform display. The vivid portrayal of the cost a family pays when our nation’s best sacrifices themselves to protect the rest of us. Why some will always be more special than the rest of us – because they wear their uniform with pride and willingly go into harm’s way. The emotional toil and pain – the family of an army man will carry but with pride. Major. Mukund Varadharajan’s life is an inspiring story for the ages. His ultimate sacrifice for our nation in 2014 made all of us feel that we had lost something within us, as I distinctly remember those emotional moments as I was in my Khaki then,” he wrote on social media.

Also Read: ‘Amaran’ Trailer draws praises, criticisms

The appreciation is also important in the context of ‘Amaran’ being produced by Kamal Haasan, one of the staunchest anti-BJP politicians in Tamil Nadu.

[ebelal56-blog]

Top Historian Reveals India's Hidden Past

What motivates this push to reshape India's historical narrative? Let’s dive into it. At the heart of this movement is the desire to forge a Hindu-centric national identity. For many Hindu nationalists, the narrative of India’s history has been distorted by foreign invasions and colonialism, particularly those by Muslim rulers and the British. They argue that these influences have overshadowed the rich contributions of Hindu civilization. By revising history, they seek to reassert the primacy of Hindu culture and achievements, often sidelining the rich tapestry of contributions made by Muslim and other non-Hindu communities. It’s a narrative that positions Hinduism as the original, most significant contributor to the Indian identity, and it’s a powerful tool for shaping national consciousness. This leads us to the romanticization of what some call the "Golden Age" of ancient India. The BJP and its affiliates often idealize the Vedic period and the ancient Hindu kingdoms, framing them as the pinnacle of Indian civilization. They paint a picture of a time marked by moral and spiritual superiority, a golden era that they believe has been tarnished by later invasions. To support this narrative, they downplay significant historical theories, like the Aryan migration theory, which challenges the notion of Hindus as the original inhabitants of India. Instead, they promote the "Out of India" theory, arguing that the roots of Hindu civilization are indigenous and uninterrupted. This is not just about history; it’s about national pride, about reclaiming a narrative that they believe has been unjustly taken away. But let’s not forget the political ramifications of this historical revisionism. By emphasizing a Hindu identity, the BJP solidifies its base among conservative Hindus. The marginalization of Muslim contributions, particularly those of the Mughal Empire, serves to rally nationalist sentiments. It’s a strategic move that positions Muslims as outsiders, invaders of a once-pure Hindu civilization. This narrative is not just about the past; it’s about the present and the future, shaping political agendas and consolidating power in a way that aligns with majoritarian goals. They view the rewriting of history as a necessary step to “decolonize” the narrative, to reclaim India’s story from what they perceive as the biases of colonial scholarship. It’s a call to arms, a rallying cry for those who feel that their identity has been misrepresented for too long. But this sentiment is often steeped in resentment towards Islamic rule. The nearly eight centuries of Muslim governance in India are framed as a dark period of exploitation and violence. While it’s true that there were instances of conflict and destruction, there were also significant contributions to art, architecture, and culture during this time. Yet, Hindu nationalists focus on the narrative of victimization, portraying Hindus as perpetual victims of an oppressive regime. This narrative not only justifies their resentment but also calls for a restoration of what they view as India’s rightful Hindu past. The control over educational institutions and curricula is another critical component of this historical revisionism. Since coming to power in 2014, the BJP has made significant strides in shaping the content of textbooks, pushing for a more Hindu-centric view of history. This means greater emphasis on Hindu kings and sages while diminishing the contributions of Muslim rulers and their cultural impact. Such control over the narrative is crucial for molding the minds of future generations, ensuring that they align with the party’s ideological goals.

[mybharatguru]

Home Minister Amit Shah is proud that the BJP has created an environment where Jammu and Kashmir can go without any fear

Home Minister Amit Shah is proud that the BJP has created an environment in which Jammu and Kashmir can go without any fear. The third phase of polling for the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly elections will be held on October 1. Meanwhile, Union Home Minister Amit Shah attended the BJP election campaign rally held in Udhampur area. Speaking then, he expressed pride that the BJP has created an…

[aniksuman]

How Hasina dictatorship fell apart and what it means for Bangladesh-an analogy

Hasina's recent spectacular fall from grace is a fascinating chapter to study for all social scientists from across political scientist to Anthropologist, from sociologist to street economist . Question is why do Bangladesh suddenly veer to that direction apparently for no reason? Wasn't a perfect role model for Development in a third world country just a while ago? . It's performance in erasing poverty, empowering women, increasing life expectancy, reducing child mortality were lauded highly around the world from pundits to global leaders . Bangladesh was waving headlines for all good reasons, nevertheless . Then what occurred to it all on a sudden??Why on earth, a moderate Muslim country trudges towards far right . Is it a unbeknownst phenomena really?? Currently an experiment is going on, but was it really necessary?

There are many reasons. Let's see how these are framed.

1.Just a decade ago, when Hindutva BJP under the stewardship of a callow leader Narendra Modi rose to the throne in India in 2014 , it tilted to right wing, I predicted rather brazenly that it would have a far reaching repercussion to its neighborhoods. BJP''s young, supercilious leaders were brimming with confidence from recent victory against grand old Congress party, foolhardily started to throw derogatory words towards its neighboring nations . Bangladesh's ever rebellious youth was one of first to took notice of it, did not revere the reviled fact , for it has long prided on a history of well documented, ancient history of being rebellious against Delhi, in fact any authoritarian regime. It's antipathy, inimical attitude towards Delhi powers is itself a matter of a full blown epic.

India was complicit in the sense that it allowed Hasina to conduct voterless election. As a result public anger grew at Hasina and Modi govt. What it did actually ,it allowed Hasina to become autocrat ,and it allowed anti India sentiment to grow. In the long run both created

havoc for Indian security in north eastern states which they least desired .It's disaster for Indian foreign policy under Jaishankar.

2.Irony is , steps that Hasina undertook during her tenure , devoured her eventually . She was alleged to nourish right wing philosophies, pandering towards their requirements even at height of her power which antagonized her typical left leaning support base. She caved in to their demands at various stages in the hope of improving her image, receiving support of these religious precinct . Unfortunately It never mattered. She failed to become their icon ,one of their own . Rather they considered her ,weak, undecided, hesitant, corrupt ,fascist ,liar even when secular blogger murdered in the street of Dhaka . Behind the invincible cult she has cultivated over the years, she was exactly a myopic leader much like her father, Sheik Mujib.

3.At the latter stage right before its recent demise, Al became just a cabal , devoid of any ethics, ideals, direction ,full of corruption, graft cases . From rape ,murder to money embezzlement, from kidnapping to breaking down institutions ,Al was complicit in each of those machination. It turned into a group of few number of elites who tried to hold onto power , dominate over parochial whenever required by employing brutal force for it had lost the street long ago. Eventually AL became a synonymous of corruption, whatever bad things are happening to Bangladesh. The economic stride it made over the years, took the backseat .The result of that economic miracle however , has dissipated to only a small number of AL elites, coterie people . Income and social disparity were ever growing among different income group. In the end AL version of freedom fight, secularism had few takers. A number of successful mega projects such as Padma bridge, metro rail also failed to shield Al from growing resentment, from downward spiral .

4.Still if majority of population has rejected Hasina's vision of Bangladesh it remains to be seen. There was no free, open election held since 2009. It's a small country of 20 crores, densely populated. People were tired of Hasina's lies and she was increasingly surrounded by a few acolytes, 'chatukars'. The common notion is that Hasina would lose if an election was to be held under any free, fair, interim government. The more Hasina retreated inside her residence Ganabhavan, started to become authoritarian, out of touch, the more her party became ruthless controlling dissent on the street . Any whiff of anti AL voice, you would disappear.

5. The last three questionable elections, India backed Al government vehemently . The common people started to hate Hasina as much as India, more particularly Modi. Anti Hasina sentiment was boiling, so was anti India sentiment. She was rather seen as client leader more than an independent one , free . By supporting an unpopular, dictator in Bangladesh , India and PM Modi both too became a favorite target of youths . By angering young generation, India jeopardized its security more . Had It pressed Hasina for a fair election, different voice would have come to the fore, a scenario would have different. Before India had to fear few extreme groups, now as large section of Bangladesh became radicalized, its tension, anxiety over north eastern states just has grown hyperbole, nothing less. It has much to ponder on the security of its eastern border now than anything else.

On Bangladesh ,India would do better if they try to build people to people relationship and ditch a fallen despot Hasina. She's deeply unpopular in Bangladesh which is why she feared free, fair open election, and tying up India's future to one leader, one party India ventured for a wrong direction ,with current situation it has been given a rare opportunity to revamp it. It's understandable that Hasina is very popular in India ,but she is not in her country. India must show its capacity to view things from other perspective for its own gain.

At the later stage, The more Hasina feared right wing ultra parties, the more repressive she became, the harder they returned under various insignia, banners .That particular July August uprising was a death to bizarre, disingenuous Al version Secularism', it's a death to Hasina's ideals, vision .It's sad that she will be remembered as a dictator who fled her country after 15 years of ironclad rule.

Overall Bangladesh, a country that achieved independence in 1971 after a bloody war against Pakistan , is going through a watershed moment of its history.

In the last 54 years of its independence it never veered so far right. Will it be there now ? It's a million dollar question. Does not matter what ,it is a real chance. But people especially younger generations are seeking a change. They do not want to return to that same status-que.

Of late ,interestingly a big division in the country is coming to limelight . Apparently middle part of the country, around Padma basin, Faridpur, Madaripur, Gopalganj, Shariatpur still remains a stronghold of AL. Already a number of unrest occurred inside Gopalganj after Hasina decamped to India between agitators and Army . Whereas most part of South East comprises of Chittagong, Comilla, Noakhali, Feni have been swept by right wing parties. It remains to be seen how the future shapes up in the long run .

Under the guidance of Dr Yunus, from a South Eastern lobby, who hailed from Chittagong ,Bangladesh could follow Turkey model instead of failed Pakistan or Afghanistan's . Dr Yunus himself could become the new Erdogan of Bangladesh . It's a strong possibility.

So to conclude on a lighter note, AL had Mujib, BNP had Zia, Now all Islamists will have Dr Yunus .

[angel0news]

BJP's 'Bal Buddhi' Re-Plug On Rahul Gandhi's Ram Janmabhoomi Movement Claim

Congress leader Rahul Gandhi's remarks on the Ram Janmabhoomi movement led by BJP veteran Lal Krishna Advani has drawn a sharp response, with the BJP doubling down on Prime Minister Narendra Modi's "childish mind" jab at Mr Gandhi.

BJP veteran and Union Agriculture Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan described Rahul Gandhi as "bal buddhi" (childish) and accused him of "spreading confusion and lies".

"Rahul Gandhi is a childish person who has not matured yet. He has not yet become the Leader of the Opposition properly. He says we (INDIA bloc) defeated the Ram Janmabhoomi movement. Rahul ji, Ram is our existence, our ideal, our life, our God, and Ram is the identity of India," Mr Chouhan told reporters.

Referring to the Ram Janmabhoomi movement, he said, "This movement has thrown the Congress out of power many times and paved the way for the construction of a divine and grand temple, but Rahul Gandhi only lies."

Mr Chouhan also accused Mr Gandhi of lying in Parliament about Agniveer martyrs and the government of not providing a Minimum Support Price.

"He (Rahul) knows nothing else other than lying and spreading confusion. That is why this 'Bal Buddhi' person Rahul Gandhi keeps saying anything that comes to his mind. No one understands how he was able to defeat the (Ram Mandir) movement.

"Just saying whatever comes to mind has become the tendency of the Congress. Under his (Rahul Gandhi) leadership, the Congress will invite only misfortune," he added.

BJP leaders have been infantilising Mr Gandhi and saying he has a "childish mind" after Prime Minister Narendra Modi's "balak buddhi" jab at the Congress MP, now Leader of the Opposition in Lok Sabha.

The remarks in question were made by the Congress leader during his visit to Ahmedabad. He was speaking about the Faizabad Lok Sabha seat -- of which Ayodhya is a part -- by Congress ally Samajwadi Party.

"By defeating the BJP in Ayodhya, INDIA bloc has defeated the Ram Mandir movement that was launched by the BJP veteran Lal Krishna Advani. What I am saying is something very big… Congress party and INDIA bloc defeated them in Ayodhya," Mr Gandhi said Saturday.

The Rath Yatra was launched by Mr Advani to shore up support for the construction of a temple at the site in Ayodhya believed to be the birthplace of Lord Ram. The yatra was taken out in 1990 and multiple communal clashes were reported along its route. Two years later, the 16th century Babri Masjid located at the Ayodhya site was demolished by Hindu activists who believed it was built on the ruins of an ancient temple to mark Ram's birthplace. Nearly three decades later, a Supreme Court ruling paved the way for a construction of a Ram Temple at the site.

With the BJP playing up the Ram temple construction in its election campaign, the Faizabad election was keenly watched, and the BJP's defeat there was a key talking point on result day.

While speaking in Ahmedabad, Mr Gandhi also claimed that the BJP would be defeated in its stronghold Gujarat in the 2027 state polls. "Together we are going to defeat them in Gujarat. We will defeat Narendra Modi and BJP in Gujarat just like we defeated them in Ayodhya," Mr Gandhi said.

This would be quite a task because in the 2022 election, the BJP swept the state, winning 156 of the 182 Assembly seats and the Congress managed just 17.

Mr Gandhi's remarks also drew the criticism of Chirag Paswan, Union Minister and leader of BJP's ally Lok Janshakti Party (Ramvilas).

Responding to the Congress leader's remarks, he said, "First up of all, Rahul Gandhi should learn it is Faizabad Lok Sabha, not Ayodhya. Ayodhya is a Vidhan Sabha constituency and is part of it. In such cases, if they think Ayodhya's win is big for them, then we are also analysing our mistakes and working towards it. They couldn't even cross the mark of 100+ seats in Lok Sabha and are claiming big things, I think their pride won't stay for long. In upcoming days, there are elections in various states, the results will show how strong NDA is."

[mariacallous]

On a stifling April afternoon in Ajmer, in the Indian state of Rajasthan, local politician Shakti Singh Rathore sat down in front of a greenscreen to shoot a short video. He looked nervous. It was his first time being cloned.

Wearing a crisp white shirt and a ceremonial saffron scarf bearing a lotus flower—the logo of the BJP, the country’s ruling party—Rathore pressed his palms together and greeted his audience in Hindi. “Namashkar,” he began. “To all my brothers—”

Before he could continue, the director of the shoot walked into the frame. Divyendra Singh Jadoun, a 31-year-old with a bald head and a thick black beard, told Rathore he was moving around too much on camera. Jadoun was trying to capture enough audio and video data to build an AI deepfake of Rathore that would convince 300,000 potential voters around Ajmer that they’d had a personalized conversation with him—but excess movement would break the algorithm. Jadoun told his subject to look straight into the camera and move only his lips. “Start again,” he said.

Right now, the world’s largest democracy is going to the polls. Close to a billion Indians are eligible to vote as part of the country’s general election, and deepfakes could play a decisive, and potentially divisive, role. India’s political parties have exploited AI to warp reality through cheap audio fakes, propaganda images, and AI parodies. But while the global discourse on deepfakes often focuses on misinformation, disinformation, and other societal harms, many Indian politicians are using the technology for a different purpose: voter outreach.

Across the ideological spectrum, they’re relying on AI to help them navigate the nation’s 22 official languages and thousands of regional dialects, and to deliver personalized messages in farther-flung communities. While the US recently made it illegal to use AI-generated voices for unsolicited calls, in India sanctioned deepfakes have become a $60 million business opportunity. More than 50 million AI-generated voice clone calls were made in the two months leading up to the start of the elections in April—and millions more will be made during voting, one of the country’s largest business messaging operators told WIRED.

Jadoun is the poster boy of this burgeoning industry. His firm, Polymath Synthetic Media Solutions, is one of many deepfake service providers from across India that have emerged to cater to the political class. This election season, Jadoun has delivered five AI campaigns so far, for which his company has been paid a total of $55,000. (He charges significantly less than the big political consultants—125,000 rupees [$1,500] to make a digital avatar, and 60,000 rupees [$720] for an audio clone.) He’s made deepfakes for Prem Singh Tamang, the chief minister of the Himalayan state of Sikkim, and resurrected Y. S. Rajasekhara Reddy, an iconic politician who died in a helicopter crash in 2009, to endorse his son Y. S. Jagan Mohan Reddy, currently chief minister of the state of Andhra Pradesh. Jadoun has also created AI-generated propaganda songs for several politicians, including Tamang, a local candidate for parliament, and the chief minister of the western state of Maharashtra. “He is our pride,” ran one song in Hindi about a local politician in Ajmer, with male and female voices set to a peppy tune. “He’s always been impartial.”

While Rathore isn’t up for election this year, he’s one of more than 18 million BJP volunteers tasked with ensuring that the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi maintains its hold on power. In the past, that would have meant spending months crisscrossing Rajasthan, a desert state roughly the size of Italy, to speak with voters individually, reminding them of how they have benefited from various BJP social programs—pensions, free tanks for cooking gas, cash payments for pregnant women. But with the help of Jadoun’s deepfakes, Rathore’s job has gotten a lot easier.

He’ll spend 15 minutes here talking to the camera about some of the key election issues, while Jadoun prompts him with questions. But it doesn’t really matter what he says. All Jadoun needs is Rathore’s voice. Once that’s done, Jadoun will use the data to generate videos and calls that will go directly to voters’ phones. In lieu of a knock at their door or a quick handshake at a rally, they’ll see or hear Rathore address them by name and talk with eerie specificity about the issues that matter most to them and ask them to vote for the BJP. If they ask questions, the AI should respond—in a clear and calm voice that’s almost better than the real Rathore’s rapid drawl. Less tech-savvy voters may not even realize they’ve been talking to a machine. Even Rathore admits he doesn’t know much about AI. But he understands psychology. “Such calls can help with swing voters.”

[ravidrachavan]

Ravindra Chavan: Celebrating Flag Hoisting Ceremony with BJP Leader

Join BJP politician Ravindra Chavan as he leads a significant flag hoisting ceremony, showcasing his commitment to patriotism and community. Discover the highlights of this event and Chavan's continued dedication to serving the public and promoting national pride. Visit us!!

[everymedia]

Mohit Kamboj: A Visionary Leader in Real Estate, Social Work, and Politics

Mohit Kamboj, popularly known as Mohit Bharatiya, stands as a testament to the transformative power of visionary leadership. His remarkable journey encompasses achievements across various spheres, including real estate development, social work, and politics. Let’s delve deeper into the multifaceted contributions of this dynamic individual, whose impact reverberates far beyond the realms of business and governance.

Real Estate Innovation and Sustainability:

At the helm of KBJ Group, Mohit Kamboj has pioneered a new era of real estate development characterized by innovation and sustainability. His visionary approach goes beyond mere construction projects; it encompasses a commitment to creating communities that thrive in harmony with nature. Kamboj’s emphasis on eco-friendly design, energy efficiency, and green spaces has not only earned him accolades within the industry but has also set a precedent for responsible urban development across India.

Social Welfare Initiatives:

Mohit Kamboj’s commitment to social welfare is exemplified through KBJ Group’s extensive Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) initiatives. Recognizing the importance of giving back to society, Kamboj has spearheaded numerous programs aimed at uplifting underprivileged communities. Whether it’s providing access to education, healthcare, or vocational training, KBJ Group’s CSR efforts have made a tangible difference in the lives of countless individuals, empowering them to break the cycle of poverty and build brighter futures.

Political Leadership and Advocacy:

In the realm of politics, Mohit Kamboj has emerged as a dynamic leader advocating for meaningful change. As a prominent member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Kamboj has leveraged his platform to champion causes close to his heart. From youth empowerment to economic development, Kamboj’s advocacy efforts have resonated with citizens across the country. His leadership roles within the party have enabled him to influence policy decisions and drive initiatives that benefit society at large.

Community Engagement and Grassroots Empowerment:

Central to Mohit Kamboj’s leadership philosophy is a strong emphasis on community engagement and grassroots empowerment. Recognizing that sustainable change begins at the grassroots level, Kamboj actively involves community members in decision-making processes and encourages them to take ownership of their future. Through initiatives such as community forums, outreach programs, and collaborative projects, Kamboj fosters a sense of ownership and pride among residents, laying the foundation for inclusive and resilient communities.

Vision for the Future:

Looking ahead, Mohit Kamboj remains committed to pushing the boundaries of innovation and excellence in all his endeavours. Whether it’s through pioneering sustainable development practices in real estate, expanding social welfare initiatives, or advocating for policy reforms, Kamboj’s vision for the future is rooted in creating a more equitable and sustainable society. His leadership serves as an inspiration to aspiring leaders and changemakers, reminding us all of the transformative power of vision, determination, and compassion.

In conclusion, Mohit Kamboj’s multifaceted contributions to real estate, social welfare, and politics underscore his status as a visionary leader committed to driving positive change. Through his innovative approach, inclusive leadership style, and unwavering dedication to social causes, Kamboj has left an indelible mark on society, shaping a brighter future for generations to come.

[creative9blogs]

Election 2024: Punjab's Power Play Unveiled on PunjabKesari.com

As the 2024 elections approach, the political landscape in Punjab is experiencing dramatic shifts and transformations, drawing attention from across India. This detailed analysis on PunjabKesari.com explores the unfolding power play in Punjab's politics, examining the key players, emerging alliances, and significant issues that could influence voter sentiment and the overall outcome of the elections.

Understanding Punjab's Political Dynamics

Punjab, a state known for its rich cultural heritage and agricultural dominance, has always been a significant battleground in Indian politics. The state's political arena is marked by a vibrant democracy and active participation from various parties, including the Indian National Congress (INC), the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP), the Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

Key Political Parties and Their Strategies

Aam Aadmi Party (AAP): Currently in power, AAP has focused on governance reforms, particularly in education and healthcare. The party aims to consolidate its position by highlighting its achievements and promising further development.

Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD): Allied with the BJP in the past, SAD is looking to regain its stronghold among the rural and Sikh communities by focusing on regional issues like farmers' rights and religious autonomy.

Indian National Congress (INC): With a historical presence in Punjab, the INC is rebuilding its strategy around experienced leadership and a promise of stability, aiming to recapture its traditional voter base.

Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP): Seeking to expand its footprint in Punjab, the BJP is leveraging national-level policies and its development agenda, attempting to attract urban voters and younger demographics.

Emerging Issues and Voter Concerns

Several issues are shaping the political narrative in Punjab as the elections near:

Agricultural Reforms: Following the controversial farm bills, the focus on agricultural policies remains high, with parties advocating for the rights and welfare of farmers.

Economic Growth: Amidst global economic challenges, strategies for boosting Punjab's economy are crucial, with special emphasis on industrial development and job creation.

Drug Abuse and Crime: Long-standing issues of drug abuse and related crime are critical talking points, with promises of stringent actions and rehabilitation programs.

Water Disputes: With neighboring states, water rights continue to be a sensitive issue, influencing the political and social landscape in Punjab.

Importance of Youth Voters

Youth voters in Punjab represent a dynamic and critical demographic. Their concerns about employment, education quality, and social issues are driving parties to tailor specific policies and promises to appeal to this group.

Predictive Analysis: Who Will Dominate Punjab?

While it is challenging to predict the exact outcome of the elections, current trends suggest a highly competitive race. AAP might continue to leverage its governance model, while SAD and INC could focus on regional pride and traditional values to sway voters. The BJP’s strategies will likely hinge on broader nationalistic themes and economic promises.

Conclusion: The Stakes Are High

The 2024 Punjab elections are not just about which party wins but also about setting the direction for the state’s future. With high stakes involved, every party is putting its best foot forward, making Punjab's power play a critical watch for anyone interested in the dynamics of Indian politics.

Why PunjabKesari.com is Your Go-To Source for Election News

For comprehensive coverage, in-depth analysis, and up-to-date news on Punjab’s elections, PunjabKesari.com remains your most reliable source. Our dedicated team ensures that you stay well-informed about every development, helping you understand the intricate power plays that define Punjab’s political landscape.

Stay tuned to PunjabKesari.com for more updates and detailed analyses of what promises to be one of the most exciting and decisive electoral battles in the history of Punjab.

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[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 25th October. On Wednesday, Priyanka Gandhi’s debut as a Congress candidate in the Wayanad Lok Sabha constituency took an unexpected turn as a circulating video ignited a fresh political debate. The video, shared by prominent BJP figures, showed Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge, a senior Dalit leader, peering into the room through an ajar door as Priyanka submitted her nomination papers. This image, seemingly showing Kharge as sidelined during a significant party event, was seized upon by BJP leaders, including Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, as an example of Congress’s alleged ‘anti-Dalit’ bias. The controversy has since snowballed, bringing back reminders of past Congress incidents involving Dalit leaders, most notably Sitaram Kesari. The Incident and BJP’s Criticism The BJP wasted no time in framing this incident as part of a historical pattern of Dalit leaders being sidelined in the Congress party. BJP leaders posted the video, claiming it symbolized an intentional exclusion of the Congress President. आज जिस तरह से मल्लिकार्जुन खड़गे जी को प्रियंका वाड्रा के नामांकन के समय कमरे से बाहर रखा गया… ठीक उसी तरह राहुल गांधी आरक्षण हटाने के बाद दलित समाज के लोगों को सम्मान और अवसरों से वंचित रखेंगे। अगर गांधी परिवार खड़गे जी को ऐसे अपमानित कर सकता है तो दलित समाज के प्रति इनके मन… pic.twitter.com/75LFlDo8qJ — BJP (@BJP4India) October 23, 2024   Assam CM Sarma wrote, “It’s truly disheartening to see the disrespect shown to a veteran parliamentarian and Dalit leader like Shri @kharge Ji by the so-called Holy Trinity in Wayanad today. Be it the AICC President or PCC leaders, does the Family take satisfaction in treating them as mere rubber stamps?” It’s deeply disheartening to witness the disrespect shown towards a veteran Parliamentarian and Dalit leader like Shri @kharge Ji by the so-called Holy Trinity in Wayanad today. Whether it’s the President of AICC or PCC, does the Family take pride in humiliating those they treat… pic.twitter.com/FCnKOloaxz — Himanta Biswa Sarma (@himantabiswa) October 23, 2024   They cited not only the recent incident but also older examples, notably the infamous treatment of Sitaram Kesari. BJP claims that Congress habitually sidelines its Dalit leaders to preserve its elite power structure, asserting that the incident with Kharge echoes Kesari’s forced resignation and humiliation in the 1990s. The Congress quickly responded, with AICC Secretary Pranav Jha clarifying that Kharge remained outside the room to comply with the District Magistrate’s instructions, limiting the number of people allowed in the chamber to five. Jha argued that Kharge’s exclusion was simply a procedural necessity, adding that Kharge had later joined Priyanka for the submission of her second set of papers. This defense has aimed to dismantle BJP’s framing of the incident as anti-Dalit bias but has struggled to mitigate the social media narrative fueled by the BJP’s strategic sharing of the video. Historical Context: The Legacy of Sitaram Kesari The controversy over Kharge’s role reopens a longstanding criticism of Congress’s history with Dalit leaders, particularly the treatment of Sitaram Kesari. Kesari, an experienced and dedicated Congress politician from Bihar, was appointed as Congress President in 1996. However, his tenure was marred by power struggles and, ultimately, a forced resignation to make way for Sonia Gandhi in 1998. Before examining Sitaram Kesari’s story, it’s essential to revisit the political landscape of the time. The Congress party, under PV Narasimha Rao, suffered a significant defeat in the 1996 general elections. Soon after, the 13-day government led by Atal Bihari Vajpayee collapsed. Despite Rao’s presence, Sonia Gandhi began to assume a more active role in Congress. The United Front government, backed by Congress, brought HD Deve Gowda as Prime Minister. Notably, it is widely believed that Rao was removed from his position as Congress President at Sonia’s direction.

In September 1996, the aging Sitaram Kesari, a long-time Congress treasurer, was appointed AICC (All India Congress Committee) President. His leadership saw the reintegration of Madhav Rao Scindia’s Madhya Pradesh Vikas Congress and Narayan Dutt Tiwari’s Tiwari Congress back into Congress. However, as Kesari’s influence grew, factions within the party conspired against him. Kesari questioned the rationale behind removing him, asserting that he had adhered to all directives from 10 Janpath. Despite his protests, he was forced to resign under humiliating circumstances, marking a dark chapter in the party’s history. On March 5, 1998, at a Congress Working Committee meeting at 24 Akbar Road, plans were set to oust Kesari. Accounts suggest Kesari was publicly humiliated—left visibly distressed, even locking himself in the bathroom. Reports claim that Youth Congress members were called to remove him forcefully, and, as he was being escorted out, his dhoti was pulled, and he was expelled from the office. Kesari himself confirmed these details in a later interview. This troubling episode is also documented in The Coalition Years 1996-2012 by former President Pranab Mukherjee. Mukherjee recalls that during this critical meeting, Ghulam Nabi Azad, Sharad Pawar, and Jitendra Prasad proposed making Sonia Gandhi the party president, a motion Kesari rejected. Walking out in protest, Kesari accused several leaders of conspiring against him. Further insult followed posthumously, when in 2019, Kesari’s name as a former Congress President was removed from the plaque at the Congress headquarters on Akbar Road. Kesari’s abrupt and unceremonious exit has remained a sore spot, resurfacing in the political dialogue whenever Congress’s treatment of Dalit leaders is questioned. For the BJP, invoking Kesari’s legacy serves as a powerful tool to emphasize a perceived elitist and exclusionary tendency within Congress. Implications for Congress and the Dalit Vote Dalit support is a crucial element for Congress, and the recent incident may jeopardize this base. Although the party has worked to project a more inclusive image, controversies like these risk undermining its efforts. By keeping the issue in public view, the BJP continues to challenge Congress’s claim to represent marginalized communities, posing a risk of denting Congress’s appeal among Dalit voters, who remain sensitive to instances of perceived disrespect toward their leaders. Congress’s Position and Defense Congress’s defense centers on procedural explanations, arguing that Kharge’s positioning outside the room was solely due to the DM’s restrictions. Party leaders emphasized that Kharge later joined Priyanka to support her nomination, attempting to downplay the idea that he was marginalized. Yet, the visual and symbolic impact of the video continues to circulate online, casting doubts on Congress’s explanation among the general public. Congress leaders also countered the BJP’s portrayal of the party’s history, noting that incidents like Kesari’s removal were complex political maneuvers, not simply instances of caste discrimination. They contend that BJP’s portrayal is a politically motivated narrative aimed at fragmenting the Dalit vote bank. Conclusion The incident during Priyanka Gandhi’s nomination filing, paired with the resurgence of the Kesari episode, underscores Congress’s struggle to shake off the perception of being elitist or exclusionary toward Dalit leaders. While procedural justifications offer one perspective, the BJP’s ability to capture the visual moment has reinforced this narrative effectively. In a time when political optics carry immense influence, Kharge’s apparent exclusion risks feeding the BJP’s longstanding critique of Congress as dismissive toward its Dalit leaders. The controversy is a stark reminder that political symbolism matters deeply in shaping public opinion. While Congress may be accurate in its procedural defense, it cannot ignore that moments like these

demand not only political tact but a realignment of how the party publicly engages with its diverse leadership. For Congress, addressing such perceptions means investing in visible, empowering roles for leaders like Kharge—not only to counter opposition narratives but to honor its commitment to inclusivity genuinely. As long as such moments persist, the opposition will likely continue to leverage them, impacting Congress’s efforts to solidify its support among Dalit and marginalized communities.   The post Priyanka Gandhi’s Wayanad Nomination Sparks Row Over Congress’s Historical Shadows of Congress’s Relationship with Dalit Leaders appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link