#bal thackeray

[sivavakkiyar]

Famously when Deepa Mehta’s Fire came out in India, the Shiva Sena protested it. It was about a lesbian couple, the women were named Radha (same name as Krishna’s wife, very common) and Sita (same name as Rama’s wife, very common). So when the Shiv Sena protested it, Bal Thackeray eventually came out and said ‘well, we’ll allow the movie, immoral as it is: we only demand one change: change the women’s names to two of the wives of [the Prophet].’

Did you know that? Have you heard of the movie? seen it? Do you know what the Shiv Sena was? What it became? Judging believability my god

[veeritesblog]

Common Man

What’s your favorite cartoon? Common Man R K Laxman’s Common Man is my favourite cartoon. R K Narayan & R K Laxman are the most prominent figures in two different fields of art in India. Narayan was a novelist & Laxman was a cartoonist. He worked in Free Press Journal where stormy Marathi Politician Bal Thackeray was his assistant. Thackeray family later entered power politics but initially…

[news365timesindia]

[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 2nd December- Politics, like life, is an unending process of learning, adapting, and growing. Every political party makes mistakes, but the most successful ones are those that turn these mistakes into opportunities for transformation. This principle, however, seems to have eluded several major players in India’s political landscape, particularly the Congress Party, the NCP, and the Uddhav faction of the Shiv Sena. The recent assembly election results in Maharashtra and Jharkhand serve as a stark reminder of the perils of stagnation and missed opportunities. The Congress Party: A Declining Momentum The Congress Party, once a formidable force in Indian politics, is struggling to regain its footing. After doubling its seat tally in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the party failed to capitalize on the momentum, exposing its inability to adapt to changing political dynamics. The Congress’s challenges are multifaceted, but the most glaring issue lies in its lack of introspection. Unlike the historic Pachmarhi and Shimla conclaves, where the party undertook rigorous post-election analysis, there has been no meaningful effort to evaluate its strategies or performance after recent setbacks. Leadership remains another concern. Rahul Gandhi, the Leader of the Opposition, has undoubtedly worked hard, but the party’s over-reliance on him and a select group of advisors has sidelined other leaders and alienated crucial voter bases. Mistakes from the Haryana Assembly elections, such as poor ticket distribution and ignoring grassroots leaders, were repeated, despite the lessons being painfully obvious. Disconnected Narratives and Missed Opportunities A significant disconnect between the Congress Party’s narrative and the electorate’s priorities further compounds its woes. While the party has focused on caste issues, constitutional rhetoric, and personal attacks on the Prime Minister, it has failed to address the bread-and-butter concerns that resonate with voters. Rising unemployment, inflation, and farmers’ struggles—issues that deeply affect the common citizen—are conspicuously absent from its narrative. Even within the INDIA alliance, friction is evident. Disagreements among alliance members like AAP, the Trinamool Congress, and Congress reflect a lack of cohesion and shared vision. Rahul Gandhi’s attack on Savarkar, for instance, alienated the Shiv Sena, a vital alliance partner. This disunity undermines the alliance’s ability to present a unified front against the BJP. The Fall of Sharad Pawar and Uddhav Thackeray The political fortunes of Sharad Pawar and Uddhav Thackeray illustrate the consequences of misreading the political landscape. Sharad Pawar, a seasoned politician, lost control of his party to his nephew, Ajit Pawar, who defected to the BJP. Similarly, Uddhav Thackeray, son of Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray, faced a rebellion from Eknath Shinde, which resulted in the loss of both the party and the state elections. Both leaders failed to address internal dissent effectively, allowing ambitious rivals to exploit their vulnerabilities. The Election Commission’s recognition of Ajit Pawar’s faction as the real NCP and Shinde’s rise as the BJP’s ally in Maharashtra underscore the importance of proactive leadership and organizational unity. JMM’s Success Amidst Challenges In stark contrast to the Congress, NCP, and Shiv Sena, the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) has demonstrated resilience and strategic acumen. Despite numerous challenges, including legal troubles faced by Chief Minister Hemant Soren and his family, the party retained power in Jharkhand. This victory highlights the importance of staying connected with the electorate and addressing their immediate concerns. The JMM’s success is a lesson in perseverance and adaptability, proving that even under adverse circumstances, a well-grounded narrative can triumph. The Role of the BJP and RSS While the opposition falters, the BJP and its ideological parent, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), have capitalized on their strengths.

The BJP’s decisive victory in Maharashtra reflects its organizational efficiency, strategic alliances, and ability to appeal to a broad voter base. The RSS’s groundwork and ideological influence have further cemented the BJP’s position as a dominant political force. However, the BJP is not without its missteps. In Jharkhand, the party’s inability to counter Hemant Soren’s popularity or present a compelling narrative cost it an opportunity to reclaim power. These results indicate that even the most successful parties must continuously innovate and adapt to changing political climates. Future Implications and the Path Forward The upcoming Rajya Sabha elections and the eventual general elections will test the mettle of all political players. For Congress, the path to revival lies in introspection and reinvention. The party must move beyond reliance on a single leader, address internal divisions, and prioritize issues that matter to the electorate. The NCP and Shiv Sena factions must also rebuild their organizational structures and reconnect with their core supporters. The INDIA alliance must work towards greater unity and a shared vision, moving beyond a singular focus on defeating the BJP. This will require genuine collaboration, transparent communication, and a commitment to addressing the concerns of the common citizen. Conclusion: The Power of Learning and Adaptation Elections are as much about learning from failures as they are about celebrating victories. The recent results in Maharashtra and Jharkhand underscore the importance of introspection and adaptation for all political players. For the Congress, NCP, and Shiv Sena, these setbacks offer an opportunity to regroup and realign their strategies. Political success, after all, lies in the ability to learn from mistakes and move forward with renewed determination. The true winners are those who not only rectify their errors but also evolve to meet the changing aspirations of the people they serve. Whether these lessons are heeded remains to be seen, but the stakes have never been higher in the dynamic landscape of Indian politics.   The post Rahul Gandhi’s Challenge: Reviving Congress Amid Electoral Debacles appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[news365times]

[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 25thNovember. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA), spearheaded by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), achieved a landmark victory in the Maharashtra Assembly elections, securing 132 of the 149 seats it contested. This 89% success rate underscores a remarkable political comeback for the BJP, which had faced setbacks during the Lok Sabha elections earlier this year. The triumph not only solidifies the BJP’s dominance in Maharashtra but also highlights its evolving strategies and ability to adapt to regional and grassroots dynamics. The BJP’s Journey: From Junior Partner to Dominant Force The BJP’s transformation in Maharashtra over three decades is nothing short of extraordinary. In 1990, the party contested elections as a junior ally to Bal Thackeray’s Shiv Sena, securing a modest 42 seats. Fast forward to 2024, and the BJP has emerged as the cornerstone of the Mahayuti alliance, securing 45% of the seats needed for a majority in the 288-seat Assembly on its own. The BJP’s dominance starkly contrasts with the decline of Uddhav Thackeray’s Shiv Sena, which managed to win just 20 seats. Once a significant player in the state, Uddhav’s Shiv Sena struggled to resonate with voters after aligning with the Congress. Regional Dominance: A Comprehensive Victory Across Maharashtra The BJP-led alliance demonstrated its strength across Maharashtra’s diverse regions: Mumbai: Traditionally a Shiv Sena bastion, the BJP won 15 of the 36 seats in Mumbai, with allies Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena faction securing six and Ajit Pawar’s NCP faction winning one. Vidarbha: Despite challenges like drought and farmer suicides, the BJP retained its stronghold, winning 39 of the 62 seats in this region known for its RSS roots. Konkan: In this industrial region, the BJP and Shinde’s Shiv Sena each secured 16 seats, reflecting successful outreach to the region’s migrant workforce. Marathwada: Drought-hit Marathwada saw the BJP secure 19 of 46 seats, with allies Shinde and Ajit Pawar winning 12 and eight seats, respectively. Western Maharashtra: Traditionally dominated by Sharad Pawar’s NCP, this region saw the BJP-led alliance secure 24 of 58 seats, a significant inroad into NCP territory. Northern Maharashtra: The BJP’s outreach to smaller OBC communities like Teli and Kunbi helped it win 20 of 47 seats in this agricultural region. Key Factors Behind the BJP’s Victory Welfare Schemes: The “Mazi Ladki Bai” scheme launched by the Shinde government proved pivotal. By providing Rs 1,500 monthly to low-income women, the program reached 2.34 crore beneficiaries, significantly boosting the alliance’s appeal among women voters. RSS Mobilisation: The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) played a critical role in the BJP’s campaign, mobilizing over 60,000 workers and organizing 12,000 meetings. This ground-level outreach ensured voter turnout in crucial constituencies where victory margins were slim. Narrative Control: The BJP effectively framed the electoral discourse around development, inclusivity, and Hindutva themes. Slogans like “Ek hain toh safe hain” and “Modi hai toh mumkin hai” resonated with voters, while the opposition’s focus on constitutional rights and “betrayals” failed to gain traction. Opposition Weakness: The Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliance of Congress, Sharad Pawar’s NCP, and Uddhav Thackeray’s Shiv Sena struggled to present a cohesive narrative. Their focus on secularism and criticism of the BJP failed to connect with voters prioritizing economic and social issues. Consolidation of Hindu Voters: The BJP successfully consolidated non-Maratha Hindu voters, including Mali, Dhangar, and Vanjari communities, offsetting the impact of Maratha reservation protests. Higher Voter Turnout: Voter turnout rose from 61.1% in 2019 to 66% in 2024, a factor historically favorable to the BJP. The increased turnout reflected the party’s ability to mobilize its base effectively. Challenges and Future Implications While

the BJP-led alliance’s victory is significant, it also raises important questions about the state’s political landscape: Decline of Regional Parties: The sharp decline of Uddhav Thackeray’s Shiv Sena and the weakened performance of Sharad Pawar’s NCP highlight a shift in Maharashtra’s political dynamics, with national parties gaining dominance. Polarization Risks: The BJP’s use of polarizing themes like “Vote Jihad” and its consolidation of Hindu voters may deepen societal divisions, posing challenges to social harmony in the long term. Economic Expectations: The Mahayuti alliance’s focus on development and welfare has raised expectations among voters. Delivering on promises, particularly in regions like drought-hit Marathwada, will be critical to sustaining voter trust. The BJP’s Strategic Adaptability The Maharashtra Assembly elections underscore the BJP’s ability to adapt its strategies to regional dynamics and grassroots realities. From leveraging welfare schemes to mobilizing diverse voter groups, the party has demonstrated an impressive understanding of the state’s political pulse. The resurgence of the BJP in Maharashtra is not just a testament to its organizational strength but also a reflection of voters’ preference for a development-focused narrative over traditional identity politics. However, sustaining this momentum will require balancing economic development with social inclusiveness, particularly in a state as diverse as Maharashtra. Conclusion: A Landmark Victory with Broader Implications The BJP-led NDA’s victory in Maharashtra marks a significant political milestone, reinforcing the party’s dominance in the state and signaling its ability to recover from setbacks. By addressing grassroots concerns, introducing impactful welfare schemes, and leveraging its organizational prowess, the BJP has solidified its position as Maharashtra’s dominant political force. However, this victory also comes with responsibilities. Meeting the expectations of voters, maintaining social harmony, and fostering economic growth will be key to sustaining this success. As Maharashtra transitions under the Mahayuti alliance’s leadership, the BJP’s performance here could serve as a blueprint for its strategies in other states and the 2024 general elections. The post Maharashtra Assembly Elections 2024: How the BJP-Led NDA Engineered a Resounding Victory appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

[odnewsin]

Sena vs Sena fight: Shinde’s party defeats Uddhav’s outfit in 36 seats, loses in 14

Mumbai: The Shiv Sena led by Chief Minister Eknath Shinde has trounced rival Shiv Sena (UBT) of Uddhav Thackeray in 36 assembly seats in Maharashtra, putting to rest the debate over which is the real party founded by late Bal Thackeray. Shinde’s Sena, a constituent of the ruling Mahayuti alliance, won 57 of the 81 seats it contested in the state polls, the results of which were announced…

[newnewz]

PM Modi Claims Previous Congress Regimes Planned 15% Budget Allocation for Minorities

Prime Minister Narendra Modi accused the former Congress-led UPA government of advocating for a significant portion of the budget, around 15%, to be allocated exclusively for minorities. Speaking at a rally in Pimpalgaon, Nashik, Modi criticized this proposal, emphasizing his opposition to budgetary segregation based on religion. He pledged to safeguard against any such division and affirmed his commitment to maintaining reservation policies based on socio-economic criteria rather than religion.

Modi described the concept of dividing the budget along religious lines as perilous and accused the Congress of displaying bias towards minority communities. He recounted his strong dissent against then-Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s proposal during his tenure as Chief Minister of Gujarat, underscoring his steadfast stance against budgetary allocations based on religious grounds.

The rally, held in support of Mahayuti candidates ahead of the Phase 5 Lok Sabha polls, saw Modi endorsing Union Minister Bharati Pawar and Hemant Godse among others. He lambasted the Congress for allegedly prioritizing religious-based reservation over the interests of marginalized communities, citing Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s opposition to such practices.

Highlighting the achievements of his government, Modi contrasted the perceived insecurity during previous Congress regimes with the improved security situation under his leadership. He cited instances of terrorism and instability prevalent during Congress rule and credited his administration with implementing measures to enhance national security, including surgical strikes and air strikes against terrorist threats.

In a swipe at the opposition alliance, particularly the Uddhav Thackeray-led Shiv Sena, Modi predicted a resounding victory for the BJP while questioning the electoral prospects of the Congress and its allies. He criticized the alliance, labeling the Shiv Sena as “fake” and accusing it of deviating from the principles espoused by its founder, late Bal Thackeray.

Modi condemned the alleged reluctance of the opposition parties to support initiatives such as the construction of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya and the revocation of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir. He accused the Shiv Sena of betraying its ideological legacy and likened its actions to those of the Congress, highlighting what he perceived as a disregard for Hindu sentiments and national interests.

In his address, Modi rallied support for the BJP while portraying the opposition alliance as a threat to the state’s welfare and integrity. He urged voters to reject the alleged opportunism of the opposition parties and reaffirmed his government’s commitment to serving the nation’s interests above all else.

[legalupanishad]

Shreya Singhal Vs Union Of India: Understanding the Landmark Judgment for Free Speech in India

This article on 'Shreya Singhal Vs Union Of India: All You Need To Know' was written by Shriharshini Balachandar, an intern at Legal Upanishad.

Introduction

In 2012, the Indian government introduced a new section to the Information Technology Act, of 2000, known as Section 66A. This section made it an offense to send "offensive" messages through communication devices like the Internet, social media, or instant messaging platforms. The punishment for violating Section 66A was up to three years in jail and a fine. However, this law was widely criticized by activists and legal experts, who argued that it violated the fundamental right to freedom of speech and expression enshrined in the Indian Constitution. The law was also used to stifle dissent and criticism of the government, leading to several cases of individuals being arrested for making online comments deemed "offensive." One such case was that of Shreya Singhal, a law student from Delhi, who challenged the constitutionality of Section 66A in the Supreme Court of India. Her case, known as Shreya Singhal vs Union of India, became a landmark judgment in the Indian legal system, setting important precedents for freedom of speech and expression in the digital age.

Background of Shreya Singhal vs Union of India

In 2012, two young women from Maharashtra were arrested for criticizing the shutdown of Mumbai due to the death of Shiv Sena leader Bal Thackeray on Facebook. The police charged them under Section 66A of the IT Act, claiming that their comments were "offensive" and had caused "hurt" to the sentiments of Shiv Sena supporters. This incident sparked a nationwide debate on the misuse of Section 66A and its potential to curb freedom of speech and expression. Several other cases of misuse of the law were reported, including the arrest of a man who had "liked" a Facebook post critical of a political leader, and a cartoonist who had uploaded a cartoon mocking the government's response to a dam project. Shreya Singhal, who was a law student at the time, decided to take up the cause and challenge the constitutionality of Section 66A. She filed a writ petition in the Supreme Court of India, arguing that the law was vague, overbroad, and violated the fundamental right to freedom of speech and expression. The Shreya Singhal Vs Union Of India case was heard by a two-judge bench of the Supreme Court, comprising Justice J. Chelameswar and Justice Rohinton F. Nariman. The central government defended the law, arguing that it was necessary to maintain public order and prevent the spread of hate speech and fake news.

Key arguments in the Shreya Singhal Vs Union Of India

Shreya Singhal's main argument was that Section 66A was vague and overbroad, and therefore, it violated the fundamental right to freedom of speech and expression. She argued that the law was so broad that it could be used to curtail any form of online communication, including legitimate criticism and dissent. Shreya Singhal's lawyers also argued that the law was unconstitutional because it did not contain any guidelines or standards for determining what constituted "offensive" or "menacing" communication. They argued that this lack of clarity gave too much discretion to law enforcement agencies, leading to arbitrary and discriminatory enforcement of the law. The government's main argument was that Section 66A was necessary to maintain public order and prevent the spread of hate speech and fake news. They maintained that the law had been successfully applied to stop cyberbullying and online abuse, and that multiple high courts in India had upheld it.

The Judgment

In the matter of Shreya Singhal vs Union of India, the Supreme Court of India issued its ruling in March 2015. The Information Technology Act, 2000's Section 66A was deemed unlawful and overturned by the court. According to the Indian Constitution's Article 19(1)(a), Section 66A infringes on the basic right to freedom of speech and expression. In its judgment, the court noted that the law was too vague and overbroad, and had a chilling effect on free speech. The court held that the terms "grossly offensive" and "menacing" were subjective and could be interpreted in a manner that would curtail legitimate criticism and dissent. The court also noted that Section 66A was not narrowly tailored to achieve its stated objective of preventing cyberbullying and online harassment. The court held that the law was not proportional to the harm it sought to prevent and that it had a disproportionate impact on free speech. The court also held that the law had a "chilling effect" on free speech and that it created a "perceptible" danger of arbitrary and discriminatory application. The court noted that the law had been used to target individuals who had engaged in legitimate criticism of public figures and institutions.

Shreya Singhal Vs Union Of India: All You Need To Know

The impact of the judgment

The judgment in the case of Shreya Singhal vs Union of India was a significant victory for free speech and expression in India. The judgment set an important precedent for the protection of online speech and expression, and it provided clarity on the limits of government regulation of online communication. The verdict had a substantial effect on India's legal system as well. Following the ruling, numerous other Information Technology Act of 2000 provisions were contested on similar grounds, and many of them were overturned by the courts. The judgment also led to a renewed debate on the need for a comprehensive data protection law in India. The court noted in its judgment that the lack of a comprehensive data protection law in India had created a situation where sensitive personal information was being collected and used without adequate safeguards.

Suggestions

- Need for a thorough data protection law: The decision emphasized the requirement for a thorough data protection law in India. People should be aware of how crucial it is to prevent the misuse of their sensitive personal information, and they should insist that the government take action to safeguard their information. - Clarity on government regulation of online communication: The judgment provided clarity on the limits of government regulation of online communication. Individuals should be aware of their rights and should take action when their freedom of speech and expression is curtailed by government action. - Importance of challenging unconstitutional laws: The judgment in the case of Shreya Singhal vs Union of India was the result of a legal challenge to an unconstitutional law. It is important for individuals to challenge unconstitutional laws and regulations that infringe upon their rights, and to seek redress through the courts when necessary. - Need for continued vigilance: The judgment in the case of Shreya Singhal vs Union of India was an important victory for free speech and expression, but individuals should remain vigilant to ensure that their rights are not infringed upon in the future. It is important to monitor government action and challenge unconstitutional laws and regulations when necessary.

Conclusion

In the Indian legal system, a significant decision was made in the case of Shreya Singhal vs Union of India. The ruling clarified the boundaries of government regulation of online communication and acknowledged the value of free speech and expression in a democratic society. The judgment also highlighted the need for a comprehensive data protection law in India and the importance of protecting sensitive personal information from misuse. The judgment has had a significant impact on the legal landscape in India and has set an important precedent for the protection of online speech and expression.

References

- Merrin Muhammed Ashraf, Revisiting Shreya Singhal versus Union of India: A not so bright spot in the free speech jurisprudence of India, The Leaflet, 29 July 2022, available at: https://theleaflet.in/revisiting-shreya-singhal-versus-union-of-india-a-not-so-bright-spot-in-the-free-speech-jurisprudence-of-india/ - Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, Columbia University, available at: https://globalfreedomofexpression.columbia.edu/cases/shreya-singhal-v-union-of-india/ - Shreya Singhal vs Union of India, Fonology Legal, 2 February 2023, available at: https://blog.finology.in/Legal-news/shreya-singhal-vs-union-of-india Read the full article

[newspatron]

Manohar Joshi: 5 Facts About Maharashtra's First Shiv Sena CM

Image Source – Newspatron Creative Team AI-Generated Image for representative purpose [Read About Us to know more] editor@newspatron.comManohar Joshi: A Glimpse into His Personal LifeDid You Know These Facts About Manohar Joshi?Did You Know These Facts About Manohar Joshi?Manohar Joshi: A Look at His Rise in Maharashtra PoliticsJoshi’s Strategic Role in the Shiv SenaManohar Joshi’s Tenure as…

[wordexpress]

Maha CM Shinde cried and said he will be jailed if he didn't hop over to BJP: Aaditya Thackeray

Shiv Sena MLA Santosh Bangar rejected Aaditya Thackeray's claims and said the fundamental reason behind the "revolt" against Thackerays was the alliance they had with the NCP and the Congress.

MUMBAI: Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Aaditya Thackeray has claimed Maharashtra Chief Minister Eknath Shinde had come to his residence and cried that he will be arrested by a central agency if he did not switch over to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), before revolting against the Sena leadership.

However, MLA Santosh Bangar from the Shinde-led Shiv Sena denied Thackeray’s claim and said there was no threat by the BJP.

The reason behind the “revolt” was Thackeray’s alliance with the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and the Congress, Bangar said.

Union minister Ramdas Athawale also said the allegations against Shinde were false and the latter was a strong man and he would never cry.

Speaking during an interaction at a university in Visakhapatnam on Wednesday, Aaditya Thackeray, the son of former Maharashtra CM Uddhav Thackeray, alleged that 40 MLAs rebelled against the Sena leadership for their own seats and “money”.

“The current chief minister (Shinde) came to our house and cried because he was going to be arrested by a central agency, and he said ‘I will have to hop over to the BJP otherwise they will arrest me’,” he claimed.

“It was his good luck that they (the BJP) wanted to show this guy is the true Sena and we (BJP) will make him the CM,” the former minister said.

Defending his party’s alliance with the Congress, Aaditya Thackeray said he has learnt a little more about his grandfather than the “BJP’s WhatsApp university” is teaching.

“My grandfather (Bal Thackeray) had tie-ups with the Congress before. He had better relations with the Gandhi family earlier also. He had openly supported Pranab Mukherjee and Pratibha Patil (both former Presidents) openly when the BJP was putting up another candidate (during presidential elections),” he said.

On the other hand, the BJP formed an alliance with the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) which “supported terrorists”, Aaditya Thackeray said.

Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Sanjay Raut said Aaditya Thackeray’s claims were true.

The Rajya Sabha member said Shinde had even come to his residence in Bhandup area of Mumbai and made similar pleas and that he did not want to go to jail.

Raut said he told Shinde not to get scared and that they should stand up against injustice.

There were many Sena MLAs (among those who revolted) against whom probes were on by central agencies, he said.

“A similar thing is happening against the NCP,” Raut claimed.

However, Shiv Sena MLA Santosh Bangar rejected Aaditya Thackeray’s claims and said the fundamental reason behind the “revolt” against Thackerays was the alliance they had with the NCP and the Congress.

“All MLAs backed Eknath Shinde in this revolt. There was no threat (of central agencies) from the BJP,” Bangar said.

Meanwhile, when reporters asked Union minister and Republican Party of India (A) chief Ramdas Athawale in Pune about Aaditya Thackeray’s claims, he said, “Eknath Shinde is a strong man, he will never cry. The allegations made against Shinde are false.”

[werindialive]

'Mogambo khush hua' Uddhav Thackrey taunts Amit Shah after losing party name and symbol

After the Election Commission stripped Shiv Sena faction chief Uddhav Thackeray of the party name and its election symbol he attacked BJP and its chief strategist Amit Shah using the popular lines from the movie "Mr. India" -- 'Mogambo khush hua". He also attacked Prime Minister Narendra Modi and said that it was Shiv Sainiks who did themarvelouss job of saving Mumbai from the serial blasts of 1993, "Those talking of Hindutva now, where were they? Address is not known. Now they brag about a 56-inch chest. Where was that 56-inch chest then? He was sweating," he said.  

He further talked about people wearing masks and said that once people wore "Modi masks at rallies, now it is PM Modi, who is after the mask of Balasaheb Thackeray," he added. On Friday, the month-long battle over the legacy of Bal Thackrey, father of Uddhav Thackrey settled in the favour of Eknath Shinde by the Election Commission.

"Yesterday, someone (Amit Shah) came to Pune. He asked how things are going in Maharashtra. Then someone said it was a very good day, because the name and symbol of Shiv Sena were given to the slaves who came with us. So he (Mr. Shah) said very well, 'Mogambo khush hua'," he said while attending a Public meeting in Andheri, Mumbai.

Citing the supervillains of Bollywood, Uddhav said, "These are the Mogambos of today. Like the original Mogambo, they want people to fight among each other, so they can enjoy power."

"They turned me out of my own house and the verdict went in the favour of thieves," he said as he warned other parties about BJP claiming that they are allowed to get away with anything and others must be on alert.

For more political news India in Hindi, subscribe to our newsletter.

[news365timesindia]

[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 25thNovember. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA), spearheaded by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), achieved a landmark victory in the Maharashtra Assembly elections, securing 132 of the 149 seats it contested. This 89% success rate underscores a remarkable political comeback for the BJP, which had faced setbacks during the Lok Sabha elections earlier this year. The triumph not only solidifies the BJP’s dominance in Maharashtra but also highlights its evolving strategies and ability to adapt to regional and grassroots dynamics. The BJP’s Journey: From Junior Partner to Dominant Force The BJP’s transformation in Maharashtra over three decades is nothing short of extraordinary. In 1990, the party contested elections as a junior ally to Bal Thackeray’s Shiv Sena, securing a modest 42 seats. Fast forward to 2024, and the BJP has emerged as the cornerstone of the Mahayuti alliance, securing 45% of the seats needed for a majority in the 288-seat Assembly on its own. The BJP’s dominance starkly contrasts with the decline of Uddhav Thackeray’s Shiv Sena, which managed to win just 20 seats. Once a significant player in the state, Uddhav’s Shiv Sena struggled to resonate with voters after aligning with the Congress. Regional Dominance: A Comprehensive Victory Across Maharashtra The BJP-led alliance demonstrated its strength across Maharashtra’s diverse regions: Mumbai: Traditionally a Shiv Sena bastion, the BJP won 15 of the 36 seats in Mumbai, with allies Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena faction securing six and Ajit Pawar’s NCP faction winning one. Vidarbha: Despite challenges like drought and farmer suicides, the BJP retained its stronghold, winning 39 of the 62 seats in this region known for its RSS roots. Konkan: In this industrial region, the BJP and Shinde’s Shiv Sena each secured 16 seats, reflecting successful outreach to the region’s migrant workforce. Marathwada: Drought-hit Marathwada saw the BJP secure 19 of 46 seats, with allies Shinde and Ajit Pawar winning 12 and eight seats, respectively. Western Maharashtra: Traditionally dominated by Sharad Pawar’s NCP, this region saw the BJP-led alliance secure 24 of 58 seats, a significant inroad into NCP territory. Northern Maharashtra: The BJP’s outreach to smaller OBC communities like Teli and Kunbi helped it win 20 of 47 seats in this agricultural region. Key Factors Behind the BJP’s Victory Welfare Schemes: The “Mazi Ladki Bai” scheme launched by the Shinde government proved pivotal. By providing Rs 1,500 monthly to low-income women, the program reached 2.34 crore beneficiaries, significantly boosting the alliance’s appeal among women voters. RSS Mobilisation: The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) played a critical role in the BJP’s campaign, mobilizing over 60,000 workers and organizing 12,000 meetings. This ground-level outreach ensured voter turnout in crucial constituencies where victory margins were slim. Narrative Control: The BJP effectively framed the electoral discourse around development, inclusivity, and Hindutva themes. Slogans like “Ek hain toh safe hain” and “Modi hai toh mumkin hai” resonated with voters, while the opposition’s focus on constitutional rights and “betrayals” failed to gain traction. Opposition Weakness: The Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliance of Congress, Sharad Pawar’s NCP, and Uddhav Thackeray’s Shiv Sena struggled to present a cohesive narrative. Their focus on secularism and criticism of the BJP failed to connect with voters prioritizing economic and social issues. Consolidation of Hindu Voters: The BJP successfully consolidated non-Maratha Hindu voters, including Mali, Dhangar, and Vanjari communities, offsetting the impact of Maratha reservation protests. Higher Voter Turnout: Voter turnout rose from 61.1% in 2019 to 66% in 2024, a factor historically favorable to the BJP. The increased turnout reflected the party’s ability to mobilize its base effectively. Challenges and Future Implications While

the BJP-led alliance’s victory is significant, it also raises important questions about the state’s political landscape: Decline of Regional Parties: The sharp decline of Uddhav Thackeray’s Shiv Sena and the weakened performance of Sharad Pawar’s NCP highlight a shift in Maharashtra’s political dynamics, with national parties gaining dominance. Polarization Risks: The BJP’s use of polarizing themes like “Vote Jihad” and its consolidation of Hindu voters may deepen societal divisions, posing challenges to social harmony in the long term. Economic Expectations: The Mahayuti alliance’s focus on development and welfare has raised expectations among voters. Delivering on promises, particularly in regions like drought-hit Marathwada, will be critical to sustaining voter trust. The BJP’s Strategic Adaptability The Maharashtra Assembly elections underscore the BJP’s ability to adapt its strategies to regional dynamics and grassroots realities. From leveraging welfare schemes to mobilizing diverse voter groups, the party has demonstrated an impressive understanding of the state’s political pulse. The resurgence of the BJP in Maharashtra is not just a testament to its organizational strength but also a reflection of voters’ preference for a development-focused narrative over traditional identity politics. However, sustaining this momentum will require balancing economic development with social inclusiveness, particularly in a state as diverse as Maharashtra. Conclusion: A Landmark Victory with Broader Implications The BJP-led NDA’s victory in Maharashtra marks a significant political milestone, reinforcing the party’s dominance in the state and signaling its ability to recover from setbacks. By addressing grassroots concerns, introducing impactful welfare schemes, and leveraging its organizational prowess, the BJP has solidified its position as Maharashtra’s dominant political force. However, this victory also comes with responsibilities. Meeting the expectations of voters, maintaining social harmony, and fostering economic growth will be key to sustaining this success. As Maharashtra transitions under the Mahayuti alliance’s leadership, the BJP’s performance here could serve as a blueprint for its strategies in other states and the 2024 general elections. The post Maharashtra Assembly Elections 2024: How the BJP-Led NDA Engineered a Resounding Victory appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

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'Once name is gone...': Raj Thackeray shares Balasaheb’s clip after Shinde camp named real Sena

MNS chief Raj Thackeray took a jibe at Uddhav Thackeray after the EC allowed the Eknath Shinde faction to retain the party’s name “Shiv Sena” and the “Bow and Arrow” symbol. New Delhi ,UPDATED: Feb 17, 2023 22:15 IST Shiv Sena founder late Bal Thackeray. By India Today Web Desk: Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) chief Raj Thackeray took a veiled jibe at his cousin, Uddhav Thackeray, after the…

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Bal Thackeray Saved Modi when Atalji Spoke About 'Rajdharma', Says Uddhav; Slams BJP Over 'Divisive' Hindutva

Last Updated: February 12, 2023, 23:46 IST Former Maharashtra Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray. (File Photo: PTI) Thackeray said he walked out of the alliance with BJP to protect his dignity and joined hands with the NCP and Congress to form the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) Shiv Sena president Uddhav Thackeray on Sunday targeted the BJP, saying Prime Minister Narendra Modi wouldn’t have come this…

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The feet of a landless worker never heal (it's not a field on the moon! these are the soles of my feet). Will this map of labor serve as a mark of identification in the customs offices of the First or even the Third World?

Saint Nihal Singh, one who was among the earliest immigrants from India, described his fellow newcomers as "picturesque." The identifying marks of his fellow Indians, whether picturesque or not, were certainly highly ideological; not only did he present each member of the new diasporic community as a "Hindoo," he placed them in the "Aryan" fold:

All Hindoos who come to America have hair varying in hue from brownish-black to purplish or an intense raven-black…. The hide of the Hindoo varies from the dull, pale, sallow-brown of a Mexican to the extreme black of an African. The man who hails from the highlands of northwestern Hindustan is a shade darker than olive. A few coming from Kashmir have fair skins, light hair and blue eyes. Those who come from the low plains have darker complexions and an extremely sun-burnt appearance…. They have intelligent faces, keen eyes, compressed lips and determined chins. This type of countenance is distinctly Aryan, as all Hindoos who come to the land of the Stars and Stripes are descended from the same branch of the human family as the Anglo-Saxons.

Singh's need to represent Indians as Aryan might have been partially mo- tivated by the need to contest racist exclusion. It didn't prove of much help. A 1917 congressional decree virtually barred immigration from In- dia and other parts of Asia. In 1923, in the Bhagat Singh Thind case, which involved an Indian World War I veteran's appeal for American citizenship, the Supreme Court ruled that Indians were not "Caucasian" and hence not eligible for citizenship.

Using the work of the legal theorist Neil Gotanda, Lisa Lowe comments that "the sequence of laws in 1882, 1917, 1924, and 1934 that excluded immigrants from China, Japan, India, and the Philippines, combined with the series of repeal acts overturning these exclusions, con- struct a common racial categorization for Asians that depended on consistently racializing each national-origin group as 'non-white." The 1946 act repealed the exclusion of Indians, and the McCarran-Walter Act of 1952 abolished the 1917 "Asia Barred Zone." But it was not till the abolition of Asian quotas in 1965 that the main wave of Indian immigration took place, primarily of professionals like doctors and engineers. Only recently, with shifts in the economic needs as well as relations of both the U.S. and Indian economies, Indians from diverse classes, in- cluding working-class populations in larger numbers, have joined the lines of arrivals in cities like New York and Los Angeles.

Perhaps those among the recent Indian immigrants who want to describe themselves as "Aryan" have little desire to fight against racist exclusion. Their motive might lie more in the emergence of Hindu fundamentalism in the past decade in India, one of whose leaders, Bal Thackeray, praises Hitler as a hero. In this mythology of the "Aryan" nation, the concept of an ancient India populated by Aryans serves as an ideological site. Its purpose is to help consolidate a national identity that marginalizes its minorities, including aboriginal populations, as non- Aryans. In the U.S. context, however, this claim gathers other insidious intentions. The self-imagining of such Indians as "Caucasian" allows them to distinguish themselves from blacks and also Mexican and Latino immigrants. The Aryan continuum, in this manner, serves its exclusive function both in the Indian and American context - it is only that the identities of those dehumanized and deemed inferior change.

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Amitava Kumar, Passport Photos, 2000