#based off two other modern american and english breeds
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I'd love to not put pintos in Bruma because medieval roman horses seemed to mostly be precursors to breeds that don't come in pinto (barbs, camargues, maybe contemporary iberian breeds and arabians a bit) but they're straight up labelled "paint horse" and referred to as such in dialogue so my hands are tied on this one.
#I'm mostly leaning toward barb with my light horse model#mostly because it fit best on the skeleton#why paint horses though. why a modern american breed#based off two other modern american and english breeds#I mean why breeds at all really#horse/dog/cat breeds are a pretty modern concept and before that animals were by and large purpose bred#so you'd have work horses and riding horses and war horses etc#but there weren't defined breeds with carefully monitored standards#which I think was probably a better system tbh but that's neither here nor there#I think maybe the devs have mixed up pinto and paint?#and also the concept of color vs breed in general?
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more of an open question but what are some fun worldbuilding things you can think of off the top of your head? I want to hear more owo
Sorry for this novel
Waite has a grey (the kind that looks white) mare named Seraphim, who will make a minor appearance in comic. She's based on a Suffolk punch and Narragansett pacer.
All horses within Widderwood story have a dorsal stripe, no matter if theyre earthly or fae or whatever breed.
Likewise, almost every fae within Widderwood have ear tufts
Degare got his hat in a trade for sex from a Darlington priest, though it is a farmer's planter hat. His shoe style is also called a winklepicker.
Every person's soul is represented by a flame and each person has their own lantern (or lamp, or candle holder...) in Sandman's garden. From a design point, his garden has two principals: the light must always be a flame (no electric light), and time doesn't matter so modern lanterns are okay to depict, but only in this space.
Widderwood is technically steampunk, but I don't think it's going to be super obvious in comic unless you look super closely? Time rules are also funky: I've delayed invention of something yet moved up other things. It technically takes place during the 1880's, but plenty Edwardian and even modern day things pop up. No cars, but gramophones will soon be released. Coal is starting to die off in use and steam and some electricity are quickly becoming king. Prosthetics & aides are heavily decorated and become a hot tool to customize and be proud of. Women wear pants (though high society finds this disturbing) and can own land. Queerness & gay marriage isn't outlawed but its pretty weird to traditionals and queer identity is refered to as "the third sex" as is historical for that period. Those sorts of things
Primary community of Darlington is Caucasian, Black, and Native American, but all manner of people pass through thanks to the nearby port city
What is equivalent to the americas in Widderwood is made up of "territories", which I've been leaving vague because I cannot manage to care about building political empires, I just want two dogs to kiss. Either way, Darlington is ruled by English-equivalent, but original England-equivalent got overthrowed and wiped off the map. Southern state-equivalent, Eastern Canada-equivalent and some of the plains are under similar but different self-governing rule. Much of the western territories are aboriginal-ruled and the entire continent is much smaller than our world. These territories are all mostly on good terms with each other because this is just background flavoring. I'm trying to figure out a naming system for these territories or if it even matters since this story is pretty contained.
My partner bought me a vintage prosthetic leg from a firehazard of a thrift store just so I can use it as reference for Simon's false leg. It literally floats about the house in different spots and we just call it "Simon's leg"
Speaking of Simon, partner also bought me a Victorian book all about prosthetics which surprisingly is very empathetic and includes sentiments from actual disabled people of the time. I used this book to help me figure out what exact style of prosthetic Simon has, as well as his injury. His amputation took place mid calf and despite some mobility issues and how he looks, he's decently strong and has good endurance.
Waite is an Aries with pisces moon & taurus rising, Degare Gemini with scorpio & leo, Simon is Capricorn but idk his moon and rising. I don't give much thought to astrology but I think using it to build character personalities is very fun.
Widderwood mermaids are a combination of selkies and mermaids. They have front & back flippers and inhabit the same role as selkies in that there's many stories of marrying humans and their spouse stealing their skins.
Nuckelaaves are essentially slenderman to fae and no one knows what exactly they are
Darlington is known for their abundance of daisy wheels as a symbol of protection, which comes directly from my colonial cemetery special interest. They often top the margins of colonial tablet graves and have been historically used as a protective symbol against magic worldwide. In my personal practice, I've reclaimed them and they act as my main "religious" symbol, much in the way a cross or pentacle works, and despite the fact they were once used against witches
Darlington & Sullivan Forest geography is set in fantasy Massachusettes with influence from the entire region of New England and forests in Northern Georgia. Locations & buildings in the story will be based on a variety of locations I've visited and documented in person including: Salem Witch House, Bulloch Hall, Root House of Marietta, Atlanta History Museum Gardens & internal exhibits, and Allen County Historical Society & House Museum (the most important museum in my life and the reason why I am the way that I am today). I'm still picking the cemeteries I want to base on, but will likely be a mix of a cemetery I accidentally ran into outside of Salem and a variety of local Georgia + Ohio cemeteries from my childhood. I am hoping to visit Colonial Williamsburg as well as Historic Westville as further reference for town scenes. Yes I am really that intense that I've traveled states wide just to gather research for my gay dog boy webcomic
I have much more I could give, but I need to be careful with what I share to avoid spoiling all my work.
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If every language is acquirable, its acquisition requires a real portion of a person’s life: each new conquest is measured against shortening days. What limits one’s access to other languages is not their imperviousness but one’s own mortality. Hence a certain privacy to all languages. French and American imperialists governed, exploited, and killed Vietnamese over many years. But whatever else they made off with, the Vietnamese language stayed put. Accordingly, only too often, a rage at Vietnamese ‘inscrutability,’ and that obscure despair which engenders the venomous argots of dying colonialisms: ‘gooks,’ ‘ratons’, etc.12 (In the longer run, the only responses to the vast privacy of the language of the oppressed are retreat or further massacre.) Such epithets are, in their inner form, characteristically racist, and decipherment of this form will serve to show why Nairn is basically mistaken in arguing that racism and anti-semitism derive from nationalism – and thus that ‘seen in sufficient historical depth, fascism tells us more about nationalism than any other episode.’13 A word like ‘slant,’ for example, abbreviated from ‘slant-eyed’, does not simply express an ordinary political enmity. It erases nation-ness by reducing the adversary to his biological physiognomy.14 It denies, by substituting for, ‘Vietnamese;’ just as raton denies, by substituting for, ‘Algerian’. At the same time, it stirs ‘Vietnamese’ into a nameless sludge along with ‘Korean,’ ‘Chinese,’ ‘Filipino,’ and so on. The character of this vocabulary may become still more evident if it is contrasted with other Vietnam-War-period words like ‘Charlie’ and ‘V.C.’, or from an earlier era, ‘Boches,’ ‘Huns,’ ‘Japs’ and ‘Frogs,’ all of which apply only to one specific nationality, and thus concede, in hatred, the adversary’s membership in a league of nations.15 The fact of the matter is that nationalism thinks in terms of historical destinies, while racism dreams of eternal contaminations, transmitted from the origins of time through an endless sequence of loathsome copulations: outside history. Niggers are, thanks to the invisible tar-brush, forever niggers; Jews, the seed of Abraham, forever Jews, no matter what passports they carry or what languages they speak and read. (Thus for the Nazi, the Jewish German was always an impostor.)16 The dreams of racism actually have their origin in ideologies of class, rather than in those of nation: above all in claims to divinity among rulers and to ‘blue’ or ‘white’ blood and ‘breeding’ among aristocracies.17 No surprise then that the putative sire of modern racism should be, not some petty-bourgeois nationalist, but Joseph Arthur, Comte de Gobineau.18 Nor that, on the whole, racism and anti-semitism manifest themselves, not across national boundaries, but within them. In other words, they justify not so much foreign wars as domestic repression and domination.19 Where racism developed outside Europe in the nineteenth century, it was always associated with European domination, for two converging reasons. First and most important was the rise of official nationalism and colonial ‘Russification’. As has been repeatedly emphasized official nationalism was typically a response on the part of threatened dynastic and aristocratic groups – upper classes – to popular vernacular nationalism. Colonial racism was a major element in that conception of ‘Empire’ which attempted to weld dynastic legitimacy and national community. It did so by generalizing a principle of innate, inherited superiority on which its own domestic position was (however shakily) based to the vastness of the overseas possessions, covertly (or not so covertly) conveying the idea that if, say, English lords were naturally superior to other Englishmen, no matter: these other Englishmen were no less superior to the subjected natives. Indeed one is tempted to argue that the existence of late colonial empires even served to shore up domestic aristocratic bastions, since they appeared to confirm on a global, modern stage antique conceptions of power and privilege. It could do so with some effect because – and here is our second reason – the colonial empire, with its rapidly expanding bureaucratic apparatus and its ‘Russifying’ policies, permitted sizeable numbers of bourgeois and petty bourgeois to play aristocrat off centre court: i.e. anywhere in the empire except at home. In each colony one found this grimly amusing tableau vivant: the bourgeois gentilhomme speaking poetry against a backcloth of spacious mansions and gardens filled with mimosa and bougainvillea, and a large supporting cast of houseboys, grooms, gardeners, cooks, amahs, maids, washerwomen, and, above all, horses.20 Even those who did not manage to live in this style, such as young bachelors, nonetheless had the grandly equivocal status of a French nobleman on the eve of a jacquerie:21 In Moulmein, in lower Burma [this obscure town needs explaining to readers in the metropole], I was hated by large numbers of people – the only time in my life that I have been important enough for this to happen to me. I was sub-divisional police officer of the town. This ‘tropical Gothic’ was made possible by the overwhelming power that high capitalism had given the metropole – a power so great that it could be kept, so to speak, in the wings. Nothing better illustrates capitalism in feudal-aristocratic drag than colonial militaries, which were notoriously distinct from those of the metropoles, often even in formal institutional terms. 22 Thus in Europe one had the ‘First Army,’ recruited by conscription on a mass, citizen, metropolitan base; ideologically conceived as the defender of the heimat; dressed in practical, utilitarian khaki; armed with the latest affordable weapons; in peacetime isolated in barracks, in war stationed in trenches or behind heavy field-guns. Outside Europe one had the ‘Second Army,’ recruited (below the officer level) from local religious or ethnic minorities on a mercenary basis; ideologically conceived as an internal police force; dressed to kill in bed-or ballroom; armed with swords and obsolete industrial weapons; in peace on display, in war on horseback. If the Prussian General Staff, Europe’s military teacher, stressed the anonymous solidarity of a professionalized corps, ballistics, railroads, engineering, strategic planning, and the like, the colonial army stressed glory, epaulettes, personal heroism, polo, and an archaizing courtliness among its officers. (It could afford to do so because the First Army and the Navy were there in the background.) This mentality survived a long time. In Tonkin, in 1894, Lyautey wrote:23 Quel dommage de n’être pas venu ici dix ans plus tôt! Quelles carrières à y fonder et à y mener. Il n’y a pas ici un de ces petits lieutenants, chefs de poste et de reconnaissance, qui ne développe en 6 mois plus d’initiative, de volonté, d’endurance, de personnalité, qu’un officier de France en toute sa carrière. In Tonkin, in 1951, Jean de Lattre de Tassigny, ‘who liked officers who combined guts with “style,” took an immediate liking to the dashing cavalryman [Colonel de Castries] with his bright-red Spahi cap and scarf, his magnificent riding-crop, and his combination of easy-going manners and ducal mien, which made him as irresistible to women in Indochina in the 1950s as he had been to Parisiennes of the 1930s.’24 Another instructive indication of the aristocratic or pseudo-aristocratic derivation of colonial racism was the typical ‘solidarity among whites,’ which linked colonial rulers from different national metropoles, whatever their internal rivalries and conflicts. This solidarity, in its curious trans-state character, reminds one instantly of the class solidarity of Europe’s nineteenth-century aristocracies, mediated through each other’s hunting-lodges, spas, and ballrooms; and of that brotherhood of ‘officers and gentlemen,’ which in the Geneva convention guaranteeing privileged treatment to captured enemy officers, as opposed to partisans or civilians, has an agreeably twentieth-century expression. The argument adumbrated thus far can also be pursued from the side of colonial populations. For, the pronouncements of certain colonial ideologues aside, it is remarkable how little that dubious entity known as ‘reverse racism’ manifested itself in the anticolonial movements. In this matter it is easy to be deceived by language. There is, for example, a sense in which the Javanese word londo (derived from Hollander or Nederlander) meant not only ‘Dutch’ but ‘whites.’ But the derivation itself shows that, for Javanese peasants, who scarcely ever encountered any ‘whites’ but Dutch, the two meanings effectively overlapped. Similarly, in French colonial territories, ‘les blancs’ meant rulers whose Frenchness was indistinguishable from their whiteness. In neither case, so far as I know, did londo or blanc either lose caste or breed derogatory secondary distinctions.25 On the contrary, the spirit of anticolonial nationalism is that of the heart-rending Constitution of Makario Sakay’s short-lived Republic of Katagalugan (1902), which said, among other things:26 No Tagalog, born in this Tagalog archipelago, shall exalt any person above the rest because of his race or the colour of his skin; fair, dark, rich, poor, educated and ignorant – all are completely equal, and should be in one loób [inward spirit]. There may be differences in education, wealth, or appearance, but never in essential nature (pagkatao) and ability to serve a cause. One can find without difficulty analogies on the other side of the globe. Spanish-speaking mestizo Mexicans trace their ancestries, not to Castilian conquistadors, but to half-obliterated Aztecs, Mayans, Toltecs and Zapotecs. Uruguayan revolutionary patriots, creoles themselves, took up the name of Tupac Amarú, the last great indigenous rebel against creole oppression, who died under unspeakable tortures in 1781. It may appear paradoxical that the objects of all these attachments are ‘imagined’ – anonymous, faceless fellow-Tagalogs, exterminated tribes, Mother Russia, or the tanah air. But amor patriae does not differ in this respect from the other affections, in which there is always an element of fond imagining. (This is why looking at the photo-albums of strangers’ weddings is like studying the archaeologist’s groundplan of the Hanging Gardens of Babylon.) What the eye is to the lover – that particular, ordinary eye he or she is born with – language – whatever language history has made his or her mother-tongue – is to the patriot. Through that language, encountered at mother’s knee and parted with only at the grave, pasts are restored, fellowships are imagined, and futures dreamed. 12. The logic here is: 1. I will be dead before I have penetrated them. 2. My power is such that they have had to learn my language. 3. But this means that my privacy has been penetrated. Terming them ‘gooks’ is small revenge. 13. The Break-up of Britain, pp. 337 and 347. 14. Notice that there is no obvious, selfconscious antonym to ‘slant.’ ‘Round’? ‘Straight’? ‘Oval’? 15. Not only, in fact, in an earlier era. Nonetheless, there is a whiff of the antique-shop about these words of Debray: ‘I can conceive of no hope for Europe save under the hegemony of a revolutionary France, firmly grasping the banner of independence. Sometimes I wonder if the whole “anti-Boche” mythology and our secular antagonism to Germany may not be one day indispensable for saving the revolution, or even our national-democratic inheritance.’ ‘Marxism and the National Question,’ p. 41. 16. The significance of the emergence of Zionism and the birth of Israel is that the former marks the reimagining of an ancient religious community as a nation, down there among the other nations – while the latter charts an alchemic change from wandering devotee to local patriot. 17. ‘From the side of the landed aristocracy came conceptions of inherent superiority in the ruling class, and a sensitivity to status, prominent traits well into the twentieth century. Fed by new sources, these conceptions could later be vulgarized [sic] and made appealing to the German population as a whole in doctrines of racial superiority.’ Barrington Moore, Jr., Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy, p. 436. 18. Gobineau’s dates are perfect. He was born in 1816, two years after the restoration of the Bourbons to the French throne. His diplomatic career, 1848–1877, blossomed under Louis Napoléon’s Second Empire and the reactionary monarchist regime of Marie Edmé Patrice Maurice, Comte de MacMahon, former imperialist proconsul in Algiers. His Essai sur l’Inégalité des Races Humaines appeared in 1854 – should one say in response to the popular vernacular-nationalist insurrections of 1848? 19. South African racism has not, in the age of Vorster and Botha, stood in the way of amicable relations (however discreetly handled) with prominent black politicians in certain independent African states. If Jews suffer discrimination in the Soviet Union, that did not prevent respectful working relations between Brezhnev and Kissinger. 20. For a stunning collection of photographs of such tableaux vivants in the Netherlands Indies (and an elegantly ironical text), see ‘E. Breton de Nijs,’ Tempo Doeloe. 21. George Orwell, ‘Shooting an Elephant,’ in The Orwell Reader, p. 3. The words in square brackets are of course my interpolation. 22. The KNIL (Koninklijk Nederlandsch-Indisch Leger) was quite separate from the KL (Koninklijk Leger) in Holland. The Légion Étrangère was almost from the start legally prohibited from operations on continental French soil. 23. Lettres du Tonkin et de Madagascar (1894–1899), p. 84. Letter of December 22, 1894, from Hanoi. Emphases added. 24. Bernard B. Fall, Hell is a Very Small Place: The Siege of Dien Bien Phu, p. 56. One can imagine the shudder of Clausewitz’s ghost. [Spahi, derived like Sepoy from the Ottoman Sipahi, meant mercenary irregular cavalrymen of the ‘Second Army’ in Algeria.] It is true that the France of Lyautey and de Lattre was a Republican France. However, the often talkative Grande Muette had since the start of the Third Republic been an asylum for aristocrats increasingly excluded from power in all other important institutions of public life. By 1898, a full quarter of all Brigadier-and Major-Generals were aristocrats. Moreover, this aristocrat-dominated officer corps was crucial to nineteenth and twentieth-century French imperialism. ‘The rigorous control imposed on the army in the métropole never extended fully to la France d’outremer. The extension of the French Empire in the nineteenth century was partially the result of uncontrolled initiative on the part of colonial military commanders. French West Africa, largely the creation of General Faidherbe, and the French Congo as well, owed most of their expansion to independent military forays into the hinterland. Military officers were also responsible for the faits accomplis which led to a French protectorate in Tahiti in 1842, and, to a lesser extent, to the French occupation of Tonkin in Indochina in the 1880’s . . . In 1897 Galliéni summarily abolished the monarchy in Madagascar and deported the Queen, all without consulting the French government, which later accepted the fait accompli . . .’ John S. Ambler, The French Army in Politics, 1945–1962, pp. 10–11 and 22. 25. I have never heard of an abusive argot word in Indonesian or Javanese for either ‘Dutch’ or ‘white.’ Compare the Anglo-Saxon treasury: niggers, wops, kikes, gooks, slants, fuzzywuzzies, and a hundred more. It is possible that this innocence of racist argots is true primarily of colonized populations. Blacks in America – and surely elsewhere – have developed a varied counter-vocabulary (honkies, ofays, etc.). 26. As cited in Reynaldo Ileto’s masterlyPasyón and Revolution: Popular Movements in the Philippines, 1840–1910, p. 218. Sakay’s rebel republic lasted until 1907, when he was captured and executed by the Americans. Understanding the first sentence requires remembering that three centuries of Spanish rule and Chinese immigration had produced a sizeable mestizo population in the islands.
Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities
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English Bulldogs: The Best And Healthiest Foods For English Bulldog ..!
English bulldogs are an ancient breed originally created by breeding fierce animals with smaller ones. When used during bear or bull baiting events (essentially dogfighting), humans could protect themselves while betting on which animal would win out and thus make money off the spectacle. The result is an adorable medium-sized puppy who wants nothing but love. Today, despite their aggressive origins, these dogs have been bred to be sweet, gentle, and timid; they no longer look like what you'd expect from a traditional English Bulldog anymore!
For this reason alone, if you've been thinking about getting an English bulldog, then you must know how to feed them because they might suffer from different health issues such as food allergies, kidney disease, hypothyroidism, Cushing's Disease, and more. Unfortunately, there is not enough information available on the internet related to the best foods they can eat to maintain optimal health. So, we created a helpful guide for you that will provide you ample guidance.
Types of Bulldog
The Bulldog is not a single breed but rather many different types of breeds. Name the word "bulldog," and an image of a muscular, hefty dog with a wrinkled face comes to mind for most people; but there's more than one type! Here are some following types of bulldogs.
1) Olde English Bulldogge
The Olde English Bulldogge is also known as a pure-breed American pit bull terrier. These can get up to 100 pounds and are not recommended for apartment living because of their size; they need room to run around. In addition, the United Kennel Club bred them to avoid interbreeding with other dogs like the American Staffordshire Terrier, making it lose its "true" pedigree. The Olde English Bulldogge was originally developed to preserve the breed's original look before showing restrictions had been applied in the UK. It has a larger build than the modern-day Bulldog but still looks relatively similar otherwise.
2) The French Bulldog
Frenchies are the perfect dog for anyone who desires a faithful, intelligent pet. They have bat-like ears and come in many colors, with their most popular is black and white and cream or brown combinations of these two colors. These dogs can be great companions to individuals living alone due to their loving nature, which is entertaining because they require constant attention from owners! French Bulldog's intelligence has been proven by how quickly it responds when given commands such that some people call them "the Einsteins of Dogs."
3) American Bulldog
The American Bulldog derived from bloodlines present in colonial America before the Civil War between two countries (the US and England). English Bulldogs were brought here due to their popularity in England and their appearance in Roman culture. The American Bulldog is a big, sturdy family dog who loves children and has an innate need for human companionship. They make great fire dogs because they have strong noses that help save their humans from fires or other serious accidents (there's plenty of evidence online about how this breed saved its owner).
4) Pit Bull
Englishmen originally bred the pit bull terrier for entertainment in fighting matches. This type of bulldogs was used in blood sports like bear-baiting or as amusement in building anger in dogs by holding restrained bulls or bears while two dogs fought to the death over them and other similar forms of barbaric entertainment. Both sides claim their own history, whether they have been around for thousands of years or hundreds.
5) English Bulldog
Bred in the United Kingdom and can be traced back through standard bloodlines to ancient times. The English Bulldog is a popular pet for families due to its affectionate nature and calm temperament. The breed has broad chests, wide-set shoulders, drooping jowls that give them their signature look of being "bulldognish" (droopy). Their skin can be loose as well as short coats in colors like brindle or white. A male average about 54 pounds while females average 50 pounds with ears rosed instead of double flopped over on the head and piebald striping patterns on the body with black noses.
Benefits Of Having An English Bulldog As Pet
The English bulldog has many benefits to its owner. First, it makes a great companion because it loves attention and will always be there when needed. Second, bulldogs are also known for their ability to calm down young children and even older adults suffering from depression (as long as they get plenty of affection in return). English Bulldogs are especially skilled at this because of their kind nature. Third, Owning an English Bulldog is relatively cheap compared to other dogs who need more extensive care. In general, the English bulldog makes a great pet. Finally, They are very friendly and give their owners plenty of affection in return for being treated well. If you want to get a dog that can provide comfort when needed, help relieve stress and depression, and provide companionship for yourself or your family, an English Bulldog may be right for you!
1) It Helps With Depression
Because the majority of these dogs love human company so much, they make excellent companions for those who like affection but do not have anyone to hug during their daily routine. Also, since these dogs are so easygoing and calm, having one around can help ease the stress from the tension caused by depression.
2) Very Kind With Children
These dogs have been proven to be especially good with children because of their gentle nature. This is also beneficial to adults who have insomnia or other sleeping disorders. In addition, having a bulldog in the home can provide comfort and security for parents who may have trouble sleeping at night due to worries about their job or family life.
3) Save Owner Money
Owning an English bulldog is relatively cheap compared to other dogs who need more extensive care (such as those that require grooming services). English Bulldogs do not need much exercise either; they are content with taking a walk around the neighborhood or simply exploring the house. These dogs also eat less food than other breeds, which can save money on pet food purchases.
4) Easy To Train
English Bulldogs are one of the world's most popular dogs for their friendliness, and they're also really easy to train. They learn fast, so if you can teach them a few tricks, it won't be long before your pup opens doors or turns off lights without being told! Of course, these pups aren't known as "the brightest," which means that don't expect too much from them when it comes to solving puzzles, but with some training, these doggies will come up big in life by learning tasks such as getting dressed on their own instead of relying solely on human help.
English Bulldogs Prone To Food Allergies
The English Bulldog is one of the most recognizable and iconic dog breeds. Unfortunately, the breed's popularity has actually sparked a few woes, including health issues related to their distinct looks. If you're thinking about getting an English Bulldog, you should know that they are likely to suffer from allergies.
While all dogs can develop food sensitivities, Bulldogs seem more susceptible than other dogs. There's no way to tell for sure if your puppy will become allergic after eating certain foods (or treats). Some owners even start feeding their pups a new diet with little or no problems. Your dog could just get a little itchy or have mild gastrointestinal issues for a while and then eventually adjust fine to their new diet. For other dogs, a new diet causes major skin problems that require immediate attention and care. The worst cases can even result in chronic itching and constant scratching, hot spots on the nose and face, or even hair loss.
Commonly allergenic foods for English Bulldogs are wheat (even small amounts), dairy products, soybean(s)/soy(ed) products (including soy-based treats), corn/corn products (including corn-based treats), flour/wheat flour, or any ingredients containing these items from any source listed above.
If you are worried about what you should feed your beloved pet, you do not need to worry further; you can check our great options here: "best food for English bulldogs in 2021".
What Should You Consider Before Buying the Best Food for English Bulldogs?
English bulldogs are one of the most recognizable breeds in terms of their short muzzle, flat face, and small jaw. Unfortunately, this gives them many health problems, including difficulty chewing food properly or eating without difficulties breathing. They also often have dental issues that can lead to other complications; they may get an immune system disorder or digestive troubles, and obesity because they can't exercise enough due to physical limitations from those ailments. Furthermore, when it comes down to lifespan English Bulldogs don't have much going for them, with 8-10 years being the average age before illness takes over - some living longer than others but not by too long either way!
Consider these important things before buying food for English bulldogs:
1) Choose Healthy Food
English Bulldogs are not as hearty and healthy as other dogs. This is because they have a sensitive stomach that is easily upset by certain ingredients in dog food, such as because they can't digest them well. The efficient way to avoid this problem is with high-quality meat sources like beef or chicken, which will provide the protein your bulldog needs without upsetting his delicate system too much. Besides grains like bulgogi ingredients which may be difficult on their digestive system, there is plenty of other safe options, including fruits and vegetables that can be good nutrition for your lovely dog.
2) Age
The best food for your English Bulldog depends on its age. Puppies require more DHA and protein to support healthy growth, while adults need higher fat content with lower protein levels. Seniors who are growing old should also be given a diet containing joint health ingredients such as glucosamine or chondroitin sulfate in order not to experience weight gain problems caused by arthritis-related inflammation!
3) Budget
Your English bulldog is worth so much to you that the best food out there for it should be your top priority. But, make sure you get one at a good price with great quality! Dry foods are generally cheaper than wet brands However, if you can't find these high quality dry or wet foods locally, in that case, it's worth ordering them online as shipping costs will often be cheaper than purchasing from pet shops or interacting with veterinary clinics for each new purchase trial-and-error (which may end up being harmful to your dog).
If you are having problems finding the best food for your lovely English bulldog, then don't worry; we have great options for you; check out our best food for English bulldog 2021.
Conclusion
English Bulldogs are known for their loving natures, but they often suffer from health problems such as obesity and breathing difficulties. A balanced and healthy diet will provide all nutrients to your lovely pet without disrupting digestion or causing weight gain. Wellness CORE RawRev Grain-Free Dog Food contains everything your Bulldog needs in one bowl of food while keeping his digestive system clear. Not only does it come with vitamins A, C & E, which help strengthen bones and teeth along with omega 3 fatty acids crucial for heart function; this formula has been slowly cooked, so there's no risk of choking on chunks! Furthermore, it will provide them with energy throughout their day so they can be more active! To find out more about the best food for your bulldog…Click Here..!
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American Beauty Standard: A Brief History and Modern Application
I learned this in an anthropology class and I don’t remember the resources, but I know one of them was Tocqueville talking about the American obsession with committees and associations as a way to accomplish tasks with people from tons of different cultures and backgrounds and no formal aristocratic class.
So, back in the day of colonial America all the way through like... probably modern day if we’re honest, wealthy families that came to America kept strong ties with relatives or positions in their home countries. When their sons came of age to marry, they would often find a wealthy upper-class woman from their home country or ethnic background to wed, which meant that wealth circulated the culture it was coming from. A wealthy English lad would go to London and find himself a lady to bring to the US, a wealthy Frenchman would stay with his family in Paris or wherever, the would tour the continent blah blah, and come home with an upstanding lady of the gentry.
UNLESS an American girl could catch their interests first. This was why American girls were taught independent skills (homemaking rather than the class skills of entertaining), why they were allowed to marry for love (lack of a gentry class and singular cultural/social rules to follow), and why, at the end of the day, beauty became the most valuable tool.
Because a poor American girl who was beautiful and useful could out compete the European class rules of etiquette to secure herself a wealthy husband. And if you start there and work your way forward, our obsessions with smart or pretty girls (but watch out for too-smart or too-pretty), our beauty pageants and cosmetics advertising, our taboos and traditions, our girl vs. girl competition, it all starts to make sense.
Because being beautiful, witty, and useful meant you could be noticed and loved or admired, and married to a wealthy man. Wealth meant comfort and comfort meant safety and safety meant security and security meant freedom. Isn’t that what we all want? Isn’t that what we still want? Aren’t we still just competing for independence, for respect and freedom? Same tools, in many ways the same world. Girls fighting over college admissions, internships, medical research funds, they aren’t any different from girls competing in beauty pageants or arts, it’s always about freedom and for some, beauty is a way to get there.
There are a lot of socially aware people on the internet and I just wanted to add this nugget of history to the conversation about beauty standards. We seem to be aware that being able to follow trends is a sign of wealth, we seem to easily discuss that beauty standards themselves are an impossible oppressive tool to control and manipulate, and we are perfectly blunt about the wealth of industries capitalizing off insecurities. I wanted to bring this history into the conversation as well. Because like it or not, competition and our ability to be “wives” has historically been part of “American” culture since colonization, and that includes an incredible amount of isolated puritan and protestant extremists coming to the “new world” because their countries called them out on some bullshit or maintained economically exclusive advantageous relationships with their leaders.
Anyway: American [white] female beauty standards begin with competition for wealthy husbands and the illusion of comfort and freedom they could provide (with plenty of truth to the illusion) and still exists today. American girls were taught to “make” a home as a resource for their husbands while their European counterparts (of the same [similar] class) were often taught to entertain and host within the home as an accessory to her husband’s success, as expected by their class and/or station (often equally oppressive).
There are so many other interesting components to the conversation as well and I just figure that if we’re interested in having it at all, I might throw some other things out here:
WARNING: Long geeking rant about individual body adaptions and why they are incredibly beautiful follows:
Like how male beauty also evolved, with Americans emphasizing the fitness of a laborer or farmer, becoming the independent middle class, while their middle class European counterparts were often more slight and “intelligent” (relative, as perceived by access to education) businessmen, lawyers, doctors, etc., as they retained the inherited gentry and the American self-made man became more desirable to American women who had no single cultural courtship ritual and so relied on love and picking out a reliable husband based on their own choosing (which leads to its own conversation on American victim-blaming in assaults on females, especially when combined with that puritan past).
Which is then complicated further when looking at pockets of immigration where different adapted physical male bodies are living next to one another in America (the Dutch and Polish of W. Mich are a great example). They are separated by countries in Europe, so their different builds are suddenly compared in an entirely new environment that doesn’t necessarily fulfill their previous adaptions (MI isn’t as cold as Poland, so the shorter stature isn’t as useful, while the sexual selection of the tall Dutch male remains, it isn’t as differentiated from other larger Europeans (like lowland Germans and Scandinavians), and so isn’t as genetically insulated.
Anyway, these are all focused on “white America,” other cultures and ethnicities will also have changing and adaptive standards for different reasons. There are also some we will share as a whole culture. We’re having smaller families so each child will want to be the most healthy available. Guess what big booties are a sign of? Healthy babies (the type of rich fat stored in the butt is used to help form baby brains and shit), so as a general correlation, humans tend to figure out that curves = healthy babies. As our family-size expectations get smaller with the lowering of infant mortality and rise of individual life expectancy/health/comfort of average citizen, and as we push the age of first conception, we want to make sure that one-shot kid is healthy af.
Being black anywhere but the American South is hard, and even that’s muggy and wet as opposed to the drier conditions of the west coast of Africa many African Americans were adapted for when brought as slaves. Which means the likelihood of being vitamin D deficient is higher, without being too crass or negating to address social racism issues, I’ll round it out and say we’re all going to eventually have a Brazil effect, where people living in areas for a long while will adapt to them or “breed into” them and we all become a similar middle skintone. The SW US is going to be more “Mexican” because that’s the “proper” (ie most useful) adaptive skin tone to protect from the changing climate there, while those in a place like the Olympic Peninsula in WA are going to be a bit lighter as an adaption to the weather, but probably not as white as Europeans.
What is natural for an area’s skintone is also based on diet. The Inuit and Sami live at a similar parallel but the Inuit are much darker skinned on average. Why? Well, they eat more fish and seafood with Omega3s and Vitamin D (therefore needing less of the Vitamin D to enter through skin from sunlight) and live often on open plains (therefore absorbing more sunlight when it is there), while the Sami eat more red meats from reindeer herds with less Vitamin D, and travel through fields/forests (therefore needing more Vitamin D to enter through skin which results in lighter skin).
My favorite statistic I ever learned was that on average, an African’s skin can absorb NINE TIMES more sunlight than their European counterpart without getting burned. Nine times! For one hour in the hazy European sun, a black person would need to spend nine (+) to get proper Vitamin D amounts, while in Africa, a white person after ONE HOUR would begin to burn from too much uv. That’s so cool! Bodies are crazy awesome!
That applies to hair texture as well, black hair is often coiled to protect the head (you know, cus we stand on two legs and it’s in the sun all the time). Two inches of coiled black hair can dispose of that 9x uv by holding onto water and a bunch of other crazy amazing processes, while two inches of white hair generally dries quickly and lies flat against the head to insulate and keep warm, not expel heat.
Hair, eye, and skin color are all affected by melanin counts in the body (or melanocytes, which is where melanin is created, including collections of melanin at melanocytes which cause freckles and moles!), lots of melanin produced by the body makes someone darker skinned, but that doesn’t mean they need the coiled hair protection from the sun, which gives us so many varieties of follicle shape (which is what defines the curl tightness or looseness of a hair, with round holes producing straight hair and curved/slanted holes producing curls and coils like how you curl a Christmas ribbon with scissors, which means yes, you can have curly patches on your skull, your hair will change as you grow and based on your diet, hydration, products, etc.).
Having little to no melanin makes someone “albino,” or extremely light (which affects eyesight as having little or no pigment in the iris doesn’t shield the retina from light, though some may simply have extremely low pigment with light blue eyes). There are in-between colors like red hair, hazel/green eyes, and highly-freckled skin that result from different concentrations of melanin in different parts of the body, and there are things like heterochromia (different color eyes) which result from different concentrations of melanin in the same body part, and other things like Vitiligo (what Michael Jackson had), where concentrations in melanin change overtime, in this case from the shutting down of melanocytes which then produce little or no pigment for the skin, causing patches of whiteness.
There are so many ways for bodies to be different from one another and it’s incredible when you start to understand how unique our individual combinations are! Nose size is a direct correlation to air humidity, as are our sinuses. Face shape can often be the result of language, people from the American midwest accent will have rounder cheek apples from pulling their mouths wide and working different muscles than those with say, an RP British accent who pull their jaws down and cheeks in instead of wide on many vowels, resulting in more defined cheekbones. Jawlines are a symbol of genetic diet, if you have a less defined jaw, your ancestors were probably coastal people, more adapted to seafood proteins, which requires less chewing than those in higher altitude and mountain regions, which would require herds of red meat or poultry for protein, which is more chewing, plus the different textures plants must have to grow at different altitudes and climates. This is a loose correlation and there are plenty of other factors that combine to make different results, but they always fascinate me!
Why are African men often stereotypically faster than Europeans? Because their adapted environment is often flat savannah and adaptions for running long distances and fitting the climate generally involve being tall to expel more heat through the skin (while a cold-adapted person is generally more stout and short to keep more heat in with less skin surface area – there are always exceptions for other reasons, the Dutch are tall due to sexual preference of females, the African Baka people are shorter due to reasons still being discovered, most recently it is thought to due with denying puberty growth hormones because denying them retains immunity to certain dangers found in the environment or provides some advantages over niche environments). Part of being adapted tall and slim to dispel heat (Allen and Bergman’s laws for you curiosos) is that pelvises are more narrow, males even more than females, and narrow hips mean more straight femurs rather than the slight bow of wider/rounder hips, which means, if you go to physics, a faster turnover with no need for overcorrecting the bow, and less strain on joints. While a European body adapted to its environment would require different survival adaptations, the bow of the femur allows for less speed, but often more agility for moving through forests and up and down highland slopes and rocky craigs. Again, there are always exceptions, which is why you cannot identify race by a skeleton, though there are probabilities.
Adaptions to altitude are their own category and they begin from birth and before. It’s so cool! Being born in high altitudes develops larger lungs for taking in more oxygen in the less oxygen-dense atmosphere, which can develop into barrel lung, where the chest is nice and round like a barrel to allow the lungs full expansion. That’s so cool! When I go to higher altitudes, my sea-level coastal body is just like... wheeze. I also broke a bunch of ribs and they don’t expand easily due to complications, so it’s even harder for me to be at a higher altitude now, being adapted to it if I have to live there sounds ideal.
We seem to understand things like race are a result of biological adaptation to environments, but we don’t often carry on the conversation past that. What does adapting to climate change look like? What about colonization and immigration? What about pollution? What adaptions happened in the past, did we lose them when they were no longer necessary? How long does it take for people to become adapted to a new environment? Generations? Why do we socially present some things as more desirable than others? Why do we create beauty standards at all? How does a shared culture of diverse backgrounds even have a “standard?”
Everything comes down to predicting health and trying to live longer, to protect ourselves from danger. Whether that’s trying to be accepted by an outsider community or blending in with the “standard” at large, our understanding of beauty will continue to change as our social, political, economic, and climate/environment aspects of our shared culture change as well. For me, learning about why my body is the way it is was endlessly enlightening. Any doubts about my big nose (which was also broken, so bigger than my relatives’) are quelled by understanding that it helps humidify and avoid that horrible feeling I hate in dry air where it feels like my nose is going to start bleeding (I’ve only gotten it in saunas though). Moving around the country helped too, I understood a lot more about the purpose of those adaptions and saw how different localized beauty is marketed.
In Southern California, along the coast, the ocean spray makes everyone’s hair a bit curly, the humidity is high and I loved it (Jake, not so much). But the sun got to me. I got so many new freckles and my skin was always a bit dry, I had to work extra hard to stay hydrated and moisturized (even though my Polish side tans really well and I don’t burn easily, I was always dehydrated). Then we moved up to Seattle and I loved it even more! My hair stayed curly (though I’ve since learned that shower water and products make the biggest difference), I got more freckles as my skin adapted to not needing so much melanin and my hair got a lot darker for a while, my eyes seemed to get lighter in San Diego, which was crazy (and kinda cool). Then we moved to the desert-desert, the straight Mojave, and my body did not love it. I smelled all the time (dry air, my sweat is made for humid, but not too humid lol, that’s why I think white people smell in Asia and it’s not just a stereotype), my hair got sun-bleached and I lost a lot of the curl, it wasn’t the worst, but I was only there for a few months. Then we came to New England and I started to notice the change in trends and how my own preferences had changed in beauty and fashion. Marginal peripheral influence will do a lot and I can’t imagine living in that with none of the “qualifying” standards.
So basically, I’m writing this book of a post to say that if we step back and look at all the pieces, they have reasons, some of them shallow, others valid, but that they are changing and will always be changing and so is all of humanity. Your body is doing amazing things to protect you every single day, beyond digesting your food and feeding you dopamine. Every single thing about it has a purpose and a goal or a reason, except for maybe genetic mutations. I’m not going to go stand on a hill and say you’re missing an arm or your body hates you for a reason, my body built my stomach outside of me during fetal development and I promise that was just a fuck up, there was no reason (but my mom will tell you there was and it was God).
Bodies are crazy cool, sometimes they mess up and make cancer and don’t notice and it gets too big and we need help. Sometimes they only have one red-haired gene and we get blonde and brunette men with confusing bright red beards (lol, Jake), sometimes we’re in the middle of an adaption and we get patchy beards while living in a society that values them (looking at you, boys from genetic lines of men adapting to humidity where beards kinda suck or cultures that don’t like them). Sometimes we have been moved to a place where our genes aren’t as advantageous or actually hurt us and we don’t know about it or have to work harder than others to stay healthy, and sometimes our native or natural diet isn’t available to us and we work really hard to stay healthy but our bodies just don’t respond because they can’t or won’t.
For some people it feels overwhelming, or blasphemous, to talk about humanity as a whole, to look at ourselves as a single version of all the endless possible combinations of changes that can happen in a body, but I find it incredible! There is no one like you, but there are people who are similar, there are places where you’re perfect and there are cultural adaptions to help you when you’re not. Understanding the reason or purpose behind the body’s reasons for selection or change, combined with the lottery of your localized DNA options from your parents and potential genetic mutations during development and later in life, understanding that the body is always changing and adapting to what is best for you or catching up from past changes can explain so much of ourselves!
I just think it’s really cool!
I used to geek out about it a lot more and Jake would play a game where he would point at a face and ask me to guess their genetic heritage or combination of peoples/geographies. He still does it sometimes, I’m pretty good at it, but it’s more fun to be wrong and surprised, if I’m honest. Humans are just cool.
That being said, if there’s a thing about yourself you don’t like or don’t understand, that you feel doesn’t fit in to beauty standards and never will (for me, it was my nose and freckles, why so many freckles?), shoot me a message and I’ll do my best to tell you why it might be a thing so you can appreciate the incredible diversity of your own body as it adapts to your ancestors’ forced or willing migrations and changes to fit its new environments!
American beauty standards are complicated, but if there is one thing they always revolve around, it’s a humble confidence in your own value. I found that value in others, in seeing how intricate and unique humans are from each other, which lead to an appreciation of my own unique pieces. No industry standard or media pacification can take that or change it or judge it, because it’s your body doing its absolute best with the tools it has to protect you and make you the safest and most comfortable you can be in any place of the world. <3
#thanks for coming to my ted talk#sorry for the book#sorry not sorry#adaption#humanity#beauty standards#american beauty standards#anthropology#culture#society#beauty#beauty trends#diversity#unique
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Sex, Seduction, and Secret Societies: Byron, the Carbonari and Freemasonry
By Dr. David Harrison, PROJECT AWE SCHOLAR
The eighteenth century was a period which witnessed the development of English Freemasonry as a social phenomenon, with the society undergoing constant transitions, modernizations and rebellions. The society had split into two main rival factions in 1751, with two grand lodges existing, the Moderns and the Antients, and as a result the society expanded, with Masonic lodges by both organizations being founded throughout England, Europe and the American colonies. The influence of the society on artists, writers and free thinkers was immense, and this paper will examine the influence of the Craft on one particular writer and revolutionary, the Romantic poet George Gordon Byron, the 6th Baron Byron.
George Gordon Byron (fig. 1) was born in 1788, and is regarded as a leading figure in the Romantic movement as well as one of Britain’s greatest poets. Byron also became known for his scandalous lifestyle, aristocratic excesses, and sexual and social intrigues, but even though he was not a Freemason, he did, as we shall see, have rather deep rooted connections to the society. After the publication of his first epic poem Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage (fig. 2) in 1812, Byron was, for a time, the toast of Regency London; he was elected to the most exclusive of gentlemen’s clubs, he had affairs with desirable women, an affair with Lady Caroline Lamb led to her to label him with the immortal line ‘Mad, bad and dangerous to know’. Byron also took an interest in the same sex and was also rumored to have had an affair with his half sister. The scandals, rumors and gossip led to him leaving England for good in 1816.
Freemasonry certainly fascinated another writer who was linked to the Romantic movement; Thomas de Quincey, also known as the Opium Eater after his auto-biographical work that detailed his addiction to laudanum. De Quincey wrote the Origin of the Rosicrucians and the Free-Masons which was first published in January 1824, a work that attempted to examine the origins of these entwined secret societies. Though de Quincey was not a Mason, like Byron, he was aware of Freemasonry, the history and the nature of secret societies providing a profound interest. De Quincey, like the poets William Blake and Samuel Taylor Coleridge, also drew inspiration from the works of Emmanuel Swedenborg, the Swedish visionary who later lent his name to the Masonic Swedenborgian Rite.[1] Freemasonry certainly attracted poets such as Robert Burns, a Scottish Mason who is often observed as a pioneer of the Romantic Movement.
The Poet and artist William Blake was also influenced by Freemasonry in his artwork, incorporating what can be interpreted as Masonic themes in works such as Newton and The Ancient of Days.[2] Another writer and friend of Byron’s who was a Freemason was Dr John William Polidori (fig. 3). Polidori was Byron’s personal physician who wrote the short Gothic story The Vampyre, which was the first ever published Vampire story in English. The story was based on Byron’s Fragment of a Novel – a story composed at the Villa Diodati by Lake Geneva in Switzerland in June 1816, during the same time Mary Shelley produced what would later develop into Frankenstein. Polidori became a Freemason in 1818,[3] his story being published the following year.[4]
The ‘Wicked Lord’
Byron’s great uncle, the eccentric fifth Lord Byron, had been Grand Master of the ‘Premier’ or ‘Modern’ Grand Lodge from 1747-51, and it may have been through him that the poet developed a familiarity with the themes of Freemasonry. As we shall see, Byron mentioned Freemasonry in his poetry, and commonly celebrated classical architecture in his work, discussing the many Temples of antiquity. Byron, who had been on the Grand Tour, continuously praised the lost knowledge of the ancient world, and in his epic poem Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage, he attacked Lord Elgin for his plunder of the Parthenon, and expressed the hidden mysteries held within the classical Temples:
‘Here let me sit upon this massy stone,
The marble column’s yet unshaken base!
Here, son of Saturn! Was thy favourite throne:
Mightiest of many such! Hence let me trace
The latent grandeur of thy dwelling-place.
It may not be: nor even can Fancy’s eye
Restore what Time hath labour’d to deface.
Yet these proud pillars claim no passing sigh;
Unmoved the Moslem sits, the light Greek carols by.’[5]
Byron’s great uncle, the ‘Wicked Lord’, hosted regular ritualistic weekend parties on his estate Newstead Abbey, in a somewhat similar fashion to Sir Francis Dashwood’s Hell Fire and Dilettanti meetings at West Wycombe. The ‘Wicked Lord’ was a rather clubbable gentleman, being involved in an aristocratic dining club which met in the Star and Garter Tavern in London. However, true to his wild nature, he killed his neighbor William Chaworth during an argument, who was also a fellow member of his club, resulting in a murder trial in the House of Lords in 1765. He was eventually found guilty of manslaughter and, after the payment of a fine, he was a free man, though as a result of the scandal became a recluse, living in debt with his mistress in the decaying Gothic splendor of Newstead Abbey[6]. He certainly had a profound influence on his heir, the inheritance of the Gothic Abbey supplying a haunting and melancholy inspiration to the poet.
According to H.J. Whymper writing in AQC, the ‘Wicked Lord’ had been a popular and a somewhat charismatic Grand Master, and his absence during six out of ten Grand Lodge meetings was attributed to being on business out of the country. During his term as Grand Master he showed none of the temper or eccentricity of his later years, and the minutes of the Grand Lodge during his office revealed a Grand Master who was far from ‘Wicked’[7]. Whymper was indeed sympathetic to Byron’s Grand Mastership, and dismissed Gould’s view of the ‘Wicked Lord’, Gould having written that ‘the affairs of the Society were much neglected, and to this period of misrule, aggravated by the summary erasure of numerous lodges, we must look, I think, for the cause of that organized rebellion against authority, resulting in the great Schism.’ Gould clearly placing the blame for the formation of the ‘Antients’ with Byron.[8] Whymper put forward that Byron’s image was certainly tainted after his conviction of manslaughter, leading to his ‘unpopularity’ being ‘improperly seized upon to account for the dissensions in the Craft…’[9]
Lord Byron, Don Juan, the Carbonari and Revolution
Byron was certainly aware of Freemasonry, though he mentioned it only twice in his epic poem Don Juan. He first commented on the aristocratic networking aspects of the Craft in Canto XIII, Verse XXIV:
‘And thus acquaintance grew at noble routs
And diplomatic dinners or at other –
For Juan stood well both with Ins and Outs,
As in Freemasonry a higher brother.
Upon his talent Henry had no doubts;
His manner showed him sprung from a higher mother,
And all men like to show their hospitality,
To him whose breeding matched with this quality.’[10]
Byron seemed to be referring to the hierarchical system of Freemasonry, which at Grand Lodge level, was dominated by the gentry and led by certain charismatic aristocrats, Don Juan being portrayed as moving in well-connected and well-bred circles. He then touched upon the Craft once more in Canto XIV, Verse XXII of the same poem, commenting on the more mysterious and secretive aspects of Freemasonry:
‘And therefore what I throw off is ideal -
Lowered, leavened like a history of Freemasons
Which bears the same relation to the real,
As Captain Parry’s voyage may do to “Jason’s.”
The Grand Arcanum’s not for men to see all;
My music has some mystic diapasons;
And there is much which could not be appreciated
In any manner by the uninitiated’[11]
The alliteration of the words ‘Lowered’ and ‘leavened’ gives an emphasis to the mention of ‘a history of Freemasons’, a Masonic metaphor suggesting a transformation of sorts. Byron also refers to the ‘uninitiated’, and how they cannot appreciate the mystical secrets of the ‘Grand Arcanum’ and thus will never find what was lost.
There is no evidence of Byron being a Freemason, but he was a member of the Italian Carbonari, a Masonic-like secret society which shared similar symbolism though had a radical political ethos. Carbonari means ‘makers of charcoal’, though like Freemasonry, the secret society was of a speculative nature, and symbolically represented political and social purification, the brethren spreading liberty, morality, and progress. Having left England in 1816, Byron entered into a self-imposed exile to escape the scandalous rumours and mounting debt. It was during his period in Italy that Byron wrote parts of Don Juan, the leading character also becoming entwined in secret societies and political and sexual intrigue.
The Carbonari shared similar secret symbolism with Freemasonry, and met in lodges which, like Freemasonry, conducted a ritual. The Carbonari however were linked to militant revolutionaries in Italy who desired a democratic constitution and freedom from Austrian domination, and were the driving force behind the Naples uprising in 1820. Byron, being attracted to the rich political intrigue and the Romantic idea of revolution, was elected ‘Capo’ of the ‘Americani’, a branch of the Carbonari in Ravenna, where Byron stayed between 1819 – 1821, buying arms for the cause and meeting with senior members of the conspiracy.[12] Indeed, he writes excitedly of his Carbonari associations on February 18th, 1821:
‘To-day I have had no communication with my Carbonari cronies: but, in the mean time, my lower apartments are full of their bayonets, fusils, cartridges, and what not. I suppose they consider me as a depot, to be sacrificed, in case of accidents. It is no great matter, supposing that Italy could be liberated, who or what is sacrificed, it is a grand object – the very poetry of politics. Only think – a free Italy!!!’[13]
Another poet linked to the Carbonari was Gabriel Rossetti, whose revolutionary affiliations in Italy forced him into exile in 1821, and much later the Italian general Giuseppe Garibaldi became involved in the society during the early 1830s.[14] After their initial defeats of 1821, the Carbonari played a successful role in the July 1830 Revolution in France, but a subsequent rising in Italy resulted in failure and a government crackdown on the society ensued. By 1848 they had ceased to exist.
Byron subsequently became attracted to the Greek struggle against the Ottomans, and left for Greece in 1823. Taking up a similar role to what he had fulfilled with the Carbonari, Byron generously financing the Greek cause, paying for the so-called ‘Byron Brigade’ and arming the revolution. Byron found himself having to somewhat navigate the differing factions within the Greek cause, yet he embraced the war of independence wholeheartedly and was prepared to give his fortune in aid of the cause. However, Byron was to die in Greece of fever in April 1824 at the young age of 36. He is considered a National hero to the Greeks.
Newstead Abbey
If one knows where to look when visiting Newstead Abbey, the ancestral home of Byron, one can find Masonic symbolism, for example the guttering is decorated with the Seal of Solomon (fig. 4), although this dates from the occupation of Colonel Thomas Wildman, a Freemason and an old school friend of Byron’s from Harrow, who eventually purchased the estate from the cash-strapped poet in 1818. Wildman became Provincial Grand Master for Nottinghamshire, and was a close friend and equerry to the Duke of Sussex, who visited Newstead on several occasions.
Wildman constructed the Sussex Tower at Newstead in honor of the Grand Master, and improved the Chapter House as a private family chapel. When Wildman died in 1859, the estate was purchased by William Frederick Webb, who had the chapel re-decorated, and in memory of Wildman, Webb had a stained glass window designed with the central Masonic theme of the construction of Solomon’s Temple (fig. 5), which may also echo the building work that Wildman undertook at Newstead. Wildman founded the Royal Sussex Lodge in Nottingham in 1829, and there is also a Byron Lodge in the area which celebrates the Masonic links to the poet, his family and Newstead. Masonic services are still held at the chapel by the lodge.
The Masonic symbolism displayed at Newstead, along with the Solomon's Temple scene on display in the stained glass window, would be instantly recognizable to the initiated, the power and status of both the ‘Wicked Lord’ Byron and Colonel Wildman within Masonic circles being vividly apparent. A parallel to the Masonic themed stained glass windows and Masonic symbolism in the chapel at Tabley House in Cheshire can be seen here, with Lord de Tabley being the Provincial Grand Master of Cheshire during the later nineteenth century. There is evidence that Masonic services were held in the chapel. Lord de Tabley had a number of lodges named after him in the Cheshire area, including the De Tabley Lodge No. 941.[15]
The majority of English lodges in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, both Antient and Modern, met in taverns and Inns, but for a lodge to be deeply connected to a prominent local aristocrat, it was symbolic of status for that lodge to meet at his residence, providing a much more elitist and private meeting place. The residences of these important Freemasons became a status symbol proudly boasting the owners Masonic beliefs through the display of symbolism and became an erstwhile home to local lodges, lodges which the owners controlled. When fellow Masons visited the Hall, they could recognise the symbolism instantly, and also recognise the Masonic status of the owner. Houses such as Newstead Abbey and Tabley House both celebrated architecture, with the Gothic of Newstead and the classical design of Tabley House, both houses also celebrating Freemasonry, with both aristocratic families becoming central to Freemasonry in their own particular area, serving as Provincial Grand Masters, and all founding their own prestigious lodges. Newstead undoubtedly had a deep historic link to Freemasonry, and the additional feature of being the residence of the Romantic poet Byron would have certainly added to the status of the building especially amongst the more literary Masonic circles, as his reputation as one of Britain’s leading poets grew in stature as the nineteenth century progressed.
Conclusion
The poet Byron was certainly aware of Freemasonry and was attracted to the intrigue that certain secret societies offered, becoming a member of the Carbonari in Italy. His links to Masonry are certainly celebrated today with the Byron Lodge No. 4014 which still holds Masonic services in the chapel at Newstead Abbey, a lodge that also celebrates the Grand Mastership of the ‘Wicked Lord’ and of Colonel Thomas Wildman’s Provincial work in Nottinghamshire. Byron’s Masonic references in his poetry are few, however the Romantic themes of his verse certainly resound common Masonic themes of the celebration of ancient architecture and the search of what was lost. Perhaps in the end, Byron found his ultimate Romantic zeal in the cause of revolution, the Carbonari providing a society, like Freemasonry, filled with secret symbolism, but unlike Freemasonry, it supplied the poet with the passion of political change and the essence of Romantic revolt and rebellion.
Endnotes
[1] Polidori was a member of the Norwich based Union Lodge No. 52, Initiated on the 31st March 1818, Passed on the 28th April 1818 and Raised on the 1st June 1818.
[2] See John William Polidori, The Vampyre, (London: Sherwood, Neely and Jones, 1819). See also Peter L. Thorslev, The Byronic Hero: Types and Prototypes, (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1962).
[3] See David Harrison, ‘Thomas De Quincey: The Opium Eater and the Masonic Text’, AQC, Vol. 129, (2016), pp.276-281. See also H.J. Jackson, ‘‘Swedenborg’s Meaning is the truth’ Coleridge, Tulk, and Swedenborg’, In Search of the Absolute: Essays on Swedenborg and Literature (Swedenborg Society, 2004). For the influence of Swedenborg on Blake see Peter Ackroyd, Blake, (London: QPD, 1995), pp.101-104. Ackroyd discusses how Blake eventually turned against the ideas of Swedenborg.
[4] David Harrison, The Genesis of Freemasonry, (Hersham: Lewis Masonic, 2009), p.97. See also Ackroyd, Blake, p.185-187.
[5] George Gordon Byron, Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage, (London: Charles Griffin & Co., 1866), p.54.
[6] The Trial of William Lord Byron For The Murder of William Chaworth Esq; Before The House of Peers in Westminster Hall, in Full Parliament. London, 1765. Newstead Abbey Archives, reference NA1051.
[7] See H.J. Whymper ‘Lord Byron G.M.’, AQC, Vol.VI, (1893), pp.17-20.
[8] Ibid., p.17.
[9] Ibid., p.20.
[10] Leslie A. Marchand, (ed.), Don Juan by Lord Byron, Canto XIII, Stanza XXIV, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1958), p.361.
[11] Ibid, Canto XIV, Stanza XXII, p.385.
[12] See R. Landsdown, ‘Byron and the Carbonari’, History Today, (May, 1991).
[13] See Leslie A. Marchand, (ed.), Byron’s Letters and Journals, Vol. VIII, ‘Born for Opposition’, 1821, (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1978).
[14] See John Belton, ‘Revolutionary and Socialist Fraternalism 1848-1870: London to the Italian Risorgimento’, AQC, Vol.123, (2010), pp.231-253, in which Belton outlines Garibaldi’s Masonic career as Grand Hierophant of the Sovereign Sanctuary of Memphis-Misraïm between the years 1881-1882.
[15] See Harrison, Genesis of Freemasonry, pp.143-7.
Bibliography
Ackroyd, Peter, Blake, (London: QPD, 1995).
Anon., The Trial of William Lord Byron For The Murder of William Chaworth Esq; Before The House of Peers in Westminster Hall, in Full Parliament. London, 1765. Newstead Abbey Archives, reference NA1051.
Belton, John, ‘Revolutionary and Socialist Fraternalism 1848-1870: London to the Italian Risorgimento’, AQC, Vol.123, (2010), pp.231-253.
Byron, George Gordon, Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage, (London: Charles Griffin & Co., 1866).
Harrison, David, The Genesis of Freemasonry, (Hersham: Lewis Masonic, 2009).
Harrison, David, The Transformation of Freemasonry, (Bury St. Edmunds: Arima Publishing, 2010).
Harrison, David, ‘Thomas De Quincey: The Opium Eater and the Masonic Text’, AQC, Vol. 129, (2016), pp.276-281.
Jackson, H.J., ‘‘Swedenborg’s Meaning is the truth’ Coleridge, Tulk, and Swedenborg’, In Search of the Absolute: Essays on Swedenborg and Literature (Swedenborg Society, 2004).
Landsdown, R., ‘Byron and the Carbonari’, History Today, (May, 1991).
Marchand, Leslie, A., (ed.), Don Juan by Lord Byron, Canto XIII, Stanza XXIV, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1958).
Marchand, Leslie, A., (ed.), Byron’s Letters and Journals, Vol. VIII, ‘Born for Opposition’, 1821, (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1978).
Polidori, John William, The Vampyre, (London: Sherwood, Neely and Jones, 1819).
Thorslev, Peter, L., The Byronic Her: Types and Prototypes, (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1962).
Whymper, H.J., ‘Lord Byron G.M.’, AQC, Vol.VI, (1893), pp.17-20.
Bibliography
Ackroyd, Peter, Blake, (London: QPD, 1995).
Anon., The Trial of William Lord Byron For The Murder of William Chaworth Esq; Before The House of Peers in Westminster Hall, in Full Parliament. London, 1765. Newstead Abbey Archives, reference NA1051.
Belton, John, ‘Revolutionary and Socialist Fraternalism 1848-1870: London to the Italian Risorgimento’, AQC, Vol.123, (2010), pp.231-253.
Byron, George Gordon, Childe Harold’s Pilgrimage, (London: Charles Griffin & Co., 1866).
Harrison, David, The Genesis of Freemasonry, (Hersham: Lewis Masonic, 2009).
Harrison, David, The Transformation of Freemasonry, (Bury St. Edmunds: Arima Publishing, 2010).
Harrison, David, ‘Thomas De Quincey: The Opium Eater and the Masonic Text’, AQC, Vol. 129, (2016), pp.276-281.
Jackson, H.J., ‘‘Swedenborg’s Meaning is the truth’ Coleridge, Tulk, and Swedenborg’, In Search of the Absolute: Essays on Swedenborg and Literature (Swedenborg Society, 2004).
Landsdown, R., ‘Byron and the Carbonari’, History Today, (May, 1991).
Marchand, Leslie, A., (ed.), Don Juan by Lord Byron, Canto XIII, Stanza XXIV, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1958).
Marchand, Leslie, A., (ed.), Byron’s Letters and Journals, Vol. VIII, ‘Born for Opposition’, 1821, (Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 1978).
Polidori, John William, The Vampyre, (London: Sherwood, Neely and Jones, 1819).
Thorslev, Peter, L., The Byronic Her: Types and Prototypes, (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1962).
Whymper, H.J., ‘Lord Byron G.M.’, AQC, Vol.VI, (1893), pp.17-20.
About the Author
Dr. David Harrison is a UK based Masonic historian who has so far written nine books on the history of English Freemasonry and has contributed many papers and articles on the subject to various journals and magazines, such as the AQC, Philalethes Journal, the UK based Freemasonry Today, MQ Magazine, The Square, the US based Knight Templar Magazine and the Masonic Journal. Harrison has also appeared on TV and radio discussing his work. Having gained his PhD from the University of Liverpool in 2008, which focused on the development of English Freemasonry, the thesis was subsequently published in March 2009 entitled The Genesis of Freemasonry by Lewis Masonic. The work became a best seller and is now on its third edition. Harrison’s other works include The Transformation of Freemasonry published by Arima Publishing in 2010, the Liverpool Masonic Rebellion and the Wigan Grand Lodge also published by Arima in 2012, A Quick Guide to Freemasonry which was published by Lewis Masonic in 2013, an examination of the York Grand Lodge published in 2014, Freemasonry and Fraternal Societies published in 2015, The City of York: A Masonic Guide published in 2016, and a biography on 19th century Liverpool philanthropist Christopher Rawdon which was published in the same year.
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The Great American Tax Haven: Why the Super-rich Love South Dakota
It’s known for being the home of Mount Rushmore – and not much else. But thanks to its relish for deregulation, the state is fast becoming the most profitable place for the mega-wealthy to park their billions.
— By Oliver Bullough | Thursday, 14 November 2019 | Guardian USA
Illustration: Guardian Design
Late last year, as the Chinese government prepared to enact tough new tax rules, the billionaire Sun Hongbin quietly transferred $4.5bn worth of shares in his Chinese real estate firm to a company on a street corner in Sioux Falls, South Dakota, one of the least populated and least known states in the US. Sioux Falls is a pleasant city of 180,000 people, situated where the Big Sioux River tumbles off a red granite cliff. It has some decent bars downtown, and a charming array of sculptures dotting the streets, but there doesn’t seem to be much to attract a Chinese multi-billionaire. It’s a town that even few Americans have been to.
The money of the world’s mega-wealthy, though, is heading there in ever-larger volumes. In the past decade, hundreds of billions of dollars have poured out of traditional offshore jurisdictions such as Switzerland and Jersey, and into a small number of American states: Delaware, Nevada, Wyoming – and, above all, South Dakota. “To some, South Dakota is a ‘fly-over’ state,” the chief justice of the state’s supreme court said in a speech to the legislature in January. “While many people may find a way to ‘fly over’ South Dakota, somehow their dollars find a way to land here.”
Super-rich people choose between jurisdictions in the same way that middle-class people choose between ISAs: they want the best security, the best income and the lowest costs. That is why so many super-rich people are choosing South Dakota, which has created the most potent force-field money can buy – a South Dakotan trust. If an ordinary person puts money in the bank, the government taxes what little interest it earns. Even if that money is protected from taxes by an ISA, you can still lose it through divorce or legal proceedings. A South Dakotan trust changes all that: it protects assets from claims from ex-spouses, disgruntled business partners, creditors, litigious clients and pretty much anyone else. It won’t protect you from criminal prosecution, but it does prevent information on your assets from leaking out in a way that might spark interest from the police. And it shields your wealth from the government, since South Dakota has no income tax, no inheritance tax and no capital gains tax.
A decade ago, South Dakotan trust companies held $57.3bn in assets. By the end of 2020, that total will have risen to $355.2bn. Those hundreds of billions of dollars are being regulated by a state with a population smaller than Norfolk, a part-time legislature heavily lobbied by trust lawyers, and an administration committed to welcoming as much of the world’s money as it can. US politicians like to boast that their country is the best place in the world to get rich, but South Dakota has become something else: the best place in the world to stay rich.
At the heart of South Dakota’s business success is a crucial but overlooked fact: globalisation is incomplete. In our modern financial system, money travels where its owners like, but laws are still made at a local level. So money inevitably flows to the places where governments offer the lowest taxes and the highest security. Anyone who can afford the legal fees to profit from this mismatch is able to keep wealth that the rest of us would lose, which helps to explain why – all over the world – the rich have become so much richer and the rest of us have not.
In recent years, countries outside the US have been cracking down on offshore wealth. But according to an official in a traditional tax haven, who has watched as wealth has fled that country’s coffers for the US, the protections offered by states such as South Dakota are undermining global attempts to control tax dodging, kleptocracy and money-laundering. “One of the core issues in fighting a guerrilla war is that if the guerrillas have a safe harbour, you can’t win,” the official told me. “Well, the US is giving financial criminals a safe harbour, and a really effective safe harbour – far more effective than anything they ever had in Jersey or the Bahamas or wherever.”
Those of us who cannot vote in South Dakota elections have little hope of changing its laws. But if we don’t do something to correct the imbalance between global wealth and local legislation, we risk entrenching today’s inequality and creating a new breed of global aristocrat, unaccountable to anyone and getting richer all the time – with grave consequences for the long-term health of liberal democracy.
South Dakota is west of Minnesota, east of Wyoming, and has a population of 880,000 people. Politically, its voters enthusiastically embrace the Republicans’ message of self-reliance, low taxes and family values. Donald Trump won more than 60% of the vote there in 2016, and the GOP has held a super-majority in the state’s House of Representatives since the 70s, allowing the party to mould South Dakota in its image for two generations.
Outsiders tend to know South Dakota for two things: Mount Rushmore, which is carved with the faces of four US presidents; and Laura Ingalls Wilder, who moved to the state as a girl and wrote the Little House on the Prairie series of children’s books. But its biggest impact on the world comes from a lesser-known fact: it was ground zero for the earthquake of financial deregulation that has rocked the world’s economy.
The story does not begin with trusts, but with credit cards, and with Governor William “Wild Bill” Janklow, a US marine and son of a Nuremberg prosecutor, who became governor in 1979 and led South Dakota for a total of 16 years. He died almost eight years ago, leaving behind an apparently bottomless store of anecdotes: about how he once brought a rifle to the scene of a hostage crisis; how his car got blown off the road when he was rushing to the scene of a tornado.
In the late 70s, South Dakota’s economy was mired in deep depression, and Janklow was prepared to do almost anything to bring in a bit of business. He sensed an opportunity in undercutting the regulations imposed by other states. At the time, national interest rates were set unusually high by the Federal Reserve, meaning that credit card companies were having to pay more to borrow funds than they could earn by lending them out, and were therefore losing money every time someone bought something. Citibank had invested heavily in credit cards, and was therefore at significant risk of going bankrupt.
William ‘Wild Bill’ Janklow, the former governor of South Dakota in 1988. Photograph: Per Breiehagen/Life Images Collection via Getty Images
The bank was searching for a way to escape this bind, and found it in Janklow. “We were in the poorhouse when Citibank called us,” the governor recalled in a later interview. “They were in bigger problems than we were. We could make it last. They couldn’t make it last. I was slowly bleeding to death; they were gushing to death.”
At the bank’s suggestion, in 1981, the governor abolished laws that at the time – in South Dakota, as in every other state in the union – set an upper limit to the interest rates lenders could charge. These “anti-usury” rules were a legacy of the New Deal era. They protected consumers from loan sharks, but they also prevented Citibank making a profit from credit cards. So, when Citibank promised Janklow 400 jobs if he abolished them, he had the necessary law passed in a single day. “The economy was, at that time, dead,” Janklow remembered. “I was desperately looking for an opportunity for jobs for South Dakotans.”
When Citibank based its credit card business in Sioux Falls, it could charge borrowers any interest rate it liked, and credit cards could become profitable. Thanks to Janklow, Citibank and other major companies came to South Dakota to dodge the restrictions imposed by the other 49 states. And so followed the explosion in consumer finance that has transformed the US and the world. Thanks to Janklow, South Dakota has a financial services industry, and the US has a trillion-dollar credit card debt.
Fresh from having freed wealthy corporations from onerous regulations, Janklow looked around for a way to free wealthy individuals too, and thus came to the decision that would eventually turn South Dakota into a Switzerland for the 21st century. He decided to deregulate trusts.
Trusts are ancient and complex financial instruments that are used to own assets, such as real estate or company stock. Unlike a person, a trust is immortal, which was an attractive prospect for English aristocrats of the Middle Ages who wished to make sure their property remained in their families for ever, and would be secure from any confiscation by the crown. This caused a problem, however. More and more property risked being locked up in trusts, subject to the wishes of long-dead people, which no one could alter. So, in the 17th century, judges fought back by creating the “rule against perpetuities”, which limited the duration of trusts to around a century, and prevented aristocratic families turning their local areas into mini-kingdoms.
That weakened aristocratic families, opened up the British economy, allowed new businessmen to elbow aside the entrenched powers in a way that did not happen elsewhere in Europe, and helped give the world the industrial revolution. “It’s a paradoxical point, but it wasn’t a bad thing when the scion of some family from out in the counties came down to London and pissed away his fortune. It was redistribution of wealth,” said Eric Kades, a law professor at William & Mary Law School in Virginia, who has studied trusts.
English emigrants took the rule to North America with them, and the dynamic recycling of wealth became even more frenetic in the land of the free. Then Governor Janklow came along. In 1983, he abolished the rule against perpetuities and, from that moment on, property placed in trust in South Dakota would stay there for ever. A rule created by English judges after centuries of consideration was erased by a law of just 19 words. Aristocracy was back in the game.
In allowing trusts to last for ever, South Dakota did something genuinely revolutionary, but sadly almost everyone I contacted – from current governor Kristi Noem to state representatives to members of the South Dakotan Trust Association – refused to talk about it. For an answer to the question of what exactly prompted the state to ditch the rule against perpetuities, I was eventually directed to Bret Afdahl, the director of the state administration’s Division of Banking, who wanted the question in writing. A week later, back came a one-word response: “unknown”.
Initially, South Dakota’s so-called “dynasty trusts” were advertised for their ability to dodge inheritance tax, thus allowing wealthy people to cement their family’s long-term control over property in the way English aristocrats had always wanted to. It also gave plenty of employment to lawyers and accountants.
“It’s a clean industry, there are no smokestacks, we don’t have to mine anything out of the earth or anything, and they’re generally good paying jobs,” said Tom Simmons, an expert on trust law at the University of South Dakota, when we chatted over coffee in central Sioux Falls. Alongside his academic work, Simmons is a member of South Dakota’s trust taskforce, which exists to maintain the competitiveness of the state’s trust industry. “Janklow was truly a genius in seeing this would be economic development with a very low cost to the government,” he said. (By “the government”, he of course means that of South Dakota, not that of the nation, other states or indeed other countries, which all lose out on the taxes that South Dakota helps people avoid.)
As the 1990s progressed, and more money came to Sioux Falls, South Dakota became a victim of its success, however, since other states – such as Alaska and Delaware – abolished the rule against perpetuities, too, thus negating South Dakota’s competitive advantage. But, having started the race to the bottom, Janklow was damned if any other state was going to beat him there. So, in 1997, he created the trust taskforce to make sure South Dakota was going as fast as it could. The taskforce’s job was to seek out legal innovations created in other jurisdictions, whether offshore or in the US, and make them work in South Dakota.
Thanks to the taskforce, South Dakota now gives its clients tricks to protect their wealth that would have been impossible 30 years ago. In most jurisdictions, trusts have to benefit someone other than the benefactor – your children, say, or your favourite charity – but in South Dakota, clients can create a trust for the benefit of themselves (indeed, Sun Hongbin is a beneficiary of his own trust). Once two years have passed, the trust is immune from any creditor claiming a share of the assets it contains, no matter the nature of their claim. A South Dakotan trust is secret, too. Court documents relating to it are kept private for ever, to prevent knowledge of its existence from leaking out. (It also has the useful side effect of making it all but impossible for journalists to find out who is using South Dakotan trusts, or what legal challenges to them have been filed.)
Leona Helmsley with her dog, Trouble.Leona Helmsley with her dog, Trouble. Photograph: Jennifer Graylock/AP
This barrage of innovations has allowed lawyers to create structures with complex names – the South Dakota Foreign Grantor Trust, the Self-Settled Asset Protection Trust, etc – which have done two simple things: they have kept the state ahead of the competition; and they have made South Dakota’s property protections extraordinarily strong. “The smart people want privacy,” explained Harvey Bezozi, a Florida financial adviser and tax expert who blogs under the name Your Financial Wizard. “South Dakota offers the best privacy and asset protection laws in the country, and possibly in the world, for the wealthy to protect their assets. They’ve done a pretty good job in making themselves unique; a real boutique place where the people in the know will eventually gravitate to.”
Among those in the know were the lawyers of Leona Helmsley, the legendarily mean hotel heiress, who coined the phrase “only the little people pay taxes”. When Helmsley died in 2007, she left $12m in trust for the care of her dog, a maltese called Trouble. Trouble dined on crab cakes and kobe beef, and the trust provided her with $8,000 a year for grooming and $100,000 for security guards, who protected her against kidnappings, as well as against reprisals from the people that she bit. When a New York court – not entirely unreasonably – decided to restrain this expenditure, trustees moved the trust to South Dakota, which had crafted “purpose trusts” with just such a client in mind. Other states impose limits on how a purpose trust can care for a pet, on the principle that perhaps there are better things to do with millions of dollars than groom a dog, but South Dakota takes no chances. The client is always right.
Despite all its legal innovating, South Dakota struggled for decades to compete with offshore financial centres for big international clients – Middle Eastern petro-sheikhs perhaps, or billionaires from emerging markets. The reason was simple: sometimes the owners’ claim to their assets was a little questionable, and sometimes their business practices were a little sharp. Why would any of them put their assets in the US, where they might become vulnerable to American law enforcement, when they could instead put them in a tax haven where enforcement was more … negotiable?
That calculation changed in 2010, in the aftermath of the great financial crisis. Many American voters blamed bankers for costing so many people their jobs and homes. When a whistleblower exposed how his Swiss employer, the banking giant UBS, had hidden billions of dollars for its wealthy clients, the conclusion was explosive: banks were not just exploiting poor people, they were helping rich people dodge taxes, too.
Congress responded with the Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act (Fatca), forcing foreign financial institutions to tell the US government about any American-owned assets on their books. Department of Justice investigations were savage: UBS paid a $780m fine, and its rival Credit Suisse paid $2.6bn, while Wegelin, Switzerland’s oldest bank, collapsed altogether under the strain. The amount of US-owned money in the country plunged, with Credit Suisse losing 85% of its American customers.
The rest of the world, inspired by this example, created a global agreement called the Common Reporting Standard (CRS). Under CRS, countries agreed to exchange information on the assets of each other’s citizens kept in each other’s banks. The tax-evading appeal of places like Jersey, the Bahamas and Liechtenstein evaporated almost immediately, since you could no longer hide your wealth there.
How was a rich person to protect his wealth from the government in this scary new transparent world? Fortunately, there was a loophole. CRS had been created by lots of countries together, and they all committed to telling each other their financial secrets. But the US was not part of CRS, and its own system – Fatca – only gathers information from foreign countries; it does not send information back to them. This loophole was unintentional, but vast: keep your money in Switzerland, and the world knows about it; put it in the US and, if you were clever about it, no one need ever find out. The US was on its way to becoming a truly world-class tax haven.
The Black Mountain Hills of South Dakota. Photograph: Posnov/Getty Images
The Tax Justice Network (TJN) still ranks Switzerland as the most pernicious tax haven in the world in its Financial Secrecy Index, but the US is now in second place and climbing fast, having overtaken the Cayman Islands, Hong Kong and Luxembourg since Fatca was introduced. “While the United States has pioneered powerful ways to defend itself against foreign tax havens, it has not seriously addressed its own role in attracting illicit financial flows and supporting tax evasion,” said the TJN in the report accompanying the 2018 index. In just three years, the amount of money held via secretive structures in the US had increased by 14%, the TJN said. That is the money pouring into Sioux Falls, and into the South Dakota Trust Company.
“The easy takeaway is that people are trying to hide. But wanting to be private, to be confidential, there’s nothing illegal about that,” said Matthew Tobin, the managing director of the South Dakota Trust Company (SDTC), where Sun Hongbin parked his $4.5bn fortune. We were sitting in SDTC’s conference room, which was decorated with a large map of Switzerland, as if it were a hunting trophy.
Tobin added that many foreign clients had wealth in another jurisdiction, and worried that information about it could be reported to their home country, thanks to CRS. “That could put them at risk. They could be at risk of losing their wealth, it could be taken from them. There’s kidnapping, ransom, hostages. There is risk in a lot of parts of the world,” he explained. “People are saying: ‘OK, if the laws are the same, but I can have the stability of the US economy, the US government, and maintain my privacy, I might as well go to the US.’” According to the figures on its website, SDTC now manages trusts holding $65bn and acts as an agent for trusts containing a further $82bn, all of them tax-free, all of them therefore growing more quickly than assets held elsewhere.
When I spoke to the official from one of the traditional tax havens, who asked not to be identified, for fear of wrecking what was left of the jurisdiction’s financial services industry, he was furious about what the US was doing. “One of the bitter aspects of this, and it’s something we haven’t said in public, is the sheer racism of the global anti-money laundering management effort,” he said. “You will notice that the states that are benefiting from this in America are the whitest states in the country. They’ve ended up beating the shit out of a load of black and Hispanic places, and stuffing all the money in South Dakota. How does that help?”
I put those comments to a South Dakotan trust lawyer who agreed to speak to me as long as I didn’t identify them. The lawyer was sympathetic to the offshore official’s argument, but said this is how the world is now, and everyone is just going to have to get used to it. It is, after all, not just South Dakota and its trust companies that are sucking in the world’s money. Banks in Florida and Texas are welcoming cash from Venezuela and Mexico, realtors in Los Angeles are selling property to Chinese potentates, and New York lawyers are arranging these transactions for anyone that wants them to. Perhaps under previous administrations, there might have been some appetite for aligning the US with global norms, but under Trump, it’s never going to happen.
“You can look at South Dakota and its trust industry, but if you really want to look at CRS, look at the amount of foreign money that is flowing into US banks, not just into trusts,” the lawyer said. “The US has decided at very high levels that it is benefiting significantly from not being a member of CRS. That issue is much larger than trusts, and I don’t see that changing, I really don’t.”
We have no idea yet what this means in the long term, because the revolution in trust law that began in South Dakota and spread throughout the US is only a generation old. But the implications are ominous.
Here is an example from one academic paper on South Dakotan trusts: after 200 years, $1m placed in trust and growing tax-free at an annual rate of 6% will have become $136bn. After 300 years, it will have grown to $50.4tn. That is more than twice the current size of the US economy, and this trust will last for ever, assuming that society doesn’t collapse altogether under the weight of this ever-swelling leach.
If the richest members of society are able to pass on their wealth tax-free to their heirs, in perpetuity, then they will keep getting richer than those of us who can’t. In fact, the tax rate for everyone else will probably have to rise, to make up for the shortfall caused by the wealthiest members of societies opting out, which will just make the problem worse. Eric Kades, the law professor at William & Mary Law School, thinks that South Dakota’s decision to abolish the rule against perpetuities for the short term benefit of its economy will prove to have been a long-term catastrophe. “In 50 or 100 years, it will turn out to have been an absolute disaster,” said Kades. “Now we’re going to have a bunch of wealthy families, and no one will be able to piss away that wealth, it will stay in the family for ever. This just locks in advantage.”
So far, most of the discussion of this development in wealth management has been confined to specialist publications, where academic authors have found themselves making arguments you do not usually find in discussions of legal constructs as abstruse as trusts. South Dakota, they argue, has struck at the very foundation of liberal democracy. “It does seem unfair for some people to have access to ‘property plus’, usable wealth with extra protection built in beyond that which regular property owners have,” noted the Harvard Law Review back in 2003, in an understated summation of the academic consensus that South Dakota has unleashed something disastrous.
And if some people have access to privileged property, where does that leave the equality before the law that is central to how society is supposed to function? Another academic, writing in the trade publication Tax Notes two decades ago, put that unfairness in context: “Perpetual trusts can (and will) facilitate enormous wealth and power for dynastic families. In the process, we leave to future generations some serious issues about the nature of our country’s democracy.”
With Washington unconcerned by what is happening, and the rest of the world incapable of doing anything about it, is there any prospect of anyone in South Dakota moving to repair the damage? The short answer is that it is too late. Two-dozen other states now have perpetual trusts too, so the money would just move elsewhere if South Dakota tried to tighten its rules. The longer answer is that South Dakotan politics appears to have been so comprehensively captured by the trust industry that there is no prospect of anything happening anyway.
The state legislature is elected every even-numbered year, and meets for two months each spring. It last updated the law governing trusts in 2018, and brought in Terry Prendergast, a trust lawyer, to explain the significance of the changes. “People should be allowed to do with their property what they desire to do,” Prendergast explained. “Our entire regulatory scheme reflects that positive attitude and attracts people from around the world to look at South Dakota as a shining example of what trust law can become.”
There were a few questions from the representatives, but they were quickly shut down by Mike Stevens, a Republican lawyer, and chairman of the state’s judiciary committee. “No more questions. I didn’t understand perpetuities in law school, and I don’t want to understand it now,” he said, laughing.
Susan Wismer, one of just 10 Democrats among the House’s 70 members, attempted to prolong the discussion by raising concerns about how South Dakota was facilitating tax avoidance, driving inequality and damaging democracy. Her view was dismissed as “completely jaded and biased” by a trust lawyer sitting for the Republicans. It was a brief exchange, but it went to the heart of how tax havens work. There is no political traction in South Dakota for efforts to change its approach, since the state does so well out of it. The victims of its policies, who are all in places like California, New York, China or Russia, where the tax take is evaporating, have no vote.
Wismer is the only person I met in South Dakota who seemed to understand this. “Ever since I’ve been in the legislature, the trust taskforce has come to us with an updating bill, every year or every other year, and we just let it pass because none of us know what it is. They’re monster bills. As Democrats, we’re such a small caucus, we’re the ones who ought to be the natural opponents of this, but we don’t have the technical expertise and don’t really even understand what we’re doing,” she confessed, while we ate pancakes and drank coffee in a truck stop outside Sioux Falls. “We don’t have a clue what the consequences are to just regular people from what we’re doing.”
That means legislators are nodding through bills that they do not understand, at the behest of an industry that is sucking in ever-greater volumes of money from all over the world. If this was happening on a Caribbean island, or a European micro-principality, it would not be surprising, but this is the US. Aren’t ordinary South Dakotans concerned about what their state is enabling?
“The voters don’t have a clue what this means. They’ve never seen a feudal society, they don’t have a clue what they’re enabling,” Wismer said. “I don’t think there are 100 people in this state who understand the ramifications of what we’ve done.”
• This article was amended on 20 November 2019 because an earlier version misnamed the Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act as the Financial Assets Tax Compliance Act.
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When Did The Republicans And Democrats Switch
New Post has been published on https://www.patriotsnet.com/when-did-the-republicans-and-democrats-switch/
When Did The Republicans And Democrats Switch
An Introduction To The Different Types Of Democrats And Republicans: This Is A Story Of Factions Switching And Parties Changing
I can’t stress this enough, a major thing that changes in history is the Southern Social Conservative one-party voting bloc .
This is the easy thing to explain given the conservative South’s historically documented support of figures like Calhoun, John Breckenridge and his Socially Conservative Confederates of the Southern Democratic Party, , the other Byrd who ran for President, Thurmond, C. Wallace, Goldwater , and later conservative figures like Reagan, Bush, and Trump .
The problem isn’t showing the changes related to this, or showing the progressive southerners like LBJ, the Gores, and Bill Clinton aren’t of “the same exact” breed as the socially conservative south, the problem is that the party loyalty of the conservative south is hardly the only thing that changes, nor is it the only thing going on in American history .
Not only that, but here we have to note that the north and south have its own factions, Democrats and Republicans have their own factions, and each region and state has its own factions… and that gives us many different “types” of Democrats and Republicans.
Consider, Lindsey Graham essentially inherited Strom Thurmond’s seat, becoming the next generation of solid south South Carolina conservative, now solidly in the Republican party.
Birmingham was all about a Democrat spraying a firehose at a Democrats, while the Democrats sent in the national guard to stop the protestors, while a Democrat told the guard to stand down.
When And Why The Democratic And Republican Parties Switched Platforms President Lincolns Philosophies Were Actually Democratic
A BRIEF SUMMARY OF THE DEMOCRATIC-REPUBLICAN PARTY
The Democratic-Republican Party is the earliest political party in the United States.
Democratic-Republican Party
The Whig Party was a political party formed in 1834 by opponents of President Andrew Jackson and his Jacksonian Democrats, launching the ‘two-party system.’ Led by Henry Clay, the name “Whigs” was derived from the English antimonarchist party and was an attempt to portray President Jackson as “King Andrew.” Whigs tended to be wealthy and have an aristocratic background. Most Whigs were based in New England and in New York. While Jacksonian Democrats painted the Whigs as the party of the aristocracy, they managed to win support from diverse economic groups and elect two presidents: William Henry Harrison and Zachary Taylor. The other two Whig presidents, John Tyler, and Millard Fillmore gained office as Vice Presidents next in the line of succession.
Early Whig Party Campaign Poster.
Northern Democrats were in serious opposition to Southern Democrats on the issue of slavery. Northern Democrats, led by Stephen Douglas, believed in Popular Sovereignty—letting the people of the territories vote on slavery. The Southern Democrats , reflecting the views of the late John C. Calhoun, insisted slavery was national.
WHY THE DEMOCRATIC AND REPUBLICAN PARTIES SWITCHED PHILOSOPHIES
William Jennings Bryan Legendary “Octopus Poster” from the 1900 Campaign.
Abraham Lincoln, photograph by Gardner, 1865.
A Summary Of The Party Switching By Looking At The Presidents: From The Founding Fathers To Civil War To Civil Rights To Today
In the introduction we provided a chronological summary of the parties by looking at the Party Systems, this section expands upon the story by focusing on the Presidents.
As noted in the introduction, to prove the parties switched platforms clearly, we need to consider at least four political types , not just liberal and conservative. We also need to think about the single issue“third parties” like the Free Soil Party, the People’s Party, and the American Independent Party, and the difference between collectivism and individualism. This is necessary as collective rights vs. individual rights is the issue at the heart of the debate.
Although the political ideologies are best applied to each issue, some issues don’t arise until the late 19th or even 20th century. The parties have been factionalized throughout history. We can describe the parties, using modern language, as Social Liberal , Conservative , Populist/Socialist , and Libertarian/Classic Liberal .
Hamilton, who roughly favors Northern interests and a strong government, was a hands-on Federalist . Jefferson, who roughly favors Southern interests and less government, was a hands-off anti-Federalist . In terms of England and France, Hamilton is Whig-like and Jefferson is a Jacobin supporting admirer of the French Revolution .
John Quincy Adams | 60-Second Presidents | PBS. Adams, Clay, and Jackson’s stories intertwine to describe the end of the First Party and start of the Second Party system.
Other Factors Of Note Regarding Switching Platforms Progressivism The Red Scare Immigration Religion And Civil Rights In 54
Other key factors involve the Red Scare , the effect of immigration, unions, and “the Catholic vote” on the parties.
The Republican party changed after losing to Wilson and moved away from progressivism and toward classical liberal values under Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover. In this time they also became increasingly “anti-Communist” following WWI . While both parties were anti-Communist and pro-Capitalist, Wilson’s brand of progressive southern bourbon liberalism and his New Freedom plan and then FDR’s brand of progressive liberalism and his New Deal were opposed by Republicans like Hoover due to their use of the state to ensure social justice. Then after WWII, the Second Red Scare reignited the conversation, further dividing factions and parties.
Another important thing to note is that the Democratic party has historically been pro-immigrant . Over time this attracted new immigrant groups like Northern Catholics and earned them the support of Unions . Big City Machines like Tammany Hall also play a role in this aspect of the story as well. The immigrant vote is one of the key factors in changing the Democratic party over time in terms of progressivism, unions, religion, and geolocation , and it is well suited to be its own subject.
Despite these general truisms, the parties themselves have typically been factionalized over complex factors relating to left-right ideology, single issues, and the general meaning of liberty.
Other Factors Of Note Regarding Switching Platforms Progressivism The Red Scare Immigration Religion And Civil Rights In 54
Other key factors involve the Red Scare , the effect of immigration, unions, and “the Catholic vote” on the parties.
The Republican party changed after losing to Wilson and moved away from progressivism and toward classical liberal values under Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover. In this time they also became increasingly “anti-Communist” following WWI . While both parties were anti-Communist and pro-Capitalist, Wilson’s brand of progressive southern bourbon liberalism and his New Freedom plan and then FDR’s brand of progressive liberalism and his New Deal were opposed by Republicans like Hoover due to their use of the state to ensure social justice. Then after WWII, the Second Red Scare reignited the conversation, further dividing factions and parties.
Another important thing to note is that the Democratic party has historically been pro-immigrant . Over time this attracted new immigrant groups like Northern Catholics and earned them the support of Unions . Big City Machines like Tammany Hall also play a role in this aspect of the story as well. The immigrant vote is one of the key factors in changing the Democratic party over time in terms of progressivism, unions, religion, and geolocation , and it is well suited to be its own subject.
Despite these general truisms, the parties themselves have typically been factionalized over complex factors relating to left-right ideology, single issues, and the general meaning of liberty.
James A Haught Says Teddy Roosevelt Was The Last Republican Liberal And Was Shifting By The Time His Democratic Nephew
Strangely, over a century, America’s two major political parties gradually reversed identities, like the magnetic poles of Planet Earth switching direction.
When the Republican Party was formed in 1856, it was fiercely liberal, opposing the expansion of slavery, calling for more spending on public education, seeking more open immigration and the like. Compassionate Abraham Lincoln suited the new party’s progressive agenda.
In that era, Democrats were conservatives, partly dominated by the slave-holding South. Those old-style Democrats generally opposed any government action to create jobs or help underdogs.
Through the latter half of the 19th century, the pattern of Republicans as liberals, Democrats as conservatives, generally held true. In 1888, the GOP elected President Benjamin Harrison on a liberal platform seeking more social services.
Then in 1896, a reversal began when Democrats nominated populist firebrand William Jennings Bryan , “the Great Commoner.”
“He was the first liberal to win the Democratic Party presidential nomination,” political scholar Rich Rubino wrote. “This represented a radical departure from the conservative roots of the Democratic Party.”
The Progressive platform attacked big-money influence in politics, vowing “to destroy this invisible government, to dissolve the unholy alliance between corrupt business and corrupt politics.”
Here’s how to submit letters and op-eds to the Chronicle
Understanding The Basics: How The Parties Changed General Us Party History And Why The Big Switch Isnt A Myth
Above we did an introduction, this next section takes a very general look at how the major parties changed and how factions changed parties.
To sum things up before we get started discussing specific switches, both major U.S. parties used to have notable progressive socially liberal left-wing and socially conservative right-wing factions, and now they don’t.
Originally, like today, one party was for “big government” and one party was for “small government” .
However, unlike today, party lines were originally drawn over elitism and populism and preferred government type more than by the left-right social issues that define the parties today, as the namesake of the parties themselves imply .
In those days both parties had progressive and conservative wings, but the Southern Anti-Federalist, Democratic-Republican, and then Democratic Party was populist and favored “small government”, and the Northern Federalist, Whig, and then Republican Party was elite and favored bigger central government.
However, from the lines drawn during the Civil War, to Bryan in the Gilded Age, to Teddy Roosevelt leaving the Republican Party to form the Progressive Party in 1912, to FDR’s New Deal, to LBJ’s Civil Rights, to the Clinton and Bush era, the above became less and less true.
Instead, today the parties are polarized by left-right social issues, and each party has a notable populist and elitist wing.
With The Help Of Liberal Educators And The Liberal Media Democrats Have Been Rewriting History For Decades
Our public schools as well as our colleges and universities have either stopped teaching U.S. Civil Rights History entirely or they teach a revised version in which they chronologically report the good and the bad without attribution. For example, they may report the horrors of the KKK but will not mention that it was the terrorist arm of the Democratic Party or that the KKK often hung Blacks and Republicans together of which many were Black Republicans. Our history books may cover the history of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, which freed the slaves, without revealing the party associations of those who voted for and against it. In other words, they fail to teach their students the truth.
And the media? In MSNBC’s coverage of the 50th anniversary of Democratic Governor and segregationist George Wallace’s attempt to prevent the integration of the University of Alabama, the network identified Wallace as “R., Alabama.” Yes, they really are that dishonest.
The Democrat lies just keep on coming
Racism and the Democratic Party share an ugly past. Now, the accusation of racism and the Democratic Party share an ugly present.
A Summary Of Party Systems Realigning Elections And Switching Factions In The Major Us Political Parties
Now that we have the essential basics down, let’s do an overview of all the changes .
Historians refer to the eras the changes resulted in as “party systems“.
Each party system is defined by realigning elections or otherwise important elections like the elections of 1800, 1828, 1860, 1876, 1892, 1896, 1912, 1928, 1932, 1948, 1964, 1968, 1980, 1992, and 2000, key voter issues of the day like states’ rights, workers’ rights, social welfare, equal rights, central banking, and currency debates, and which factions were in which parties at the time like the New Deal Coalition and Conservative Coalition .
Or, in a very general sentence, Solid South States’ Rights and Tea party-esquePopulist Conservatives in the Democratic Party and elite Social Liberal Progressives in the Republican Party essentially switched parties from roughly 1900 to 2000, which resulted in red and blue states flipping from north to south .
That said, to complicate things, the Federalist line was historically anti-immigrant and nationalist and gave birth to the first Tea Party-like entities the Know-Nothings in the North and Anti-Masons in the North.
Despite this truism however, the Civil War forced factions to choose sides over slavery and expansion. Consequently, the Whig-allied nativist populist factions disbanded, the New Republican Party formed, and ultimately the first Republican President Lincoln was “no Know-Nothing“.
An Overview Of The Platform Switching By Party System And President From The Founders To Eisenhower
The First and Second Party Systems included some important changes and debates. Examples included the argument over the Federalist favored Constitution, and the Anti-Federalist favored Articles of Confederation and Bill of Rights and debates over slavery, modernization, and banking. Major changes began at the end of the Second Party System.
The Second Party system ended with the Whig Party dissolving in 1854. They were critically divided by the Kansas-Nebraska Act and the related debate over manifest destiny and popular sovereignty . The heated battle over whether Kansas should be a slave state, and the debate over whether the south could keep expanding southward creating slave states, resulted in the country being split. This had happened in the Mexican-American war. One faction became the Northern Republicans and their allies the Union, who wanted to hold together the Union under a strong central government. The other became the Southern ex-Democrats and their allies the Confederacy, who wanted independence and wanted to expand southward, to for instance Cuba, creating new slave states. By the time Lincoln took office in 1861, the division was inescapable
FACT: The tension was so great the Democratic party ceased to exist from 1861 – 1865 as the Confederacy rejected the concept of party systems; which is why we refer to them ex-Democrats above.
An Overview Of The Platform Switching By Party System And President From The Founders To Eisenhower
The First and Second Party Systems included some important changes and debates. Examples included the argument over the Federalist favored Constitution, and the Anti-Federalist favored Articles of Confederation and Bill of Rights and debates over slavery, modernization, and banking. Major changes began at the end of the Second Party System.
The Second Party system ended with the Whig Party dissolving in 1854. They were critically divided by the Kansas-Nebraska Act and the related debate over manifest destiny andpopular sovereignty . The heated battle over whether Kansas should be a slave state, and the debate over whether the south could keep expanding southward creating slave states, resulted in the country being split. This had happened in the Mexican-American war. One faction became the Northern Republicans and their allies the Union, who wanted to hold together the Union under a strong central government. The other became the Southern ex-Democrats and their allies the Confederacy, who wanted independence and wanted to expand southward, to for instance Cuba, creating new slave states. By the time Lincoln took office in 1861, the division was inescapable
FACT: The tension was so great the Democratic party ceased to exist from 1861 – 1865 as the Confederacy rejected the concept of party systems; which is why we refer to them ex-Democrats above.
Dinesh Dsouza Gives An Inaccurate Reading Of The Big Switch Myth: His Version Of History Is A Myth
Dinesh D’Souza decided to make a movie about how the Democrats didn’t change and how Northern ghettoes are proof of modern slavery .
This argument shows a lack of an understanding of American history .
Northern ghettoes are a problem because “lots and lots of reasons” . Their problems stem from things like: the nature of capitalism and classism, a push-back against busing and integration, the great migration, immigrant rather than a history of slavery, and even less heartwarming truths of obstructionist factions in both parties .
Northern Ghettoes like South Side Chicago aren’t a product of the Confederate ideology, they are a product of economic inequality. It isn’t “because Socially Liberal Progressives and Neoliberals are racist and have racist policies”, it is because “aristocracy + oligrachy + capitalism + the welfare state = economic inequality for economic minorities ”.
This is very different than Southern Slavery where the “less-thans” were known by skin color rather than pocketbook size.
This is to say:
The party with the outwardly hurtful policies is generally the party with the Social Conservatives in it .
The party with the policies that are economically hurtful… is typically the business wing of both parties, always. Not all factions of a given party, but generally the dominate establishment factions; as those are always the factions with the most money and thus the one’s least likely to create policies that don’t help their class first.
Raleigh Co Delegate Mick Bates Switches From Democrat To Republican Extends Gop Supermajority
Dave Mistich
Del. Mick Bates of Raleigh County has switched from Democrat to Republican, further strengthening the GOP’s stronghold at the West Virginia statehouse. According to a Wednesday news release, Bates changed his party affiliation at the Raleigh County Courthouse Wednesday morning.
In a statement, Bates noted the dramatic increase in Republican voter registrations in Raleigh County — a 30 percent swing in the last three years — as part of the motivation for his party affiliation change.
According to data from the West Virginia Secretary of State’s office, Republicans outnumber Democrats in the state 433,287 to 408,572. In Raleigh County, which includes the district Bates represents, 18,668 Republicans outnumber the 15,272 registered Democrats.
He also pointed to public perception of national politics and what he sees as the West Virginia Democratic Party aligning more closely with prominent national Democrats.
“There used to be a difference between the way West Virginia Democrats and Washington Democrats were viewed. People no longer see that difference,” Bates said. “At a national level, the controlling interests and leadership of the Democratic Party continue to pursue positions that alienate voters in rural parts of the country and do not reflect the priorities, values or beliefs of the people of West Virginia. This is not changing and appears to be getting worse, not better.”
The Claim: The Democratic Party Started The Civil War To Preserve Slavery And Later The Kkk
As America marks a month of protests against systemic racism and many people draw comparisons between current events and the Civil Rights Movement, an oversimplified trope about the Democratic Party’s racist past has been resurrected online.
“Friendly reminder that if you support the Democrat Party, you support the party that founded the KKK and start a civil war to keep their slaves,” claims an Instagram user @snowflake.tears shared June 19.
Many Instagram users read between the lines for the tweet’s implication about the modern Democratic and Republican parties. Some argued this past action discredited current liberal policies, while others said it did not matter.
“Everyone knows that Abraham Lincoln fought to free the slaves, but he also created the Republican Party, and was the leader of it to help fight to free the slaves, yet it’s said that most black people still vote for Democrats who fought to keep the slaves,” user @shrukenshmuck commented.
“I’m a conservative but I find this argument pretty stupid because clearly that’s not what they support anymore, values change overtime,” user @james.dubee wrote.
Historians agree that although factions of the Democratic Party did majorly contribute to the Civil War’s start and the KKK’s founding, it is inaccurate to say the party is responsible for either.
Instagram user @snowflake.tears has not returned USA TODAY’s request for comment.
The Tension Between Rural Regions And City Regions Is As Old As The Federalists And Anti
With the above covered, there is a reason the Northern Coasts and Cities are in one party and the Rural South and Mid-West are in the other party in almost any era , with this being true even when the parties switch.
This is because a major divide is between the political, economic, and social interests of rural regions and citied regions .
Learn more about How the Tension Between City Interests and Rural Interests Affects Politics, not just on a national level, but on a state and regional level too .
The better you understand this tension, the better you’ll understand that age-old Federalists / Anti-Federalist, Republican / Democrat, or North / South split in any era .
We are all Democrats, we are all Republicans, we are all Federalists, and we all love liberty.
We are all Americans.
We simply disagree on specifics , and thus we form factions and voting blocs around those differences .
The changing factions responding to newly arising voter issues is the main thing that “changed” the parties.
Still, not everything changed . That is explained in excessive detail below.
Now that you know about the rural vs. city split, and the big changes like those of Lincoln’s time, those of Teddy’s time, and the shifting Solid South , take a look at the time-lapse video below which shows the U.S. Presidential election results map, both by state and by county, from 1789 to 2016.
Five Key Takeaways On Immigration From The Democratic And Republican Policy Platforms
With the conclusion of the party conventions last month, we took a detailed look at Democratic nominee Joe Biden’s Plan For Securing Our Values as a Nation of Immigrants and President Donald Trump’s newly released agenda for a possible second term.1 Although immigration is not at the forefront of the public’s mind in the leadup to November 4, 2020, a more detailed look at both the Democratic and Republican plans gave us a window into what a new or continuing administration could bring in terms of immigration reform. After a detailed analysis of Biden’s platform, we found the Democratic nominee made significant updates and expansions from when the platform was first released to his approach on reforming the legal immigration system should he enter the White House in January. In contrast, Trump’s second-term agenda reiterates hardline positions he has held throughout his time in office. It also does not include any specific mention of reforms to legal immigration, instead focusing on ending illegal immigration and protecting American workers. Below, we outline five key takeaways from the candidates’ platforms and their implications for immigration reform in 2021.
Annual Report
The Complexities Of Changing Parties Changing Factions And Changing Party Platforms
Look at the images above, your eyes do not deceive you, the voter map of the Historical Presidential Elections tells a quick visual story of that which we will explain below, “that the political factions that formed around key voter issues in any era have switched parties over time as the major parties and their platforms changed, and this in turn changed the major parties and their platforms”.
The result of this is what we call “the Party Systems” .
The result is also, more specifically, that the major parties no longer reflect their original platforms or namesakes and that in many cases we are left with a full “switch” of underlying ideology
The main problem we have in arguing over Lincoln, Byrd, oddly never Teddy, and Strom Thurmond and whether or not “the parties switched” is that American history is complex and summarizing can take longer than reasonable human attention spans allow.
In other words, it isn’t that nothing changed, it is that it is harder to tell an accurate story than it is to perpetuate simple myths . Meaning, I can’t make my full argument quick enough to sway the casual skeptic, but I promise those of you who want to dig deeper: ours is the most accurate answer you’ll find outside of the history books.
A Quick Summary Of How The Major Parties Changed And Switched With Some Visuals
Above was an overview of the main points, below is a more detailed summary of points that will help one understand “the party switches of the different party systems.” After the summary are some images and videos which help tell the main points of the story:
Also consider the following general notes about the party platforms in any era:
Northern “City” Interests : Federalists, Whigs, Third Party Republicans, Fourth Party Progressive era Republicans , Fifth Party Democrats , Modern Democrats.
Southern “Rural” Interests : Anti-Federalists, Democratic-Republicans, Third Party Democrats, Fourth Party Progressive Era Democrats , Fifth Party Republicans , Modern Republicans.
NOTE: Saying there is way too much ground to cover to say it all in a consumable bite is an understatement, so if you are looking for specifics use “command find” or our site search.
TIP: The Confederates wanted free-trade and states rights, meanwhile the northern Republicans wanted a debt-based economy with modernization and protectionist trade. Things have changed considerably, but not every plank changed. What happened was complex.
Below some images that might help tell the story without me even having to say another word:
A map showing realigning elections and Presidents who represent major changes in the U.S. parties. We can see something happened, that is empirically undeniable, but what?
How The Democrats Became Liberals And How The Republicans Became Conservatives
February 14, 2016
Once upon a time, the Democratic Party was America’s staunch defender of conservatism, and the Republican Party was the upstart champion of liberalism. And then, one day, they switched.
Seriously.
1860 Presidential Election Results
For the first half of the 19th century, the American political process revolved around the Democratic-Republican and Whig parties, with the Federalists, Know-Nothings and other groups playing smaller roles. The dominant political issue throughout this entire period was of course slavery, and by 1853 most Americans were polarized into the pro- and anti-slavery camps.
In 1824, the Democratic Party was born out of the more conservative elements of the Democratic-Republican Party. Three decades later, the Republic Party was established, with its membership largely made up of former Whigs and the more liberal members of the Democratic-Republic party in the North. The Democrats, especially in the South, became the primary haven of the pro-slavery elements of society, and by extension the state’s rights party when the federal government became increasingly likely to abolish slavery. The Republicans became the haven of the abolitionists, and by extension the party of strong central government.
2012 Presidential Election Results
Presto-chango, the transformation was complete.
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In Tampa Bay Area 2000 Republicans Switch Parties In Days After Capitol Riot
Since the Jan. 6 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol, what appears to be an unusual number of Republicans in the three biggest Tampa Bay area counties have switched parties, mostly to no party affiliation, but some becoming Democrats.
News reports in Florida and nationwide have noted a similar phenomenon elsewhere, with voters citing anger at President Donald Trump and his supporters.
But at least a few Republicans may also be switching out of anger that party leaders haven’t backed Trump strongly enough, including one Hillsborough County Republican Party official.
According to figures from Hillsborough, Pasco and Pinellas elections supervisors, 2,025 Republicans in the three counties switched parties from Jan. 6 through Thursday.
That compares to 306 Democrats who switched parties in the same period, even though Democrats outnumber Republicans in the counties.
More than half the Republican switchers, 1,171, changed to no party affiliation, while 298 became Democrats and the rest went to minor parties – mostly the Independent Party, sometimes confused with “independent” status.
The 2,025 GOP party switchers are less than half of 1 percent of the total 705,818 Republicans registered in the three counties.
But the number switching is far higher than in the same time period following the 2016 presidential election.
In Pinellas, for example, only 20 Republicans and 22 Democrats switched Jan. 6-13, 2017, compared to 812 Republicans and 108 Democrats this year.
We Should Perhaps Not Assume The Collapse Of The Institutional Gop Just Yet
For many non-Republicans, the events of the past month have felt unresolved. A mob of supporters of President Donald Trump stormed the U.S. Capitol three weeks ago, leaving a police officer and four others dead and putting at risk the transfer of presidential power. Scores of rioters have been arrested in the attempted insurrection, but none of those responsible for inspiring and encouraging it — including Trump — have paid much of a price.
arrow-right
So rumors that the Republican Party broadly is paying a price for the violence have a specific sort of appeal, a sense of justice aligning itself as expected. It leads to things such as this, from former U.S. senator from Arizona Jeff Flake — recently censured by his party for failing to support Trump last year.
The implication is obvious: Thousands of Republicans are fleeing the party, so it better straighten out. It had better change its behavior soon or risk collapse!
Eh, not really.
Data from the Arizona secretary of state provided to The Washington Post confirmed that about 9,300 Republicans left the party between Jan. 6 and Jan. 24. In politics, people rarely switch from one party to the other, just as they rarely flip from supporting one politician to supporting their opponent. Instead, people go through a middle ground of uncertainty before reaching a new pole — and so it is with most of those Arizona Republicans. Fewer than 1,000 became Democrats; most joined third parties or became independents.
Tens Of Thousands Of Voters Drop Republican Affiliation After Capitol Riot
 
More than 30,000 voters who had been registered members of the Republican Party have changed their voter registration in the weeks after a mob of pro-Trump supporters attacked the Capitol — an issue that led the House to impeach the former president for inciting the violence.
The massive wave of defections is a virtually unprecedented exodus that could spell trouble for a party that is trying to find its way after losing the presidential race and the Senate majority.
It could also represent the tip of a much larger iceberg: The 30,000 who have left the Republican Party reside in just a few states that report voter registration data, and information about voters switching between parties, on a weekly basis.
Voters switching parties is not unheard of, but the data show that in the first weeks of the year, far more Republicans have changed their voter registrations than Democrats. Many voters are changing their affiliation in key swing states that were at the heart of the battle for the White House and control of Congress.
Nearly 10,000 Pennsylvania voters dropped out of the Republican Party in the first 25 days of the year, according to the secretary of state’s office. About a third of them, 3,476, have registered as Democrats; the remaining two-thirds opted to register with another party or without any party affiliation.
In all of those areas, the number of Democrats who left their party is a fraction of the number of Republican defectors.
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The New Abolitionism: Capitalism, Slavery and Animal Liberation Capitalism originated in, and would have been impossible without, imperialism, colonization, the international slave trade, genocide, and large-scale environmental destruction. Organized around profit and power imperatives, capitalism is a system of slavery, exploitation, class hierarchy and inequality, violence, and forced labor. The Global Capitalist Gulag was fuelled, first, by the labor power of millions of slaves from Africa and other nations, and, second, by massive armies of immigrant and domestic workers who comprised an utterly new social class, the industrialized proletariat.
As Marx observed, the accumulation of wealth and the production of poverty, the aggrandizement of the ruling class and the immiseration of the ruled, the development of the European world and the underdevelopment of its colonies, are inseparably interrelated. These apparent antipodes are inevitable consequences of a grow-or-die, profit-seeking system of exploitation whose ceaseless expansion requires a slave class and inordinate amounts of cheap labor power.
The transatlantic slave trade began in 1444 when Henry the Navigator began taking Africans back to Portugal to serve as slaves. Africans already were enslaving each other, but their labor market was more akin to indentured servitude and nothing like the horrors they would later face in British America. Prior to trafficking in African slaves, European nations enjoyed positive relationships with Africa based on friendship and trade. This ended in the mid-fifteenth century when they were overtaken by insatiable demands for gold, profits, and slave labor. As evident in the brutal exploits of Columbus and Spain, many European states waged genocidal war against dark-skinned peoples in order to appropriate their land, resources, riches, and labor power.
Over the next few centuries European forces of “civilization,” “progress,” and Christianity kidnapped twenty million Africans from their homes and villages. They forced inland captives to march 500 grueling miles to the coast while barefoot and in leg irons. Half died before they reached the ships and more expired during the torturous six to ten week journey across the Atlantic to North America. The slave traders confined their human cargo to the suffocating hell beneath the deck. Blacks were packed into tight spaces, chained together, and delirious from heat, stench, and disease. They were beaten, force-fed, and thrown overboard in droves.
Marx rightly saw European colonialism as the “primitive stage of capital development” before the emergence of industrial society. From the fifteenth to the nineteenth century, profits from the slave trade built European economies, bankrolled the Industrial Revolution, and powered America before and after the Revolutionary War. The glorious cities and refined cultures of modern Europe were erected on the backs of millions of slaves, its “civilization” the product of barbarism. The horrors of slavery were the burning ethical and political issues of modern capitalism. Over a century after the liberation of blacks in the 1880s, however, slavery has again emerged as a focal point of debate and struggle, as society shifts from considering human to animal slaves and a new abolitionist movement seeking animal liberation emerges as a flashpoint for moral evolution and social transformation
Strange Fruit of American Democracy
Both before and after the Revolutionary War, America was a slave-hungry system. In its European form, the nation emerged from scratch, with no prior feudal history or communal traditions, a product of British capital ventures. As British colonists found no gold like the Spaniards did in the Americas, they turned to agriculture. From the Indians they learned to grow tobacco as a profitable crop, but planting and harvesting required intense physical labor. For their sturdiness, vulnerability, and cheap price, the colonists favored Africans over Native American Indians and English laborers for the task.
The first Africans arrived on the North American continent in August 1619, a year before Pilgrims landed the Mayflower on the shores of Massachusetts and decades before the British slave trade began in New England. Exchanged for food, twenty blacks stepped off a Dutch slavery ship to become the first generation of African-Americans. Joining a society not yet lacerated by slavery and racism, they worked as indentured servants to British elites. As such, their status was equal to poor white servants, and servants of either race could gain freedom after their tenure. Like whites, blacks owned property, married, and voted in an integrated society.
This benign situation changed dramatically in the 1660s as ever-more Africans were brought to the colonies to meet the growing need for plantation labor. As slavery became crucial to capitalist expansion and plantation economies organized around tobacco, sugar, and cotton, British colonists constructed racist ideologies to legitimate the violent subjugation of those equal to them in the eyes of God and the principles of natural law. Having survived the shock of capture and wretchedness of their journey, African men, women, and children were auctioned, branded, and sold to white slave owners who grew rich from trading, breeding, and exploiting their bodies. With no consideration of blood ties or emotional bonds, black families were broken apart. Stripped of rights, dignity, and human status, these African citizens and their millions of American descendents were brutalized in the most vicious slavery system on the planet, one whose ugly legacy continues to dominate and poison the US.
As colonists became increasingly autonomous from the monarchy abroad, and British military occupation and oppression subsequently increased, the conflict between Empire and its unruly subjects – dramatized in events such as the Boston Tea Party in 1773 -- inexorably led to war. On July 4, 1776, the Continental Congress adopted the Declaration of Independence which asserted the “self-evident” truth that “all men are created equal” and “are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights.” Along with progressive whites such as Thomas Paine and Abigail Adams, slaves were quick to denounce the hypocrisy whereby colonists such as Thomas Jefferson railed against British tyranny while owning slaves drawn from a system far more repressive than English monarchy.
Whereas many blacks fought for the British who promised them freedom, others fought courageously for the patriot cause and were crucial to its victory. When the war ended in 1783, social relations and racial views were in great flux. Tens of thousands of slaves fled to England, Canada, Spanish Florida, or Indian camps. Many Northern slaveholders who embraced the nation’s egalitarian values without regard to race freed their captives. In 1783, Massachusetts became the first state to abolish slavery and from 1789 to 1830 all states north of Maryland gradually followed suit. At the same time, however, slavery grew stronger roots in Southern states that were becoming increasingly influential economically and politically.
The new nation stood at a crucial moral crossroads regarding the slavery question and the true meaning of its professed democratic and Christian values. It could end slavery and adhere to its noble ideals, or it could perpetuate a vicious system of bondage to be an American hypocrisy not democracy. Tragically, the profit imperative triumphed over the moral imperative. Although the North continuously pandered to Southern slavery interests, the two cultures drifted apart irreconcilably like shifting tectonic plates. Rather than pulling together as one nation honoring the progressive values that led them to war, the US imploded through internal contradictions and in 1861 embarked on a bloody war with itself.
The Roar of Abolitionism
With freedom denied and justice betrayed, both free and enslaved blacks intensified their resistance to white oppression. Increasingly, opponents of slavery turned from tactics of reform and moderation to demands for the total and immediate dismantling of the slavery system, and thus, in the 1830s, the abolitionist movement was born.
Abolitionism is rooted in a searing critique of racism and its dehumanizing effects on black people. In the US slavery market, a human being, on the basis of skin color alone, was declared biologically and naturally inferior to whites and thereby stripped of all rights. In such a system, the slave is transmogrified from a human subject into a physical object, from a person into a commodity, and thereby reduced to a moveable form of property known as “chattel.” Abolitionists viewed the institution of slavery as inherently evil, corrupt, and dehumanizing, such that no black person in bondage – however well-treated by their “masters” – could ever attain the full dignity, intelligence, and creativity of their humanity. Abolitionists renounced all reformist approaches that sought better or more “humane treatment” of slaves, in order to insist on the total emancipation of blacks from the chains, masters, laws, courts, and ideologies that corrupted, stunted, and profaned their humanity.
The most militant abolitionist voices advocated the use of violence as a necessary or legitimate tactic of struggle and self-defense. In 1829, David Walker published his “Appeal to the Colored Citizens of the World,” a fiery eighty page pamphlet excoriating slavery and calling blacks to violent rebellion. Similarly, in his 1843 keynote address to the National Convention of Colored Citizens, Presbyterian minister Henry Highland Garnet enjoined the nation’s three million blacks to demand freedom and strike their oppressors down if necessary, for “there is not much hope of redemption without the shedding of blood.”
Along with the Haitian Revolution of August 22 1791, whereby black slaves violently overthrew Spanish and British occupiers to establish Haiti as a free black republic, such views panicked US slave owners over the possibility of slave revolts and violence. Their fears were justified, as blacks throughout the country were plotting and carrying out rebellions, achieving with bullets, machetes, or fire the justice denied to them in the courts. Whereas rebels such as Gabriel Prosser and Denmark Vesey were betrayed and executed before they could ignite large-scale insurrections, others like Nat Turner and John Brown (a white Christian) spilled the blood of many slave owners before being captured and executed by the state, and resurrected as folk heroes by the enemies of slavery.
Other influential voices urged militancy and direct action without violence. William Lloyd Garrison, a former indentured white servant, started a prominent abolitionist newsletter, the Liberator, on January 1, 1831, which he published for thirty five years. Against those urging slow, gradual, and moderate change, Garrison objected: “I do not wish to think, to speak, or write, with moderation … Tell a man whose house is on fire to give a moderate alarm; tell him to moderately rescue his wife from the hands of the ravisher; tell the mother to gradually extricate her babe from the fire into which it has fallen; but urge me not to use moderation in a cause like the present!’’
Garrison also brought Frederick Douglass into the abolitionist movement. Douglass was born into slavery, became self-educated, and fled from bondage. With Garrison’s initial assistance, he became a star on the lecture circuit and in 1848 began publishing his own abolitionist newspaper, the North Star. In his electrifying speeches, Douglass preached a potent “gospel of struggle,” most eloquently expressed in an 1857 speech that exposed the Machiavellian essence of politics: “Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and never will … The whole history of the progress of human liberty shows that all concessions yet made to her august claims have been born of earnest struggle … If there is no struggle there is no progress. Those who profess to favor freedom and yet deprecate agitation, are men who want crops without plowing up the ground, they want rain without thunder and lightning. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its waters.”
A vital part of the abolitionist movement was the Underground Railroad, a furtive, illegal network of volunteers – white and black, male and female, free person and slave – who violated pro-slavery laws in order to smuggle thousands of slaves into northern Free states and Canada. Harriet Tubman not only was a “passenger” on the railroad, using it to escape slavery in 1849 at age 25, she also became its celebrated “Conductor.” Risking jail or death, dodging slave hunters out for the $40,000 bounty on her head, Tubman returned to Maryland numerous times to free family members and seventy other slaves. She epitomizes the courage, passion for freedom, and acute sense of justice driving the abolitionist movement.
After the Civil War ended in 1865, Congress passed the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments, thereby banning slavery and mandating equal treatment for blacks and whites. By the late 1880s, blacks throughout the nation were formally “free,” but in reality they remained trapped in racist systems of violence, exploitation, and poverty. Despite advances during the brief Reconstruction Period, America reconstituted racist discrimination in frightful new ways. As the US became an apartheid system organized around Jim Crow segregation laws, violence against blacks increased dramatically through lynch mobs and the Ku Klux Klan. Not until the civil rights struggles of the 1950s and 1960s and the Civil Rights Act of 1964 did brutality diminish, the walls of apartheid come down, and significant social progress become possible.
The New Abolitionism
As black Americans and anti-racists continue to struggle for justice and equality, the moral and political spotlight is shifting to a far more ancient, pervasive, intensive, and violent form of slavery that confines, tortures, and kills animals by the billions in an ongoing global holocaust.
We speak of animal liberation no differently than human liberation. One cannot “enslave,” “dominate,” or “exploit” physical objects, nor can they be “freed,” “liberated,” or “emancipated.” These terms apply only to organic life forms that are sentient – to beings who can experience pleasure and pain, happiness or suffering. Quite apart from species differences and arbitrary attempts to privilege human powers of reason and language over the unique qualities of animal life, human and nonhuman animals share the same evolutionary capacities for joy or suffering, and in this respect they are essentially the same or equal.
Fundamentally, ethics demands that one not cause suffering to another being or impede another’s freedom and quality of life, unless there is some valid, compelling reason to do so (e.g., self-defense). For all the voluminous scientific literature on the complexity of animal emotions, intelligence, and social life, a being’s capacity for sentience is a necessary and sufficient condition for having basic rights.
Thus, just as animals can be enslaved, so too can they be liberated; indeed, where animals are enslaved, humans arguably have a duty to liberate them. Answering this call of conscience and duty, animal liberation groups have sprouted throughout the world with the objectives of freeing captive animals from systems of exploitation, attacking and dismantling the economic and material basis of oppression, and challenging the ancient mentality that animals exist as human resources, property, or and chattel.
Stealing blacks from their native environment and homeland, wrapping chains around their bodies, shipping them in cramped quarters across continents for weeks or months with no regard for their suffering, branding their skin with a hot iron to mark them as property, auctioning them as servants, separating family members who scream in anguish, breeding them for service and labor, exploiting them for profit, beating them in rages of hatred and anger, and killing them in huge numbers – all these horrors and countless others inflicted on black slaves began with the exploitation of animals. Advanced by technology and propelled by capitalist profit imperatives, the unspeakably violent violation of animals’ emotions, minds, and bodies continues today with the torture and killing of billions of individuals in fur farms, factory farms, slaughterhouses, research laboratories, and other nightmarish settings.
It is time no longer just to question the crime of treating a black person, Jew, or any other human victim of violence “like an animal”; rather, we must also scrutinize the unquestioned assumption that it is acceptable to exploit and terrorize animals.
Whereas the racist mindset creates a hierarchy of superior/inferior on the basis of skin color, the speciesist mindset demeans and objectifies animals by dichotomizing the evolutionary continuum into human and nonhuman life. As racism stems from a hateful white supremacism, so speciesism draws from a violent human supremacism, namely, the arrogant belief that humans have a natural or God-given right to use animals for any purpose they devise.
Both racism and speciesism serve as legitimating ideologies for slavery economies. After the civil war, the Cotton Economy became the Cattle Economy as the nation moved westward, slaughtered millions of Indians and sixty million buffalo, and began intensive operations to raise and slaughter cattle for food. Throughout the twentieth century, as the US shifted from a plant-based to a meat-based diet, meat and dairy industries became giant economic forces. In the last few decades, pharmaceutical and biotechnology companies have become major components of global capitalist networks, and their research and testing operations are rooted in the breeding, exploitation, and killing of millions of laboratory animals each year
Of course, as soon as Homo erectus began making tools nearly three million years ago, hominids have killed and appropriated animals for labor power, food, clothing, and innumerable other resources, and animal exploitation has been crucial to human economies. But whatever legitimate reasons humans had for using animals to survive in past hunting and gathering societies, subsistence economies, and other low-tech cultures, these rationales are now obsolete in a modern world rife with alternatives to using animals for food, clothing, and medical research. Furthermore, however important the exploitation of animals might be to modern economies, utilitarian apologies for enslaving animals are as invalid as arguments used to justify human slavery or experimentation on human beings at Auschwitz or Tuskegee. Rights trump utilitarian appeals; their very function is to protect individuals from being appropriated for someone else’s or a “greater good.”
The Subterfuge of Welfarism
It was not uncommon for a racist to argue that slavery was beneficial for blacks or that they were biologically unfit for freedom. Similarly, factory farm managers claim that pigs, calves, and chickens are better off in conditions of intense confinement rather than in their natural habitat as their “needs are met” in “managed environments.” Zookeepers and circus operators assert that their animals live better in confinement that in the wild where they are subject to poachers and other dangers.
Abolitionists attack welfarism as a dangerous ruse and roadblock to moral progress, and ground their position in the logic of rights. 19th century abolitionists were not addressing the slave master’s “obligation” to be kind to the slaves, to feed and clothe them well, or to work them with adequate rest. Rather, they demanded the total and unqualified eradication of the master-slave relation, the freeing of the slave from all forms of bondage.
Similarly, the new abolitionists reject reforms of the institutions and practices of animal slavery as grossly inadequate and they pursue the complete emancipation of animals from all forms of human exploitation, subjugation, and domination. They seek not bigger cages, but rather empty cages.
To treat black slaves humanely is a contradiction in terms because the institution of slavery inherently is anti-human and dehumanizing. Similarly, one cannot logically be “kind” to animals kept in debilitating confinement against their will. To “act responsibly” to animals in such a situation requires one liberate them from it. Talk of “humane killing” of animals is especially absurd as there is no “humane” way to steal and violate an animal’s life, and subject it to continual pain and suffering. No accurately aimed bolt shot through the head of an animal warrants pretense to any kind of moral dignity, however superior the killing method is to dismemberment of an animal in a conscious state. Killing itself – unnecessary and unjustified – is inhumane and wrong.
While thousands of national and grass-roots animal welfare organizations help animals in countless ways and reduce their suffering, they cannot free them from exploitation. Welfarists never challenge the legitimacy of institutions of oppression and they share with animal exploiters the speciesist belief that humans have a right to use animals as resources as long as they act “responsibly.” Moral progress and animal liberation is premised on making the profound shift from human responsibility to animals to the rights of animals.
The true obstacles to moral progress are not the sociopaths who burn cats alive, for they are an extreme minority whose actions are almost universally condemned as barbaric. The real barrier to animal liberation is the welfarist orientation and its language of “humane care,” “responsible treatment,” and “kindness and respect.” Every institution of animal exploitation – including the fur farm and slaughterhouse industries -- speaks this language, and animals in their “care” are routinely tortured in horrific ways, Animal welfarism is insidious. It lulls people into thinking that animals in captivity are healthy and content. It promotes human supremacy and tries to dress up the fundamental wrong of exploiting animals in the illusory language of “kind,” “respectful,” and “humane treatment.” Attempting to mask and sanitize the evil of oppression, animal welfarism perverts language, corrupts meaning, and is fundamentally Orwellian and deceptive.
Furthermore, by trying to hijack and monopolize the discourse of moral responsibility solely for its own purposes as it feigns ethical behavior, animal welfarism strategically positions animal rights discourse of any kind – because of the premise that animals are not our resources to use – as extreme. And if an animal rights advocate or organization transgresses conservative decorum or legal boundaries in any way, welfarists denounce the tactics as “violent” and “terrorist,” as measures that “discredit” an otherwise respectable concern for animal welfare.
In Defense of Direct Action
Although abolitionism is rooted in the logic of rights, not welfarism, there are problems with some animal rights positions that also must be overcome. First, as emphasized by Gary Francione, many individuals and organizations that champion animal rights in fact are “new welfarists” who speak in terms of rights but in practice seek welfare reforms and thereby seek to ameliorate, not abolish, oppression. While Francione underplays the complex relationship between welfare and rights, reform and abolition, he illuminates the problem of obscuring fundamental differences between welfare and rights approaches and he correctly insists on the need for uncompromising abolitionist campaigns.
Francione, however, is symptomatic of a second problem with animal rights “legalists” who buy into the status quo’s self-serving argument that the only viable and ethically acceptable tactics for a moral or political cause are those the state pre-approves and sanctions. In rejecting the militant direct action tactics that played crucial roles throughout the struggles to end both human and animal slavery, Francione and others use the same rationale animal welfarists employ against them. Mirroring welfare critiques of rights, and serving as a mouthpiece for the state and animal exploitation industries, Francione criticizes direct activists as radical, extreme, and damaging to the moral credibility and advancement of the cause.
Like its predecessor, the new abolitionist movement is diverse in its philosophy and tactics, ranging from legal to illegal approaches and pacifist to violent orientations. A paradigmatic example of the new abolitionism is the Animal Liberation Front (ALF). ALF activists pursue two different types of tactics against animal exploiters. First, they use sabotage or property destruction to strike at their economic heart and make it less profitable or impossible to use animals. The ALF insists that its methods are non-violent because they only attack the property of animal exploiters, and never the exploiters themselves. They thereby eschew the violence espoused by Walker and Garnet. The ALF argues that the real violence is what is done to animals in the name of research or profit. Second, in direct and immediate acts of liberation, the ALF breaks into prison compounds to release or rescue animals from their cages. They are not “stealing” animals, because they are not property and anyone’s to own in the first place; rather, they are liberating them. By providing veterinary treatment and homes for many of the animals they liberate, using an extensive underground network of care and home providers, the ALF is a superb contemporary example of the Underground Railroad that funneled black slaves to freedom.
The new abolitionism also is evident in the work of “open rescue” groups like Compassion Over Killing who liberate animals from factory farms without causing property destruction or hiding behind masks of anonymity. Moreover, ethical vegans who boycott all animal products for the principle reason that it is wrong to use or kill animals as food resources, however “free-range” or “humanely” produced or killed, abolish cruelty from their lives and contribute toward eliminating animal exploitation altogether.
As of yet, there are no active Nat Turners and John Browns in the animal liberation movement, but they may be forthcoming and would not be without just cause for their actions. Nor would they be without precedent. According to the gospel of struggle: No justice, no peace.
The Meaning of Moral Progress
Just as nineteenth century abolitionists sought to awaken people to the greatest moral issue of the day, so the new abolitionists of the 21st century endeavor to enlighten people about the enormity and importance of animal suffering and oppression. As black slavery earlier raised fundamental questions about the meaning of American “democracy” and modern values, so current discussion regarding animal slavery provokes critical examination into a human psyche damaged by violence, arrogance, and alienation, and the urgent need for a new ethics and sensibility rooted in respect for all life.
Animal liberation is not an alien concept to modern culture; rather it builds on the most progressive ethical and political values Westerners have devised in the last two hundred years --those of equality, democracy, and rights – as it carries them to their logical conclusion. Whereas ethicists such as Arthur Kaplan argue that rights are cheapened when extended to animals, it is far more accurate to see this move as the redemption of rights from an arbitrary and prejudicial limitation of their true meaning.
The next great step in moral evolution is to abolish the last acceptable form of slavery that subjugates the vast majority of species on this planet to the violent whim of one. Moral advance today involves sending human supremacy to the same refuse bin that society earlier discarded much male supremacy and white supremacy. Animal liberation requires that people transcend the complacent boundaries of humanism in order to make a qualitative leap in ethical consideration, thereby moving the moral bar from reason and language to sentience and subjectivity.
Animal liberation is the culmination of a vast historical learning process whereby human beings gradually realize that arguments justifying hierarchy, inequality, and discrimination of any kind are arbitrary, baseless, and fallacious. Moral progress occurs in the process of demystifying and deconstructing all myths -- from ancient patriarchy and the divine right of kings to Social Darwinism and speciesism -- that attempt to legitimate the domination of one group over another. Moral progress advances through the dynamic of replacing hierarchical visions with egalitarian visions and developing a broader and more inclusive ethical community. Having recognized the illogical and unjustifiable rationales used to oppress blacks, women, and other disadvantaged groups, society is beginning to grasp that speciesism is another unsubstantiated form of oppression and discrimination.
Building on the momentum, consciousness, and achievements of past abolitionists and suffragettes, the struggle of the new abolitionists might conceivably culminate in a Bill of (Animal) Rights. This would involve a constitutional amendment that bans exploitation of animals and discrimination based on species, recognizes animals as “persons in a substantive sense, and grants them the rights relevant and necessary to their existence – the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. In 2002, Germany took the crucial first step in this direction by adding the words “and animals” to a clause in its constitution obliging the state to protect the dignity of humans.
If capitalism is a grow-or-die system based on slavery and exploitation – be it imperialism and colonialism, exploitation of workers, unequal pay based on gender, or the oppression of animals – then it is a system a movement for radical democracy must transcend, not amend. But just as black slaves condemned the hypocrisy of colonists decrying British tyranny, and suffragettes exposed the contradiction of the US fighting for democracy abroad during World War I while denying it to half of their citizenry at home, so any future movement for peace, justice, democracy, and rights that fails to militate for the liberation of animals is as inconsistent as it is incomplete,
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Empire Games (2017)
The Merchant Princes is a science fantasy and alternate history series by British writer Charles Stross. There are currently eight novels in the series, with another forthcoming. In the series, there exists a number of parallel worlds all of which are on the same geographical Earth, but with different societies at different points of development. Members of a certain bloodline can travel between these worlds along with their immediate possessions. The series largely follows Miriam Beckstein, a technology journalist raised in a familiar "normal" Earth, who discovers she was born in a parallel world and is a member of this bloodline. She quickly becomes entangled in political maneuvering and assassination plots with her estranged family. Miriam uses modern technology and investigative journalism to attempt to stay a step ahead.
The implications of this world-traveling ability are thoroughly explored by the series. The ability to take clothing and held items across allows a phenomenally lucrative import/export trade between worlds; wielders of this power have used it to become wealthy. Invaluable modern technology and medicine can be shipped to the feudal world; illegal drugs can be shipped in a world where the DEA has no power; and packages or messages that would take months to deliver by horseback can simply be mailed via FedEx in the modern world. This power has implications for security and crime as well, since it is now possible to commit a crime then disappear into thin air, and difficult to lock someone up in any effective manner. It also means there is immense social pressure on members of the genetic bloodline to breed with other compatible members to increase the likelihood of the ability manifesting.
The first six novels in the series were released from 2004 to 2010, and take place in 2002–2004 of an alternate present. The books were later re-released in 2014 as A Merchant Princes Omnibus, a trilogy of three books with each book a combination of two of the original novels: The Bloodline Feud (books 1 and 2), The Traders' War (books 3 and 4), and The Revolution Trade (books 5 and 6). The re-release also included a considerable amount of editing and rewriting by Stross, although no major plot changes. A new trilogy began in 2017 with the release of Empire Games featuring new characters and updating the year in-setting to 2020.
Source: Wikipedia
Charlie Stross's longrunning Merchant Princes series are a sneaky, brilliant techno-economic thought experiment disguised as heroic fantasy, and with Empire Games, the first book of the second phase of the series, Stross throws in a heavy dose of the noirest spycraft, an experiment in dieselpunk Leninism and War on Terror paranoia.
Empire Games is a fresh start in the series, quickly establishing the backstory that spans the previous seven volumes: a clan of worldwalking transdimensional mercantalists have quietly taken over their medieval, parallel world by establishing a triangle trade in ours: they bring messages from their world's kingdoms into our dimension and use telephones and computers to get them across the planet in a hot second; then they take heroin from our world and transport it by mule train across their world, creating an unstoppable -- and unbelievably profitable -- courier service that catapults them to power.
When the clan is fractured by factionalism and discovered by the US Department of Homeland Security, the catastrophic war drives the remainder of the clan into Timeline 3, a dieselpunk version of North Korea where an exiled English tyrant rules over all of the Americas, brooding at the French imperial usurpers who hold all of Europe. With the clan's help, the King is overthrown and a kind of worker's paradise is established in Timeline 3, with the top priority task of leapfrogging American technological prowess before the DHS shows up and nukes them all into oblivion.
That's where Empire Games starts: the US has become a surveillance state that exceeds even our own paranoid moment, where privacy is shredded by adversarial genomics, internet-of-surveilling-things, and a paranoid deep state pierced through with conspiracy theorists, Dominionists, even highly placed Scientologists.
What's more, they've just figured out that the clan's worldwalkers are still dropping by to pick up technological resources to export to World 3, where the revolutionaries are on an accelerated course of technological development, like the post-Sputnik space race, but for every imaginable technology.
Lucky for the DHS, they've figured out how to make non-worldwalking clan members into worldwalkers by tweaking their biochemistry, and even luckier, they've got a few candidates to work as double-agents for them and set up a forward base in whatever timeline their adversaries are using as their new home. Chief among these is Rita, the adopted-out daughter of Miriam, the hero of books 1-t, who was raised by paranoid refugees from East Germany who have taught her a suspiciously large amount of spycraft on the way.
What follows is a brilliant spy novel, intricately plotted and beautifully told -- but posed against a backdrop of economic speculation that uses science fiction to play out some of the longrunning arguments that kicked off with Leninism and its insistence that peasants could use capitalist technology to leapfrog the industrial revolution and go straight to socialist abundance, with dashes of Deng's "Communism with Chinese characteristics" and the post-Soviet doctrine of "emerging markets" that would use technology and markets to supercharge their economy.
Source: Boing Boing
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Sunrise as Comedy [by David Kalat]
June 11th: The following text was written by film critic and historian David Kalat on the occasion of this year’s F.W. Murnau retrospective at the Brazilian festival Olhar de Cinema. Sunrise: A Song of Two Humans screens in the festival June 11th and 12th. More information about the retrospective can be found in English at http://olhardecinema.com.br/2017/en/2017/retrospective-f-w-murnau/ and http://olhardecinema.com.br/2017/en/screenings-2/#.retrospective, and in Portuguese at http://olhardecinema.com.br/2017/2017/olhar-retrospectivo-f-w-murnau/ and http://olhardecinema.com.br/2017/filmes/#.olhar-retrospectivo.
Friedrich Wilhelm Murnau’s Sunrise is the dictionary definition of a classic film. It won (for all intents and purposes) the first ever Academy Award, has been placed on the National Registry, and was the first silent film put out on Blu-Ray. It routinely places in “Best Of” lists, it’s a picture whose artistry is intended to be accessible to mass audiences. It is conventionally beautiful, conventionally narrative, conventionally stirring. It needs no apologies or excuses, it’s just excellent in every way.
But did you know it was a comedy?
Consider the basic premise: Sunrise presents a sexy, vampish “Woman of the City” who invades a rural idyll where her very presence corrupts a naïve young man. In order to pursue this temptress, the young man comes to believe his only escape from his existing small-town romance is to kill his girl, which he utterly fails to accomplish, and thereby sets in motion the plot developments of the rest of the film.
Just six months before Sunrise hit theaters, American audiences saw the exact same plot in Harry Langdon’s comedy Long Pants!
In this context, it’s worth remembering that Langdon’s film crossed enough taboos (or do I mean tabus?) that some audiences didn’t find it funny at all. Meanwhile, Murnau does pitch Sunrise like a comedy, and its contents are not very much distinguishable from what constituted comedies of the same period. For example, Sunrise’s main characters go on a date to a carnival, where they run into money problems and an out-of-control animal (see Harold Lloyd’s Speedy), and the film climaxes with a catastrophic storm (see Buster Keaton’s Steamboat Bill, Jr.)
The young man (George O’Brien) rows out to the middle of the lake with his trusting wife (Janet Gaynor) where he intends to drown her. But when push comes to shove, as it were, he loses his resolve and rows mindlessly to the opposite shore, where they board a trolley car. And in one of the most astonishing sequences in all of cinema, the shell-shocked couple gather their wits as they are transported from what might as well be a medieval village straight out of Nosferatu through a forest to an industrial patch and finally arriving in a futuristic Metropolis, all in the span of a couple of minutes. There is no such trolley ride anywhere in the world—this thing might as well be a time machine.
The transformation is absolute. The opening scenes take place in a silent movie world of exaggerated gestures and portentous symbolism. But the city reveals more naturalistic acting, more observational in tone. And the city scenes are obsessed with the details of the setting—the cars, the clothes, the architecture, the store fronts, the people-watching, the traffic.
Dramas do not often get bogged down in such observational fascination with their setting. Although it happens sometimes (as with the semi-documentary approach of Billy Wilder’s People on Sunday, or perhaps Robert Wise’s Star Trek: The Motion Picture), this is a technique more familiar from comedies, where the observational detail is part of establishing the ironic commentary. Think Jacques Tati’s Playtime, or Chaplin’s City Lights, or Jean Renoir’s Boudou Saved From Drowning, or just about anything by Harold Lloyd.
Murnau introduces two outsiders into this cityscape—scraggly, haggard refugees from a horror film who have stumbled into this world in a state of high emotional dudgeon and will encounter it as if they are visitors from another planet. Again, the parallel is to a comedy’s structure, with the outsider hero(es) providing for a commentary on the world around them. Charlie Chaplin rarely stumbled into any of his adventures after a botched murder attempt, but all Murnau has done is to provide a context for his protagonists’ alienation where someone like Chaplin uses his costume as a shortcut to the same ends. Like Boudou or Mr. Hulot, George and Janet are outsiders invading this space. We will witness its familiar contours through their eyes.
Setting in a film in the juxtaposition of old versus new has been a central recurring feature of many important comedies (Steamboat Bill, Jr., Mon Oncle, Modern Times, Yoyo) and also specifically places Sunrise squarely in the zeitgeist of late 1920s comedy.
For example, consider what happens once George and Janet arrive in the city. They proceed to stumble from one episodic set-piece to another. In one of these, they crash a wedding ceremony and are overwhelmed by the moment (wedding vows take on an eerie significance when juxtaposed with trying to kill your wife). George breaks down, begs for forgiveness, and the two stagger into the street in a romantic haze. In another transformation of setting not unlike the trollycar ride that brought them here in the first place, they lose track of where they are and see themselves in the fields of home—until car horns bring them back to reality. And what ensues? Slapstick havoc in the middle of traffic, that’s what—a punchline, just like you’d expect. Traffic-based gags abound in comedies of this era. The scene emphasizes the modern tribulation of city streets packed with noisy cars going every which way.
Observations on the comic aspects of traffic are fundamentally the stuff of movie comedy. Thanks to the coincidence of the age of movies and the age of cars, there wouldn’t have been much to say about traffic prior to the dawn of film. It doesn’t really belong in any other medium. Paintings can’t capture the movement well; theatrical performances can hardly stage this indoors; no one would write a book about traffic because it isn’t a literary subject--but 1920s comedians put such material into movies all the time.
Pointedly, Sunrise does not view this transformation from rural life to modernity as a bad thing. It seems to be tilting that way in its early scenes, the way the evil vamp is called “Woman of the City,” as if her corruption is connected to her sophistication. Once George and Janet arrive in that city, however, what they find is wonder, fun, and welcoming strangers. The city folk are sometimes a little perplexed by the two rubes, but never in a mean way—and no matter what George and Janet do or misunderstand or break, they are greeted by smiles and tolerance.
Sunrise shows how the new world, threatening as it is to the old, doesn’t have to lead exclusively to corruption—it is possible to navigate your way through this modern world and still come out morally whole. As such, Sunrise is about hope in the face of wrenching change.
As it happens, 1920s screen comedy was itself undergoing a wrenching change, metamorphosing from silent physical slapstick to a new talkie genre of romantic comedy. The solo comedians of slapstick’s Golden Age had to make way for a new breed of female stars, who took equal footing with their male costars. The end product of that transformation would be the screwball comedy, whose genre conventions presuppose flirtation as a form of combat, or vice versa. The stars of 1930s romantic comedies “meet cute” and engage in reel after reel of open combat, before discovering that hate is just a variation on love; you have to really care for somebody deeply to want to fight them that badly. Fists give way to embraces and the former opponents end up in each other’s arms.
This is, you may note, the template of Sunrise—in which the couple starts off as opposed to one another as humanly possible, and end up as tightly allied as conceivable.
Sunrise is not just structured like a comedy, it is absolutely jam-packed with comedy actors. Janet Gaynor, the female lead, was a fairly inexperienced young actress whose resume before showing up here largely consisted of comedy work—Laurel and Hardy’s 45 Minutes From Hollywood, Syd Chaplin’s Oh What a Nurse, Clara Bow’s The Plastic Age, Charley Chase’s All Wet, and various and sundry Hal Roach one-offs.
Once she and her hubby/attempted murderer George O’Brien make their way into the city, they spend the rest of the film encountering comic actors: Ralph Sipperly, the Barber, came from Fox’s own comedy shorts division. Jane Winton, the Manicure Girl, came from such comedies as Footloose Widows, Why Girls Go Back Home, and Millionaires. Then there are the Obtrusive Gentleman (Arthur Housman) and the Obliging Gentleman (Eddie Boland). Both Housman and Boland were small-time comedy stars who were brand names in their own right, having top-lined their own respective series of comedy shorts.
On top of all the comic actors, there are actual jokes: the wedding reception mistaking the peasant couple for the bride and groom, the business at the photographer’s and the headless statue, the comic misunderstandings at the salon, and a drunken pig!
This is a “silent film” in that no dialogue is spoken, but it has a synchronized soundtrack that includes sound effects and music, and sure enough the various slapstick punchlines get their little “boing!” and “wah-wah” music cues just like you’d expect.
Murnau’s allegiance with the world of comedy continued in the follow-up feature to Sunrise, City Girl (whose title, a riff on “Woman of the City,” signals from the outset its agenda vis a vis Sunrise). City Girl opens with a scene in which a rube on a train unwisely reveals a fat bankroll and his own unwary attitude towards his money, rendering him an easy mark for the attention of a grafter. And once again we find Murnau pulling plot points from the films of Harry Langdon—in this case, the short Lucky Stars.
Murnau stuffed the cast of City Girl with comedy veterans, too: Eddie Boland is back (briefly); Guinn “Big Boy” Williams was a regular supporting actor in silent and talkie comedies (including the brilliant Ladies Night in a Turkish Bath with Jimmy Finlayson); David Torrence earned his slapstick comedy credentials a few years after working with Murnau, in the Laurel and Hardy film Bonnie Scotland; and Richard Alexander was on the front end of what would prove to be a wildly varied career that included Harry Langdon’s See America Thirst, as well as Laurel and Hardy’s Them Thar Hills and Babes In Toyland.
Finding such comedy references in a Murnau film may be jarring to those who think of him only in terms of Nosferatu and other grim fables. That may be a sizeable contingent, I realize. It is generally the tendency of critics who write about Murnau’s films to identify the comic elements as something imposed on Murnau against his wishes by the studio in an effort to Americanize and popularize his films.
The primary English language text on Murnau is Lotte Eisner’s The Haunted Screen — the very title of which signals its preoccupations and prejudices when it comes to Murnau. And so in her fealty to those prejudices, Eisner skips over, dismisses, or otherwise brushes under the rug any of Murnau’s works that don’t fit the bill.
Lotte Eisner suggests that all these tawdry jokes were inserted into Sunrise by Fox gag men and Murnau was obliged to go along with them. Hey, but wait a minute–Sunrise was famously made without studio interference, and even after his falling out with Fox, Murnau never said that Sunrise was anything other than a work of total creative freedom. You can’t have your cake and eat it too—you can’t say Murnau had total creative freedom but he also had to tolerate jokes inserted into the script against his will. If Sunrise was Murnau’s vision, his vision was prone to flirt with comedy.
Now might be the time to note, ahem, that The Last Laugh has its own comic elements, in which a bleak story comes to a tragic end, and then reboots itself as a comedy for its final reel—inspiring the English language title.
For that matter, Murnau made The Finances of the Grand Duke, a mild action-comedy about a master thief that in many ways anticipates similar lighthearted fare along the lines of Arsène Lupin or To Catch a Thief or a fair chunk of Steven Soderbergh’s back catalog.
The magic of Murnau is that his genius was not limited to vampires and demons—the man was also gifted with a deft comic touch. Sunrise is Murnau’s comedy masterpiece.
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The Armagnac That’s Sneaking Into ‘Bourbon Porn’
It was early 2018 when the orange-waxed necks, with wooden placards on twine hanging from them, first started appearing on social media. If you spend any time trolling bourbon geek accounts on Instagram, or private groups on Facebook, you’ll recognize the repetitive set of images continually populating your feed: Pappy and the Buffalo Trace Antique Collection, of course; Weller, Willett, and Blanton’s, too, and maybe even dusty vintages of Wild Turkey.
Over the last couple years, however, distinct orange-waxed bottles of L’Encantada Armagnac — yes, Armagnac — have begun edging their way into these #bourbonporn posts. How did they get here?
“This stuff tastes more bourbony than other brandies,” explains Steve Ury, who runs the Serious Brandy group on Facebook. “But, of course, once it became popular it sort of developed its own hype.”
Neither Armagnac nor the more prevalent Cognac have ever really been able to capture the modern bourbon drinker’s imagination. Many enthusiasts find them a bit bland, or overly “grape-y.” That’s because both are, of course, grape-based brandies from their eponymous regions in France.
Armagnac has been produced in Gascony, in southwest France, since at least the 13th century. Notably, compared to Cognac, it’s an “earthier”-tasting spirit, as its producers are often much smaller, less technology-advanced grape growers and winemakers who distill their excess fruit via a traveling alembic still that bounces from farm to farm.
That’s especially true in the case of L’Encantada — “The Enchanted One” — which isn’t an Armagnac producer per se, but instead a label that bottles Armagnac from around a half-dozen very tiny estates. At first, it hardly even planned to be a legit business — in 2012, Vincent Cornu, a local caterer and Armagnac nut, was approached by a widow who wondered if he wanted to buy her late husband’s casks.
He did, and Cornu, his wife Christelle, and friend Frédéric Chappe thus formed the “L’Encantada Social Club,” as they jokingly dubbed themselves. They soon started knocking on farmhouse doors throughout the region looking for more Armagnac casks to buy. Many of these “estates,” like The Bidets, a family-owned property that grows grapes and grain while also breeding animals, are run by humble farmers who might distill only a few barrels of Armagnac per year, aging it in their barns, basements, or garages. For many of them, the casks act as a bit of a “retirement fund,” but they were certainly never meant to become an international sensation.
“But as bourbon became more and more difficult to buy — most of us are ‘old hat’ bourbon guys with huge collections from back when it was readily available — we started exploring other spirits,” says Paul Schurman, a Canadian spirits collector living in Switzerland.
When he says “us,” he’s referring to the private, online whiskey group known as 1789b of which he is a longtime member. In 2015, Ury, a fellow member, turned Schurman onto more whiskey-like Armagnac and he began seeking them out. Schurman ordered a couple of bottles of L’Encantada Domaine Lous Pibous 1994 online from Paris’s acclaimed Maison du Whisky, and immediately realized he’d found a big winner.
When he sent one to Ury, he was likewise blown away. A lawyer by day, then living in the Los Angeles area, Ury might have been the first American to really fall for L’Encantada, writing about it on his blog in the summer of 2016. He particularly loved its unique flavor profile, which he knew was atypical for Armagnac.
Photo credit: L’Encantada Armagnac
“Most Armagnac is aged in used oak and then re-racked and such during aging,” Ury explains. “The Pibous is aged in new oak and then they just let it sit. The result is an oaky, high-proof Armagnac that tastes a lot like… bourbon, really good bourbon.”
Both he and Schurman couldn’t help but compare it to the 17- and 18-year-old Bernheim “wheaters” that Willett had released in the mid-2000s, “the kind you don’t get any more,” Ury wrote on his blog at the time. If those Willett bourbons were now selling on the secondary market for thousands of dollars, here was an unexpected replacement, for a mere €90 a bottle.
“After tasting this, I had one thought,” Ury wrote of the Lous Pibous 1994. “We have to get more.”
Unfortunately, L’Encantada wasn’t distributed to the U.S. So, Schurman and Ury decided to try to import a few L’Encantada casks themselves, partnering with two other whiskey enthusiasts, Daniel Walbrun and Steve Neese, and dubbing themselves “The Brandy Brothers.” It wouldn’t be easy at first; Cornu spoke spotty English, and had never actually sold an entire cask. In fact, he’d never been able to penetrate the American market whatsoever. His problem was, he was trying to sell atypical Armagnac to typical brandy drinkers — not bourbon geeks.
“It was so off-profile to what Armagnac people liked,” explains Schurman. “But anyone who liked a George T. Stagg or a Weller [bourbon] would love it. Sometimes, they wouldn’t even know it was an Armagnac.”
Still, Schurman knew that even if he was keen on this spirit, it was still quite a financial risk to buy three entire Lous Pibous barrels — a 1993 vintage (Cask 124) and two 1996s (Casks 187 and Cask 188) — or around 1,000 bottles-worth.
He shouldn’t have been concerned. Fellow 1789b group members would snap up almost all of the bottles before they ever hit store shelves at K&L Wines, the local California retailer they had to use to get L’Encantada imported into the States. Word of L’Encantada quickly spread within the insular bourbon community.
“We knew these were special, but they were still Armagnac, a spirit which I love but which has limited appeal in the U.S.,” wrote Ury.
Ury never expected “the enchanted one” to blow up the way it has, but maybe he should have. L’Encantada bottlings check all the boxes for the American bourbon geek: single casks, barrel-strength, unfiltered and unadulterated; and lavishly packaged with wax-dipped necks, wooden hang tags (listing vintage year), and the requisite, dignified boxes. They are also exceedingly rare, with around 300 bottles per release; and, as for now, they are relatively cheap, especially compared to still-booming bourbon. (Ury doesn’t quite agree with my assessment, saying, “Maybe, but other brandies have those things.”)
L’Encantada bottlings quickly became a cult phenomenon among the bourbon community. A feeding frenzy followed. As demand begat supply, more releases entered the market. The Brandy Brothers brought in three more casks, K&L purchased two more for the store, and other retailers across the country began grabbing any barrels they could. Notably, Astor Wines & Spirits in Manhattan, and the esteemed Lincoln Road Package store in Hattiesburg, Miss., long famous for astute single barrel offerings, were among those to snatch up barrels.
“We weren’t selling much Armagnac at all — one or two in the store. But those were usually 80 proof and mellow,” says Jamie Farris, the owner of the Lincoln Road, whose first two L’Encantada casks were a Domaine Le Frêche and a Lous Pibous. He’s since acquired three more. “[The L’Encantada] are bigger, bolder brandies than you’re used to.”
As early as the summer of 2018, the Manhattan Wine Company’s newsletter, in lauding L’Encantada, purported that Your New Favorite Brown Spirit is Not from Kentucky. Around the same time, the acclaimed PM Spirits teamed up with L’Encantada to release XO, a blend of four L’Encantada casks (two Lous Pibous, as well as Del Cassou and Bellair estate), and up to that point, their most widely accessible release. In announcing the release, PM Spirits founder Nicolas Palazzi explained:
“L’Encantada is the darling of bourbon whiskey clubs, offering power, richness, and excitement for whiskey drinkers looking to explore.” While Astor Wines, in introducing the XO, cheekily noted: “Bourbon what? Pappy who?”
Nevertheless, while the online cognoscenti will surely be pissed I’ve blown up their latest love, for the most part L’Encantada still hasn’t fully made it into the mainstream of moneyed bourbon neophytes calling around to stores looking for “the Pappies.” PM released a Lot 2.0 of XO last summer, and I still see bottles of it on shelves. Likewise, single cask bottlings of L’Encantada can still be found in certain stores as well, though the prices have steadily been creeping up, with most selling for around $200 to $250 these days, double or triple what they were just a few years ago.
But, of course, those prices still aren’t at bourbon levels where new bottles of Pappy Van Winkle 23 Year Old hit the market at an asking price of around $2,000. Nonetheless, if most bourbon drinkers had never even tasted an Armagnac a year ago, now a good number are obsessed with at least one brand of it. A year or two from now, we all might be kicking ourselves for not capitalizing on it.
“The bourbon guys wanted something different,” Farris says. “And it filled that void. Something different, but a better value. You can’t find a 23-year-old bourbon for 200 bucks these days.”
The article The Armagnac That’s Sneaking Into ‘Bourbon Porn’ appeared first on VinePair.
source https://vinepair.com/articles/lencantada-armagnac-bourbon-bros/
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Text
The Armagnac That’s Sneaking Into ‘Bourbon Porn’
It was early 2018 when the orange-waxed necks, with wooden placards on twine hanging from them, first started appearing on social media. If you spend any time trolling bourbon geek accounts on Instagram, or private groups on Facebook, you’ll recognize the repetitive set of images continually populating your feed: Pappy and the Buffalo Trace Antique Collection, of course; Weller, Willett, and Blanton’s, too, and maybe even dusty vintages of Wild Turkey.
Over the last couple years, however, distinct orange-waxed bottles of L’Encantada Armagnac — yes, Armagnac — have begun edging their way into these #bourbonporn posts. How did they get here?
“This stuff tastes more bourbony than other brandies,” explains Steve Ury, who runs the Serious Brandy group on Facebook. “But, of course, once it became popular it sort of developed its own hype.”
Neither Armagnac nor the more prevalent Cognac have ever really been able to capture the modern bourbon drinker’s imagination. Many enthusiasts find them a bit bland, or overly “grape-y.” That’s because both are, of course, grape-based brandies from their eponymous regions in France.
Armagnac has been produced in Gascony, in southwest France, since at least the 13th century. Notably, compared to Cognac, it’s an “earthier”-tasting spirit, as its producers are often much smaller, less technology-advanced grape growers and winemakers who distill their excess fruit via a traveling alembic still that bounces from farm to farm.
That’s especially true in the case of L’Encantada — “The Enchanted One” — which isn’t an Armagnac producer per se, but instead a label that bottles Armagnac from around a half-dozen very tiny estates. At first, it hardly even planned to be a legit business — in 2012, Vincent Cornu, a local caterer and Armagnac nut, was approached by a widow who wondered if he wanted to buy her late husband’s casks.
He did, and Cornu, his wife Christelle, and friend Frédéric Chappe thus formed the “L’Encantada Social Club,” as they jokingly dubbed themselves. They soon started knocking on farmhouse doors throughout the region looking for more Armagnac casks to buy. Many of these “estates,” like The Bidets, a family-owned property that grows grapes and grain while also breeding animals, are run by humble farmers who might distill only a few barrels of Armagnac per year, aging it in their barns, basements, or garages. For many of them, the casks act as a bit of a “retirement fund,” but they were certainly never meant to become an international sensation.
“But as bourbon became more and more difficult to buy — most of us are ‘old hat’ bourbon guys with huge collections from back when it was readily available — we started exploring other spirits,” says Paul Schurman, a Canadian spirits collector living in Switzerland.
When he says “us,” he’s referring to the private, online whiskey group known as 1789b of which he is a longtime member. In 2015, Ury, a fellow member, turned Schurman onto more whiskey-like Armagnac and he began seeking them out. Schurman ordered a couple of bottles of L’Encantada Domaine Lous Pibous 1994 online from Paris’s acclaimed Maison du Whisky, and immediately realized he’d found a big winner.
When he sent one to Ury, he was likewise blown away. A lawyer by day, then living in the Los Angeles area, Ury might have been the first American to really fall for L’Encantada, writing about it on his blog in the summer of 2016. He particularly loved its unique flavor profile, which he knew was atypical for Armagnac.
Photo credit: L’Encantada Armagnac
“Most Armagnac is aged in used oak and then re-racked and such during aging,” Ury explains. “The Pibous is aged in new oak and then they just let it sit. The result is an oaky, high-proof Armagnac that tastes a lot like… bourbon, really good bourbon.”
Both he and Schurman couldn’t help but compare it to the 17- and 18-year-old Bernheim “wheaters” that Willett had released in the mid-2000s, “the kind you don’t get any more,” Ury wrote on his blog at the time. If those Willett bourbons were now selling on the secondary market for thousands of dollars, here was an unexpected replacement, for a mere €90 a bottle.
“After tasting this, I had one thought,” Ury wrote of the Lous Pibous 1994. “We have to get more.”
Unfortunately, L’Encantada wasn’t distributed to the U.S. So, Schurman and Ury decided to try to import a few L’Encantada casks themselves, partnering with two other whiskey enthusiasts, Daniel Walbrun and Steve Neese, and dubbing themselves “The Brandy Brothers.” It wouldn’t be easy at first; Cornu spoke spotty English, and had never actually sold an entire cask. In fact, he’d never been able to penetrate the American market whatsoever. His problem was, he was trying to sell atypical Armagnac to typical brandy drinkers — not bourbon geeks.
“It was so off-profile to what Armagnac people liked,” explains Schurman. “But anyone who liked a George T. Stagg or a Weller [bourbon] would love it. Sometimes, they wouldn’t even know it was an Armagnac.”
Still, Schurman knew that even if he was keen on this spirit, it was still quite a financial risk to buy three entire Lous Pibous barrels — a 1993 vintage (Cask 124) and two 1996s (Casks 187 and Cask 188) — or around 1,000 bottles-worth.
He shouldn’t have been concerned. Fellow 1789b group members would snap up almost all of the bottles before they ever hit store shelves at K&L Wines, the local California retailer they had to use to get L’Encantada imported into the States. Word of L’Encantada quickly spread within the insular bourbon community.
“We knew these were special, but they were still Armagnac, a spirit which I love but which has limited appeal in the U.S.,” wrote Ury.
Ury never expected “the enchanted one” to blow up the way it has, but maybe he should have. L’Encantada bottlings check all the boxes for the American bourbon geek: single casks, barrel-strength, unfiltered and unadulterated; and lavishly packaged with wax-dipped necks, wooden hang tags (listing vintage year), and the requisite, dignified boxes. They are also exceedingly rare, with around 300 bottles per release; and, as for now, they are relatively cheap, especially compared to still-booming bourbon. (Ury doesn’t quite agree with my assessment, saying, “Maybe, but other brandies have those things.”)
L’Encantada bottlings quickly became a cult phenomenon among the bourbon community. A feeding frenzy followed. As demand begat supply, more releases entered the market. The Brandy Brothers brought in three more casks, K&L purchased two more for the store, and other retailers across the country began grabbing any barrels they could. Notably, Astor Wines & Spirits in Manhattan, and the esteemed Lincoln Road Package store in Hattiesburg, Miss., long famous for astute single barrel offerings, were among those to snatch up barrels.
“We weren’t selling much Armagnac at all — one or two in the store. But those were usually 80 proof and mellow,” says Jamie Farris, the owner of the Lincoln Road, whose first two L’Encantada casks were a Domaine Le Frêche and a Lous Pibous. He’s since acquired three more. “[The L’Encantada] are bigger, bolder brandies than you’re used to.”
As early as the summer of 2018, the Manhattan Wine Company’s newsletter, in lauding L’Encantada, purported that Your New Favorite Brown Spirit is Not from Kentucky. Around the same time, the acclaimed PM Spirits teamed up with L’Encantada to release XO, a blend of four L’Encantada casks (two Lous Pibous, as well as Del Cassou and Bellair estate), and up to that point, their most widely accessible release. In announcing the release, PM Spirits founder Nicolas Palazzi explained:
“L’Encantada is the darling of bourbon whiskey clubs, offering power, richness, and excitement for whiskey drinkers looking to explore.” While Astor Wines, in introducing the XO, cheekily noted: “Bourbon what? Pappy who?”
Nevertheless, while the online cognoscenti will surely be pissed I’ve blown up their latest love, for the most part L’Encantada still hasn’t fully made it into the mainstream of moneyed bourbon neophytes calling around to stores looking for “the Pappies.” PM released a Lot 2.0 of XO last summer, and I still see bottles of it on shelves. Likewise, single cask bottlings of L’Encantada can still be found in certain stores as well, though the prices have steadily been creeping up, with most selling for around $200 to $250 these days, double or triple what they were just a few years ago.
But, of course, those prices still aren’t at bourbon levels where new bottles of Pappy Van Winkle 23 Year Old hit the market at an asking price of around $2,000. Nonetheless, if most bourbon drinkers had never even tasted an Armagnac a year ago, now a good number are obsessed with at least one brand of it. A year or two from now, we all might be kicking ourselves for not capitalizing on it.
“The bourbon guys wanted something different,” Farris says. “And it filled that void. Something different, but a better value. You can’t find a 23-year-old bourbon for 200 bucks these days.”
The article The Armagnac That’s Sneaking Into ‘Bourbon Porn’ appeared first on VinePair.
source https://vinepair.com/articles/lencantada-armagnac-bourbon-bros/ source https://vinology1.tumblr.com/post/616112472775081984
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The Armagnac Thats Sneaking Into Bourbon Porn
It was early 2018 when the orange-waxed necks, with wooden placards on twine hanging from them, first started appearing on social media. If you spend any time trolling bourbon geek accounts on Instagram, or private groups on Facebook, you’ll recognize the repetitive set of images continually populating your feed: Pappy and the Buffalo Trace Antique Collection, of course; Weller, Willett, and Blanton’s, too, and maybe even dusty vintages of Wild Turkey.
Over the last couple years, however, distinct orange-waxed bottles of L’Encantada Armagnac — yes, Armagnac — have begun edging their way into these #bourbonporn posts. How did they get here?
“This stuff tastes more bourbony than other brandies,” explains Steve Ury, who runs the Serious Brandy group on Facebook. “But, of course, once it became popular it sort of developed its own hype.”
Neither Armagnac nor the more prevalent Cognac have ever really been able to capture the modern bourbon drinker’s imagination. Many enthusiasts find them a bit bland, or overly “grape-y.” That’s because both are, of course, grape-based brandies from their eponymous regions in France.
Armagnac has been produced in Gascony, in southwest France, since at least the 13th century. Notably, compared to Cognac, it’s an “earthier”-tasting spirit, as its producers are often much smaller, less technology-advanced grape growers and winemakers who distill their excess fruit via a traveling alembic still that bounces from farm to farm.
That’s especially true in the case of L’Encantada — “The Enchanted One” — which isn’t an Armagnac producer per se, but instead a label that bottles Armagnac from around a half-dozen very tiny estates. At first, it hardly even planned to be a legit business — in 2012, Vincent Cornu, a local caterer and Armagnac nut, was approached by a widow who wondered if he wanted to buy her late husband’s casks.
He did, and Cornu, his wife Christelle, and friend Frédéric Chappe thus formed the “L’Encantada Social Club,” as they jokingly dubbed themselves. They soon started knocking on farmhouse doors throughout the region looking for more Armagnac casks to buy. Many of these “estates,” like The Bidets, a family-owned property that grows grapes and grain while also breeding animals, are run by humble farmers who might distill only a few barrels of Armagnac per year, aging it in their barns, basements, or garages. For many of them, the casks act as a bit of a “retirement fund,” but they were certainly never meant to become an international sensation.
“But as bourbon became more and more difficult to buy — most of us are ‘old hat’ bourbon guys with huge collections from back when it was readily available — we started exploring other spirits,” says Paul Schurman, a Canadian spirits collector living in Switzerland.
When he says “us,” he’s referring to the private, online whiskey group known as 1789b of which he is a longtime member. In 2015, Ury, a fellow member, turned Schurman onto more whiskey-like Armagnac and he began seeking them out. Schurman ordered a couple of bottles of L’Encantada Domaine Lous Pibous 1994 online from Paris’s acclaimed Maison du Whisky, and immediately realized he’d found a big winner.
When he sent one to Ury, he was likewise blown away. A lawyer by day, then living in the Los Angeles area, Ury might have been the first American to really fall for L’Encantada, writing about it on his blog in the summer of 2016. He particularly loved its unique flavor profile, which he knew was atypical for Armagnac.
Photo credit: L’Encantada Armagnac
“Most Armagnac is aged in used oak and then re-racked and such during aging,” Ury explains. “The Pibous is aged in new oak and then they just let it sit. The result is an oaky, high-proof Armagnac that tastes a lot like… bourbon, really good bourbon.”
Both he and Schurman couldn’t help but compare it to the 17- and 18-year-old Bernheim “wheaters” that Willett had released in the mid-2000s, “the kind you don’t get any more,” Ury wrote on his blog at the time. If those Willett bourbons were now selling on the secondary market for thousands of dollars, here was an unexpected replacement, for a mere €90 a bottle.
“After tasting this, I had one thought,” Ury wrote of the Lous Pibous 1994. “We have to get more.”
Unfortunately, L’Encantada wasn’t distributed to the U.S. So, Schurman and Ury decided to try to import a few L’Encantada casks themselves, partnering with two other whiskey enthusiasts, Daniel Walbrun and Steve Neese, and dubbing themselves “The Brandy Brothers.” It wouldn’t be easy at first; Cornu spoke spotty English, and had never actually sold an entire cask. In fact, he’d never been able to penetrate the American market whatsoever. His problem was, he was trying to sell atypical Armagnac to typical brandy drinkers — not bourbon geeks.
“It was so off-profile to what Armagnac people liked,” explains Schurman. “But anyone who liked a George T. Stagg or a Weller [bourbon] would love it. Sometimes, they wouldn’t even know it was an Armagnac.”
Still, Schurman knew that even if he was keen on this spirit, it was still quite a financial risk to buy three entire Lous Pibous barrels — a 1993 vintage (Cask 124) and two 1996s (Casks 187 and Cask 188) — or around 1,000 bottles-worth.
He shouldn’t have been concerned. Fellow 1789b group members would snap up almost all of the bottles before they ever hit store shelves at K&L Wines, the local California retailer they had to use to get L’Encantada imported into the States. Word of L’Encantada quickly spread within the insular bourbon community.
“We knew these were special, but they were still Armagnac, a spirit which I love but which has limited appeal in the U.S.,” wrote Ury.
Ury never expected “the enchanted one” to blow up the way it has, but maybe he should have. L’Encantada bottlings check all the boxes for the American bourbon geek: single casks, barrel-strength, unfiltered and unadulterated; and lavishly packaged with wax-dipped necks, wooden hang tags (listing vintage year), and the requisite, dignified boxes. They are also exceedingly rare, with around 300 bottles per release; and, as for now, they are relatively cheap, especially compared to still-booming bourbon. (Ury doesn’t quite agree with my assessment, saying, “Maybe, but other brandies have those things.”)
L’Encantada bottlings quickly became a cult phenomenon among the bourbon community. A feeding frenzy followed. As demand begat supply, more releases entered the market. The Brandy Brothers brought in three more casks, K&L purchased two more for the store, and other retailers across the country began grabbing any barrels they could. Notably, Astor Wines & Spirits in Manhattan, and the esteemed Lincoln Road Package store in Hattiesburg, Miss., long famous for astute single barrel offerings, were among those to snatch up barrels.
“We weren’t selling much Armagnac at all — one or two in the store. But those were usually 80 proof and mellow,” says Jamie Farris, the owner of the Lincoln Road, whose first two L’Encantada casks were a Domaine Le Frêche and a Lous Pibous. He’s since acquired three more. “[The L’Encantada] are bigger, bolder brandies than you’re used to.”
As early as the summer of 2018, the Manhattan Wine Company’s newsletter, in lauding L’Encantada, purported that Your New Favorite Brown Spirit is Not from Kentucky. Around the same time, the acclaimed PM Spirits teamed up with L’Encantada to release XO, a blend of four L’Encantada casks (two Lous Pibous, as well as Del Cassou and Bellair estate), and up to that point, their most widely accessible release. In announcing the release, PM Spirits founder Nicolas Palazzi explained:
“L’Encantada is the darling of bourbon whiskey clubs, offering power, richness, and excitement for whiskey drinkers looking to explore.” While Astor Wines, in introducing the XO, cheekily noted: “Bourbon what? Pappy who?”
Nevertheless, while the online cognoscenti will surely be pissed I’ve blown up their latest love, for the most part L’Encantada still hasn’t fully made it into the mainstream of moneyed bourbon neophytes calling around to stores looking for “the Pappies.” PM released a Lot 2.0 of XO last summer, and I still see bottles of it on shelves. Likewise, single cask bottlings of L’Encantada can still be found in certain stores as well, though the prices have steadily been creeping up, with most selling for around $200 to $250 these days, double or triple what they were just a few years ago.
But, of course, those prices still aren’t at bourbon levels where new bottles of Pappy Van Winkle 23 Year Old hit the market at an asking price of around $2,000. Nonetheless, if most bourbon drinkers had never even tasted an Armagnac a year ago, now a good number are obsessed with at least one brand of it. A year or two from now, we all might be kicking ourselves for not capitalizing on it.
“The bourbon guys wanted something different,” Farris says. “And it filled that void. Something different, but a better value. You can’t find a 23-year-old bourbon for 200 bucks these days.”
The article The Armagnac That’s Sneaking Into ‘Bourbon Porn’ appeared first on VinePair.
Via https://vinepair.com/articles/lencantada-armagnac-bourbon-bros/
source https://vinology1.weebly.com/blog/the-armagnac-thats-sneaking-into-bourbon-porn
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Does it Matter if You Raise Heritage Chicken Breeds or Hybrids?
Heritage chicken breeds are vital to the future of all breeds of chickens. What are heritage chicken breeds? You may be asking this question if you start looking at different breeds of chickens to start a backyard flock. The distinction is important. According to The Livestock Conservancy, a heritage chicken is hatched from a heritage egg sired by an American Poultry Association Standard breed established prior to the mid-20th century. It is slow growing and naturally mated with a long productive outdoor life. All of our hybrid chicken breeds are the result of mating between heritage chicken breeds.
How do Heritage Chicken Breeds Make a Hybrid Chicken?
So, what are the advantages of a hybrid chicken? A hybrid chicken breed has the possibility of possessing the best qualities of all the heritage breeds in its genetic makeup. Do you want a consistently high production egg layer for an egg business? The crosses between some of the traditional heritage egg laying breeds have resulted in hybrid breeds that come into lay early. In addition, they lay nearly every day and reliably produce large delicious eggs.
The sex-linked hybrids are popular choices for egg production.
Great, right? Not always. The problems come in later. When these hybrid breeds are bred back to another in the flock or from another flock the characteristics do not breed true. The entire genetic makeup of the hybrid can yield undesirable traits, too. The genetic material is further watered down by further breeding. A knowledgeable breeder would take this into consideration. Introducing new breeding stock to strengthen the hybrid breed brings new vigor to the cross.
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In addition to not breeding true, the hybrid breeds are weaker in the areas of longevity, and resistance to disease. Traits that are inherent in a heritage breed are not reliably passed on when making hybrid chickens. The super egg laying hens often start off well. They grow fast, begin egg laying early and all seems great. My experience with hybrids has shown that they rarely live much past a few early years of production, compared to their heritage breed flock members.
Raising Heritage Chicken Breeds
Heritage chicken breeds naturally reproduce true to the breed standards. Buying egg layer breeding stock from a certified breeder further ensures that you will have the desired breed characteristics. With heritage chicken breeds each breed has specific qualities. Feather size and colors, egg shell color, and comb and wattle size and shape are breed specific traits.
The History of Heritage Breeds in Rural Life
Many heritage breeds were kept on small farms, because of their dual-purpose of meat and egg production. Dual- purpose heritage breed chickens are hardy and adaptable to foraging situations. As family farms decreased in our country, many chicken breeds began to die out.
Dual-purpose heritage chicken breeds had little purpose in a confined agriculture egg production facility. These hens required too much food to make keeping them in a confined space profitable. Lighter commercial chicken breeds were favored by the intensive confined agricultural model. Hybrid chicken breeds were the answer. They had higher egg production and faster growth, on less feed. The downside of this form of poultry production is a lack of vigor, weather tolerance and lower ability or instinct to forage for food.
Another concern arises when looking into industrial hatchery breeding practices. The use of flock mating instead of specific selection based on breed qualities further weakens the gene pool. It is important to keep the gene pool fresh with additional, high-quality roosters. Not all poultry breeders adhere to this practice.
The Livestock Conservancy
Many of the heritage chicken breeds are in danger of disappearing. The Livestock Conservancy follows the requirements for breed standards. Small hatcheries are finding success and improvement following the breeding methods used by The Livestock Conservancy.
Some breed conservationists believe that we should concentrate our flocks to one or two separate groups of heritage chickens. We would commit to the improvement of the breed as we take care of the needs of our homesteads. Homesteaders who raise heritage chicken breeds are able to self-sustain a hardy dual-purpose flock. The addition of a new rooster occasionally helps to strengthen the flock’s breed characteristics.
What to Consider When Breeding Heritage Chickens
First, choose your heritage chicken breed or breeds. Make your choice based on your egg or meat requirements, along with the appearance of the breed. Carefully map out how the breeding pairs will be set up. Take care to choose from different bloodlines. Add unrelated roosters to your flock occasionally, to keep the bloodlines diverse. The Livestock Conservancy notes that this can be a challenge when a breed reaches the critical status. The recommendation at that point is to concentrate on increasing breed population. Once the population increases, then focus on the breed standards.
Blue Andalusian hen.
The Livestock Conservancy has breeds of heritage chickens on a watchlist. It lists the following heritage breeds as critical: Campine, Crevecoeur, Holland, La Fleche, Malay, Modern Game, Nankin, Redcap, Spanish, Sultan, Yokohama. In addition, the Lakenvelder, Old English Game, Icelandic, and Favorelle are on the Threatened listing.
The Sussex breed is currently on the Recovering list. Lately, it has gained popularity among backyard chicken keepers, particularly the eye-catching Speckled Sussex. The Sussex is an ancient breed. In the early 1900s, the Sussex chickens were close to extinct. A few breeders committed to bringing the breed standards back and currently, the breed is recovering. Sussex hens are excellent for supplying eggs. They are considered an excellent breed for meat.
Speckled Sussex hen.
It may surprise you to read that the Barred Plymouth Rock is also on the recovering list. Plymouth Rocks were developed in America in the early 1800s. At one point they almost dropped from existence. This is an excellent farm chicken that lays an average of 200 large brown eggs per year. Rocks are cold hardy, and large. Their size makes them a good meat bird.
The Black Australorp traces its roots back to the Black Orpingtons shipped to Australian chicken breeders in the 1800’s. While the Orpington was being developed to largely provide meat, at that time, the Australian poultry breeders concentrated on the high egg production. The Australorp lays a large brown egg. Surprisingly, as the breed developed, the Black Australorp did not retain the same look as the Orpington.
Watch list entries include the Jersey Giant breed, among the largest purebred chickens. Another wonderful dual- purpose breed, although it does take up to nine months to reach full size. Andalusians are also on the watch list. The Andalusians are great foraging chickens of presumed Spanish descent. The breed lays a large white egg.
Jersey Giant hen.
The traditional Rhode Island Red has an interesting story. This superb egg laying breed also had an endangered period. The breed has shown a decline in the older, darker, original type. Commercial breeders bred them to be smaller and more efficient at egg production. This is a long way from the original standard. The breed developers originally wanted a meat bird that laid a lot of eggs.
Other heritage chicken breeds for you to consider include the Java, Sebright, Delaware, Dominiques, and Dorkings. The Brahma and Cochin breeds are two favorite large breeds. They both seem to be making a comeback in popularity.
Light Brahma hen.
Any chicken worth its weight, will eat bugs, forage for tasty greens and lay eggs. Both heritage chicken breeds and hybrid breeds will produce meat, too. The question is which breeds will do the tasks better, stay healthier while being reliable and sustainable. You can always stick with proven winners such as Leghorns, Rhode Island Reds, and Orpingtons. Those are some of the most commonly raised chickens for backyards. Choosing flock birds or breeding stock from a small certified heritage breeder helps ensure the future of the breed.
Ask yourself what your main goals are in raising chickens. If the traits are found in heritage chicken breeds, consider those birds as you start your backyard flock.
Do you have heritage chicken breeds in your flock? What are your favorites? Let us know in the comments below.
Does it Matter if You Raise Heritage Chicken Breeds or Hybrids? was originally posted by All About Chickens
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Post Proposals
For your post this week, and in lieu of our physical class, let's proceed by way of Blackboard. Please post your latest draft of your research proposal. Make it as excellent as you can, following all directions, and using correct and complete MLA style for in text citation and your works cited. And please respond to an many of your peers proposals throughout the week as possible. Respond with your characteristic thoughtful suggestions, affirmations, etc., to get our work to the next level of excellence!
Response:
TITLE:
The Duality of Woman: Both Keystone and Superfluous
AIM:
While critiqued on a global scale, Russia’s newest law that has lessened the punishment for assault against women and children has been quietly dismissed as the actions of a backwards, underdeveloped nation. This discourse formation is problematic in every sense. Lack of examination of the power structure that has allowed this law to come into place allows this superpower to go unquestioned in its treatment of women and children. My goal is to explore the patriarchal structures in place in Russia that have allowed for the value of women and children to be disregarded in such a manner. I plan to examine the perceived connection between Russian Orthodoxy and the resurgence of conservatism in Russian politics that has allowed for the normalization of the rhetoric of abuse. The concept of “tradition” used by Russian Orthodox church must be parsed apart. Behind traditional values hide a narrative where physical violence is deemed not only a norm, but something expected in a reactionary sense or during discipline. In short, I am looking to answer a specific question; how have traditions been used to hide a deeply patriarchal society? And how was this patriarchal society the same one that was known for its women’s movement during the USSR? And to what extent do these two realms cross over? Finally, to include a the comedic reflexive portion of this project, I wish to turn the narrative upon the U.S. and examine what similarities the two societies share. This will allow a society that writes off Russian societal “norms” as backwards, nonsensical, or otherwise to reflect upon the similar motifs that run through both the U.S. and Russia.
REASONING & HISTORY:
Recently, in Russia, a law was passed that decriminalizes first time, "less harmful" domestic battery, basically anything that does not put the person in the hospital. The amendment passed at 380 to 3. Russia's government is represented by an archaic structure called the Duma. The Duma is the lower legislative body of Russia and is based in elections. The group tends to vote conservative, supporting their claims with "tradition". Human Rights Advocates have been outspoken in their condemnation of Russia’s acts, yet no groups have been able to overturn the ruling. This law has become my object, and acts as a spring board to help me examine the past that has been obscured under the guise of tradition.
The moment I saw the first articles coming out about the domestic abuse law in Russia, I felt deeply unsettled for obvious reasons. Not only is Russia a world super power who has great influence over the policies of developing nations, but also because the rhetoric that was coming out in support of the new law sounded all too similar to what you would hear in my small southern town. Indoctrinated with strict patriarchal traditions, small towns are breeding grounds for the excusal of abuse within the home—as long as it didn’t lead to serious physical injury. But a lack of a broken arm doesn’t mean the violence doesn’t exist. In both Russian society and American, this is generally the case. Until it is overtly harmful, the violence is allowed to continue. While there are laws in place the cultural barriers in place make reporting domestic abuse even harder for victims. In this history, I plan to not only observe another country, but also look deeper into my own country's history of dealing with domestic violence and the corruption that exists.
Since the Cold War, looking deep into Russia and the USSR's propaganda and ideals on the treatment of women and subaltern groups often mirrors similar behaviors in the U.S. that often go unrecognized until the two are presented next to each other. In a sense, the U.S. and USSR interact through a chiasmus, not directly related but with enough similarities to draw some parallels. But while the United States didn’t kick off their feminist movement until the 70’s, the USSR prided itself on reinventing the Soviet woman during the 1920’s. Women were believed to be impowered, fulfilling the tenants of the New Soviet Woman. Women were always expected to run the household, raise the children, and look after their husband’s affairs while also heeding their tyranny and now, they were expected to take jobs as well. This duality of responsibility is explored frequently in Soviet era literature and is said to still plague the nation to this day.
PLAN:
While looking to create a history that exists in the realm of rhetoric instead of usual history, I am looking to the writings of Foucault, Burke, and White to assist me in creating a discourse formation. In order to find the ruptures in this discourse, I have first found the uniting factors (Foucault). In this case, it is the power that women in Russia seem to have within their household, their daily lives, and in their work places—the rupture comes when one notes their exclusion from narratives of power. A second rupture appears with the resurgence of the Russian Orthodox Church as a wielder of power. For a majority of the 20th century communist leaders like Lenin looked at religion as one of the most unsavory features of the peasantry. Suddenly it has reemerged and has returned to a status of power.
To understand what gave led to the creation of this history, I will be looking back to the traditional treatment of women and children in Russian society, as well as their roles in the household. The power structures formed centuries ago are reinforced in the modern era with calls from the Russian Orthodoxy to support tradition. The same speakers that support and validate this object are speakers who exist in a position where they benefit from the patriarchal system in place. The members of the Duma, Vladimir Putin, and the Russian Orthodoxy all have their power reinforced by this law.
The discourse that has emerged must not only be recognized as ever shifting and in no ways shedding light on any proper “truth”, but it must also be turned in on itself in some way (Burke, White). In order to do so I plan to compare the emergent system in Russia with the present system in the U.S. because no matter how far removed or backwards the Russian model may seem to an American, the power dynamics are far too similar to go uncritiqued. Doing so would only further perpetrate the narrative of backwardness that the west has created around Russia and would excuse the power dynamics that are in play. I understand that there is no way to create a truthful narrative about this new law and the systems it exists within because something will always be lost in the articulation of my thoughts (Foucault, Burke). However, I will try to the best of my ability to properly represent the data I collect, and will feel no fear in growing the number of sources that I draw from. And at the same time, I shall do my best to acknowledge where my own biases that stem from years of being exposed to propaganda against Russia begin and where the data ends.
Works Cited
Burke, Kenneth. Attitudes Towards History. Beacon Pr., 1961.
Foucault, Michel. The Archaeology of Knowledge. Routledge, 2002.
Kim, Lucian. “Russian President Signs Law To Decriminalize Domestic Violence.” NPR, NPR, 16 Feb. 2017,www.npr.org/2017/02/16/515642501/russian-president-signs-law-to-decriminalize-domestic-violence.
NPR gives a more broad overview of the issue, citing more numbers and including a video from a Russian news source with English subtitles. Once again, the news source is quite liberal.
Nechepurenko, Ivan. “Russia Moves to Soften Domestic Violence Law.” The New York Times, The New York Times, 25 Jan. 2017,www.nytimes.com/2017/01/25/world/europe/russia-domestic-violence.html?mcubz=3.
This article focuses on the American and Western European point of view, there is an outright condemnation of the actions of the Duma as well as voices from opposition of the law. The source is quite liberal.
“Russia: Bill to Decriminalize Domestic Violence.” Human Rights Watch, HRW, 9 Feb. 2017, www.hrw.org/news/2017/01/23/russia-bill-decriminalize-domestic-violence.
This article comes from the Human Rights Watch, in my opinion it is more telling that the government is willing to actively support this law, while also being allowed to keep its seat in international organizations
White, Hayden. Tropics of Discourse: Essays in Cultural Criticism. Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1997.
Comments: This is a solid, smart, and important research proposal. Your aims are robust, and the articulation may tend to slip into more "plan for research" than "aims," so feel free to narrow and focus on just the aims--read and study again the template formula on definition of the "aims" section to make your edits and adjustments. The background you offer is at once personal (could benefit from citation of Spivak on examination of one's own subject position in writing history/producing knowledge) and rooted in your study of related discourses. Your plan for research is a smart and cunning design incorporating well all three theorists, as the turn to the U.S. offers the ironic, comedic turn so necessary for writing what White would call "genuine" history. Make sure to adjust writing for a general audience/reader, not one specially trained in our course. Your discourses/digital archive is still developing with a stronger inclusion at this time of discourses related to Russian culture than U.S. So make sure to include the discourses that you will use to show the U.S. normalization and norming of violence against women. Right now we seem to be flooded with civic discourses in the U.S. that illuminate these U.S. norms of patriarchy and violence. Brock Turner gets a light sentence for raping a woman passed out behind a dumpster and is now appealing the conviction--lots of discourses there justifying the lack of punishment for Brock, displaying the deep seated ethos in the U.S. that values men more than women, and allows for violence against women for privileging the will of men. Roy Moore and his supporters are also circulating significant discourses on what they describe as the proper power of men over women. A young girl who killed her sex trafficker has been sentenced to life in prison rather than being seen as the child victim she was acting in self defense, that case is being circulated currently with lots of discourses showing U.S. disregard for violence against women. Also discourses pointing out the problem in the U.S. of violence against women (see also Jimmy Carter's book of last year, for another example, which is not just U.S. centric, but shows that the U.S. is not at all free from this violence) all seem to be discourses important for your consideration in your digital archive, to show the U.S. social norms about women and violence. Keep building your archive. I am eager for your presentation! I know it will be excellent, and have no worries, as all is always a work in progress. What you don't like about your presentation, if anything (as I expect I will like all of it), you can critique in your digital portfolio. All is a learning process and open to revision before final grading. Have confidence in your work. Be kind to yourself as you move through this experience, you are doing an excellent job!
Reflection: Overall, I very much agree with Dr. Mifsud on most of the points that she made in her commentary on this proposal. There was a good deal of blurring between sections, and my aims very much became part of my plan for research. But they were there, at the very least. As I went forward in preparing for the presentation, I would simply shift some of the information into the right section as I edited. While not perfect, this draft ended up preparing me for the final far better than the midterm ever could. But then again, it’s a process and it takes many different steps. I see a common theme in my posts that this post somewhat exemplifies. In her comments, Dr. Mifsud gives me a few examples of how to turn the dialogue onto the United States. This shouldn’t have had to happen--I knew what examples I wanted to use and instead of stating the opposing discourses, I simply outline them with a broad idea. I didn’t take the time to go into the specifics because the line between ‘purely a proposal’ and a ‘completed project’ was so foreign to me that I constantly found myself in this limbo between researching and actually doing the project. At this point even, I don’t think I understand the difference truly. Because in order to find the discourses you have to actually start to learn about the history. And once you begin down that road people begin to question them and start parsing apart the nuances of the history. So the answers start to appear quick quickly.
I think one of the most beneficial things about this post was that we could review other student’s posts before we actually had to post our own proposal. I was able to read over Claire and Colin’s proposals and my understanding of how to phrase these proposals was expanded beyond compare. I realized that there really isn’t a template or anything along those lines, it comes down to which authors influenced you more in each section. As long as you include each of them in some way or another you’ve done what needs to be done. As I was writing this in the beginning I felt like I was grasping at straws. The ‘proper’ template for doing these projects was always just out of my reach. And that was incredibly frustrating for me in the beginning. However, I made it to the other side of this post with something workable.
As you can see in the section of this blog dedicated to the evolution of these proposals, my final proposal took a lot from Cory’s work and identified 3 concepts that the discourses in my history revolved around. I didn’t do that here because I was still confused about my history--looking at a discourse as if it was a history. Because of this view point, finding the statements was incredibly difficult for me. The view point I had about my history inhibited me from being able to word this proposal in a way that made it into an actual history. In my opinion, that explains some of the inconsistencies within this proposal as well as my rather large background and aims. I wasn’t trying to explore the discourses that surrounded domestic abuse in Russia, I was trying to explore the discourses that surrounded the law about domestic abuse. And even then, when you read into my proposal, I’m attempting to connect it to women and children, as was suggested to me in class. But I would go on to find that this would require a history of Russian women that would be fraught with statements and discourses that fed into domestic abuse in a way that one exists only because of the other. Looking back at the complexities of this history, I understand my confusion and find it somewhat warranted. But now that I’ve completed this project I think I could complete another proposal much clearer and efficient proposal.
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