#Bal Thackeray

[hareefaree]

Journal - 2022 Fall Reflections - Pre-Production and The Dressmaker Project - P1

EDIT: Part 2 | Part 3 | Final Photos

So perhaps my biggest project of the semester was this several-month long set/stop-motion preproduction project. My working title is The Dressmaker Project since thats the main character's vibe. Basically I just spent 4 months building, texturing, and crafting these two sets and a single puppet to just kinda live in it, based off of old photos and memories (round the 70s/80s) of my mother's childhood home in Bombay.

Process under the cut! Animation reflections here and game design here!

So I knew I wanted to work in 70s-80s india (for some reason this period just sings to me, my first 3D-puppet stop motion project was like 70s bollywood) so I spent most of the early semester watching vintage Bollywood films and asking my parents for photos and stories about growing up in Mumbai. I've also not been back to India in a while - since my grandfather died, actually - and usually when we go I call my grandparents' house/my mother's childhood flat home. I was feeling home(ish?)sick and was also super excited about coming out as a lesbian.

(photos from my mom's childhood)

So my goal was to capture like... young womanhood/girlhood in Bombay, the feeling you get of desiring something just out of reach, about wanting closeness with your girl peers that you can't cross over. I also learned a lot about the 1990 Mumbai riots, Bal Thackeray, and how that sorta framed modern Indian politics, sectarianism, etc.

Some films I watched for vibe reasons! Arth (1982), Sancharram/The Journey (2004), Parinda (1989), Fire (1996), Bombay (1995). At some point through this I became like, a massive Shabana Azmi fan lol. None of these are from the 70s. I am realizing that now.

I also listened to a lot of 70s bollywood and just general disco-pop music. You can find my work playlist here!

So yeah! Concept wise I was REALLY strong about my set but less so about my character. You'll see how that worked out for me :P

Some concept work:

(I really want to solidify my puppet making style. I love paper heads and felted bodies and I wanted a very shapey design. I don't think the character design on the left was super attainable or that it reflects the direction I was going with the character... but its a good design that would be fun to animate in a 2D style methinks.) Also the armature drawing looks disgusting bc there was epoxy putty and sculpey all over that thing.)

Some cardboard set experiments (my stop mo professor has been drilling it into our heads to map out the set on paper and test dimensions with cardboard cutouts. She's right):

So yeah! Two sets, one in which you can look to the other one via window. Pretty ambitious of me on its own, on top of that both sets would have to feel lived in...

Part 2 for texturing process!

[newnewz]

PM Modi Claims Previous Congress Regimes Planned 15% Budget Allocation for Minorities

Prime Minister Narendra Modi accused the former Congress-led UPA government of advocating for a significant portion of the budget, around 15%, to be allocated exclusively for minorities. Speaking at a rally in Pimpalgaon, Nashik, Modi criticized this proposal, emphasizing his opposition to budgetary segregation based on religion. He pledged to safeguard against any such division and affirmed his commitment to maintaining reservation policies based on socio-economic criteria rather than religion.

Modi described the concept of dividing the budget along religious lines as perilous and accused the Congress of displaying bias towards minority communities. He recounted his strong dissent against then-Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s proposal during his tenure as Chief Minister of Gujarat, underscoring his steadfast stance against budgetary allocations based on religious grounds.

The rally, held in support of Mahayuti candidates ahead of the Phase 5 Lok Sabha polls, saw Modi endorsing Union Minister Bharati Pawar and Hemant Godse among others. He lambasted the Congress for allegedly prioritizing religious-based reservation over the interests of marginalized communities, citing Dr. B.R. Ambedkar’s opposition to such practices.

Highlighting the achievements of his government, Modi contrasted the perceived insecurity during previous Congress regimes with the improved security situation under his leadership. He cited instances of terrorism and instability prevalent during Congress rule and credited his administration with implementing measures to enhance national security, including surgical strikes and air strikes against terrorist threats.

In a swipe at the opposition alliance, particularly the Uddhav Thackeray-led Shiv Sena, Modi predicted a resounding victory for the BJP while questioning the electoral prospects of the Congress and its allies. He criticized the alliance, labeling the Shiv Sena as “fake” and accusing it of deviating from the principles espoused by its founder, late Bal Thackeray.

Modi condemned the alleged reluctance of the opposition parties to support initiatives such as the construction of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya and the revocation of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir. He accused the Shiv Sena of betraying its ideological legacy and likened its actions to those of the Congress, highlighting what he perceived as a disregard for Hindu sentiments and national interests.

In his address, Modi rallied support for the BJP while portraying the opposition alliance as a threat to the state’s welfare and integrity. He urged voters to reject the alleged opportunism of the opposition parties and reaffirmed his government’s commitment to serving the nation’s interests above all else.

[legalupanishad]

Shreya Singhal Vs Union Of India: Understanding the Landmark Judgment for Free Speech in India

This article on 'Shreya Singhal Vs Union Of India: All You Need To Know' was written by Shriharshini Balachandar, an intern at Legal Upanishad.

Introduction

In 2012, the Indian government introduced a new section to the Information Technology Act, of 2000, known as Section 66A. This section made it an offense to send "offensive" messages through communication devices like the Internet, social media, or instant messaging platforms. The punishment for violating Section 66A was up to three years in jail and a fine. However, this law was widely criticized by activists and legal experts, who argued that it violated the fundamental right to freedom of speech and expression enshrined in the Indian Constitution. The law was also used to stifle dissent and criticism of the government, leading to several cases of individuals being arrested for making online comments deemed "offensive." One such case was that of Shreya Singhal, a law student from Delhi, who challenged the constitutionality of Section 66A in the Supreme Court of India. Her case, known as Shreya Singhal vs Union of India, became a landmark judgment in the Indian legal system, setting important precedents for freedom of speech and expression in the digital age.

Background of Shreya Singhal vs Union of India

In 2012, two young women from Maharashtra were arrested for criticizing the shutdown of Mumbai due to the death of Shiv Sena leader Bal Thackeray on Facebook. The police charged them under Section 66A of the IT Act, claiming that their comments were "offensive" and had caused "hurt" to the sentiments of Shiv Sena supporters. This incident sparked a nationwide debate on the misuse of Section 66A and its potential to curb freedom of speech and expression. Several other cases of misuse of the law were reported, including the arrest of a man who had "liked" a Facebook post critical of a political leader, and a cartoonist who had uploaded a cartoon mocking the government's response to a dam project. Shreya Singhal, who was a law student at the time, decided to take up the cause and challenge the constitutionality of Section 66A. She filed a writ petition in the Supreme Court of India, arguing that the law was vague, overbroad, and violated the fundamental right to freedom of speech and expression. The Shreya Singhal Vs Union Of India case was heard by a two-judge bench of the Supreme Court, comprising Justice J. Chelameswar and Justice Rohinton F. Nariman. The central government defended the law, arguing that it was necessary to maintain public order and prevent the spread of hate speech and fake news.

Key arguments in the Shreya Singhal Vs Union Of India

Shreya Singhal's main argument was that Section 66A was vague and overbroad, and therefore, it violated the fundamental right to freedom of speech and expression. She argued that the law was so broad that it could be used to curtail any form of online communication, including legitimate criticism and dissent. Shreya Singhal's lawyers also argued that the law was unconstitutional because it did not contain any guidelines or standards for determining what constituted "offensive" or "menacing" communication. They argued that this lack of clarity gave too much discretion to law enforcement agencies, leading to arbitrary and discriminatory enforcement of the law. The government's main argument was that Section 66A was necessary to maintain public order and prevent the spread of hate speech and fake news. They maintained that the law had been successfully applied to stop cyberbullying and online abuse, and that multiple high courts in India had upheld it.

The Judgment

In the matter of Shreya Singhal vs Union of India, the Supreme Court of India issued its ruling in March 2015. The Information Technology Act, 2000's Section 66A was deemed unlawful and overturned by the court. According to the Indian Constitution's Article 19(1)(a), Section 66A infringes on the basic right to freedom of speech and expression. In its judgment, the court noted that the law was too vague and overbroad, and had a chilling effect on free speech. The court held that the terms "grossly offensive" and "menacing" were subjective and could be interpreted in a manner that would curtail legitimate criticism and dissent. The court also noted that Section 66A was not narrowly tailored to achieve its stated objective of preventing cyberbullying and online harassment. The court held that the law was not proportional to the harm it sought to prevent and that it had a disproportionate impact on free speech. The court also held that the law had a "chilling effect" on free speech and that it created a "perceptible" danger of arbitrary and discriminatory application. The court noted that the law had been used to target individuals who had engaged in legitimate criticism of public figures and institutions.

Shreya Singhal Vs Union Of India: All You Need To Know

The impact of the judgment

The judgment in the case of Shreya Singhal vs Union of India was a significant victory for free speech and expression in India. The judgment set an important precedent for the protection of online speech and expression, and it provided clarity on the limits of government regulation of online communication. The verdict had a substantial effect on India's legal system as well. Following the ruling, numerous other Information Technology Act of 2000 provisions were contested on similar grounds, and many of them were overturned by the courts. The judgment also led to a renewed debate on the need for a comprehensive data protection law in India. The court noted in its judgment that the lack of a comprehensive data protection law in India had created a situation where sensitive personal information was being collected and used without adequate safeguards.

Suggestions

- Need for a thorough data protection law: The decision emphasized the requirement for a thorough data protection law in India. People should be aware of how crucial it is to prevent the misuse of their sensitive personal information, and they should insist that the government take action to safeguard their information. - Clarity on government regulation of online communication: The judgment provided clarity on the limits of government regulation of online communication. Individuals should be aware of their rights and should take action when their freedom of speech and expression is curtailed by government action. - Importance of challenging unconstitutional laws: The judgment in the case of Shreya Singhal vs Union of India was the result of a legal challenge to an unconstitutional law. It is important for individuals to challenge unconstitutional laws and regulations that infringe upon their rights, and to seek redress through the courts when necessary. - Need for continued vigilance: The judgment in the case of Shreya Singhal vs Union of India was an important victory for free speech and expression, but individuals should remain vigilant to ensure that their rights are not infringed upon in the future. It is important to monitor government action and challenge unconstitutional laws and regulations when necessary.

Conclusion

In the Indian legal system, a significant decision was made in the case of Shreya Singhal vs Union of India. The ruling clarified the boundaries of government regulation of online communication and acknowledged the value of free speech and expression in a democratic society. The judgment also highlighted the need for a comprehensive data protection law in India and the importance of protecting sensitive personal information from misuse. The judgment has had a significant impact on the legal landscape in India and has set an important precedent for the protection of online speech and expression.

References

- Merrin Muhammed Ashraf, Revisiting Shreya Singhal versus Union of India: A not so bright spot in the free speech jurisprudence of India, The Leaflet, 29 July 2022, available at: https://theleaflet.in/revisiting-shreya-singhal-versus-union-of-india-a-not-so-bright-spot-in-the-free-speech-jurisprudence-of-india/ - Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, Columbia University, available at: https://globalfreedomofexpression.columbia.edu/cases/shreya-singhal-v-union-of-india/ - Shreya Singhal vs Union of India, Fonology Legal, 2 February 2023, available at: https://blog.finology.in/Legal-news/shreya-singhal-vs-union-of-india Read the full article

[wordexpress]

Maha CM Shinde cried and said he will be jailed if he didn't hop over to BJP: Aaditya Thackeray

Shiv Sena MLA Santosh Bangar rejected Aaditya Thackeray's claims and said the fundamental reason behind the "revolt" against Thackerays was the alliance they had with the NCP and the Congress.

MUMBAI: Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Aaditya Thackeray has claimed Maharashtra Chief Minister Eknath Shinde had come to his residence and cried that he will be arrested by a central agency if he did not switch over to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), before revolting against the Sena leadership.

However, MLA Santosh Bangar from the Shinde-led Shiv Sena denied Thackeray’s claim and said there was no threat by the BJP.

The reason behind the “revolt” was Thackeray’s alliance with the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and the Congress, Bangar said.

Union minister Ramdas Athawale also said the allegations against Shinde were false and the latter was a strong man and he would never cry.

Speaking during an interaction at a university in Visakhapatnam on Wednesday, Aaditya Thackeray, the son of former Maharashtra CM Uddhav Thackeray, alleged that 40 MLAs rebelled against the Sena leadership for their own seats and “money”.

“The current chief minister (Shinde) came to our house and cried because he was going to be arrested by a central agency, and he said ‘I will have to hop over to the BJP otherwise they will arrest me’,” he claimed.

“It was his good luck that they (the BJP) wanted to show this guy is the true Sena and we (BJP) will make him the CM,” the former minister said.

Defending his party’s alliance with the Congress, Aaditya Thackeray said he has learnt a little more about his grandfather than the “BJP’s WhatsApp university” is teaching.

“My grandfather (Bal Thackeray) had tie-ups with the Congress before. He had better relations with the Gandhi family earlier also. He had openly supported Pranab Mukherjee and Pratibha Patil (both former Presidents) openly when the BJP was putting up another candidate (during presidential elections),” he said.

On the other hand, the BJP formed an alliance with the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) which “supported terrorists”, Aaditya Thackeray said.

Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Sanjay Raut said Aaditya Thackeray’s claims were true.

The Rajya Sabha member said Shinde had even come to his residence in Bhandup area of Mumbai and made similar pleas and that he did not want to go to jail.

Raut said he told Shinde not to get scared and that they should stand up against injustice.

There were many Sena MLAs (among those who revolted) against whom probes were on by central agencies, he said.

“A similar thing is happening against the NCP,” Raut claimed.

However, Shiv Sena MLA Santosh Bangar rejected Aaditya Thackeray’s claims and said the fundamental reason behind the “revolt” against Thackerays was the alliance they had with the NCP and the Congress.

“All MLAs backed Eknath Shinde in this revolt. There was no threat (of central agencies) from the BJP,” Bangar said.

Meanwhile, when reporters asked Union minister and Republican Party of India (A) chief Ramdas Athawale in Pune about Aaditya Thackeray’s claims, he said, “Eknath Shinde is a strong man, he will never cry. The allegations made against Shinde are false.”

[werindialive]

'Mogambo khush hua' Uddhav Thackrey taunts Amit Shah after losing party name and symbol

After the Election Commission stripped Shiv Sena faction chief Uddhav Thackeray of the party name and its election symbol he attacked BJP and its chief strategist Amit Shah using the popular lines from the movie "Mr. India" -- 'Mogambo khush hua". He also attacked Prime Minister Narendra Modi and said that it was Shiv Sainiks who did themarvelouss job of saving Mumbai from the serial blasts of 1993, "Those talking of Hindutva now, where were they? Address is not known. Now they brag about a 56-inch chest. Where was that 56-inch chest then? He was sweating," he said.  

He further talked about people wearing masks and said that once people wore "Modi masks at rallies, now it is PM Modi, who is after the mask of Balasaheb Thackeray," he added. On Friday, the month-long battle over the legacy of Bal Thackrey, father of Uddhav Thackrey settled in the favour of Eknath Shinde by the Election Commission.

"Yesterday, someone (Amit Shah) came to Pune. He asked how things are going in Maharashtra. Then someone said it was a very good day, because the name and symbol of Shiv Sena were given to the slaves who came with us. So he (Mr. Shah) said very well, 'Mogambo khush hua'," he said while attending a Public meeting in Andheri, Mumbai.

Citing the supervillains of Bollywood, Uddhav said, "These are the Mogambos of today. Like the original Mogambo, they want people to fight among each other, so they can enjoy power."

"They turned me out of my own house and the verdict went in the favour of thieves," he said as he warned other parties about BJP claiming that they are allowed to get away with anything and others must be on alert.

For more political news India in Hindi, subscribe to our newsletter.

[rnewspost]

'Once name is gone...': Raj Thackeray shares Balasaheb’s clip after Shinde camp named real Sena

MNS chief Raj Thackeray took a jibe at Uddhav Thackeray after the EC allowed the Eknath Shinde faction to retain the party’s name “Shiv Sena” and the “Bow and Arrow” symbol. New Delhi ,UPDATED: Feb 17, 2023 22:15 IST Shiv Sena founder late Bal Thackeray. By India Today Web Desk: Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) chief Raj Thackeray took a veiled jibe at his cousin, Uddhav Thackeray, after the…

[newssy]

Bal Thackeray Saved Modi when Atalji Spoke About 'Rajdharma', Says Uddhav; Slams BJP Over 'Divisive' Hindutva

Last Updated: February 12, 2023, 23:46 IST Former Maharashtra Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray. (File Photo: PTI) Thackeray said he walked out of the alliance with BJP to protect his dignity and joined hands with the NCP and Congress to form the Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) Shiv Sena president Uddhav Thackeray on Sunday targeted the BJP, saying Prime Minister Narendra Modi wouldn’t have come this…

[newspatron]

Manohar Joshi: 5 Facts About Maharashtra's First Shiv Sena CM

Image Source – Newspatron Creative Team AI-Generated Image for representative purpose [Read About Us to know more] editor@newspatron.comManohar Joshi: A Glimpse into His Personal LifeDid You Know These Facts About Manohar Joshi?Did You Know These Facts About Manohar Joshi?Manohar Joshi: A Look at His Rise in Maharashtra PoliticsJoshi’s Strategic Role in the Shiv SenaManohar Joshi’s Tenure as…

[toptopic4u]

Uddhav to address Sena workers on Bal Thackeray’s 97th birth anniversary

Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Sanjay Raut on Sunday said party president Uddhav Thackeray will address the party workers on Monday to mark the 97th birth anniversary of the Sena’s founder Bal Thackeray. Talking to reporters, Raut said Uddhav Thackeray will pay homage at the party founder’s statute near the Gateway of India on Monday and address the party workers at Shanmukhanand Hall later in the…

[news24fr]

Il sera "impossible" pour le BJP de reproduire son triomphe électoral de 2019 en 2024, a déclaré vendredi le haut responsable du Congrès, Shashi Tharoor, et a ajouté qu'il est "concevable" que le parti au pouvoir puisse perdre "50 sièges" au Lok Sabha. Le député de Thiruvananthapuram, qui s'exprimait ici au Kerala Literature Festival, a déclaré que s'il admet la domination du BJP, c'est aussi un fait qu'ils ont perdu de nombreux États et qu'ils perdent le gouvernement central n'est pas impossible. « Si vous regardez à quel point ils (le BJP) ont réussi en 2019, ils ont essentiellement eu tous les sièges dans l'Haryana, le Gujarat, le Rajasthan ; ou tous les sièges sauf un dans le Bihar, MP (Madhya Pradesh), Maharashtra ; et 18 sièges au Bengale. . "Maintenant, tous ces résultats sont impossibles à reproduire et le BJP tomber en dessous de la majorité en 2024 est tout à fait possible", a déclaré M. Tharoor lors d'une session intitulée "Inde @ 75 : Une promenade à travers les institutions démocratiques". Qualifiant les attaques de Pulwama et la grève de Balakot, qui, selon lui, ont conduit à une "énorme vague" à la dernière minute - un "phénomène" qui ne se répétera pas en 2024 - l'homme de 66 ans a déclaré une baisse de 50 sièges pour le BJP et gain pour les partis d'opposition est tout à fait "concevable". Cependant, sur la question importante de savoir si les partis d'opposition, qui, selon Tharoor, l'emporteront sur le BJP de sa position majoritaire, resteront ensemble, c'est une chose à laquelle il a dit qu'il était "impossible de répondre". "Si le BJP est à 250 et les autres à 290 … ces 290 seront-ils d'accord ou le BJP pourra-t-il en choisir 20 ici et 10 là parmi les partis qui veulent des faveurs du gouvernement central du jour, puis former le gouvernement . Nous ne savons pas », a-t-il déclaré. Le BJP a remporté 303 sièges sur 543 lors des élections de 2019 à Lok Sabha alors que le Congrès n'en a géré que 52. Parlant des défis auxquels l'Inde est confrontée après 75 ans d'indépendance, Tharoor, qui, bien qu'admettant que le dynasticisme dans une démocratie est un "défi", a déclaré que ceux qui distinguent son parti devraient également regarder autour du pays. Il a fait valoir qu'à la seule exception des «communistes et du BJP», ironiquement à l'extrémité polaire du spectre politique, chaque parti semble avoir une politique dynastique. "Quand nous pointons du doigt et disons la" dynastie du Congrès "... vous regardez autour du pays et ce que vous voyez Mulayam Singh (Yadav) est remplacé par son fils, Lalu Prasad Yadav est remplacé par son fils, Karunanidhi est remplacé par son fils, Bal Thackeray est remplacé par son fils, Sharad Pawar... il est très présent mais son héritier présomptif est sa fille et son neveu", a-t-il ajouté. Considéré comme l'un des plus grands rendez-vous littéraires d'Asie, le Kerala Literature Festival accueille un mélange éclectique d'icônes littéraires et culturelles allant des lauréats du prix Nobel, des écrivains lauréats du prix Booker, des politiciens de haut niveau aux historiens, personnalités du cinéma, diplomates et artistes. La liste des orateurs comprend le lauréat du prix Booker 2022 Shehan Karunatilaka, les lauréats du prix Nobel Ada Yonath et Abhijit Banerjee, l'indologue américaine Wendy Doniger, l'acteur Kamal Haasan, l'auteur pour enfants Sudha Murty et le chanteur vétéran Usha Uthup.(À l'exception du titre, cette histoire n'a pas été éditée par le personnel de NDTV et est publiée à partir d'un flux syndiqué.)

[twoflour]

[ID:

The feet of a landless worker never heal (it's not a field on the moon! these are the soles of my feet). Will this map of labor serve as a mark of identification in the customs offices of the First or even the Third World?

Saint Nihal Singh, one who was among the earliest immigrants from India, described his fellow newcomers as "picturesque." The identifying marks of his fellow Indians, whether picturesque or not, were certainly highly ideological; not only did he present each member of the new diasporic community as a "Hindoo," he placed them in the "Aryan" fold:

All Hindoos who come to America have hair varying in hue from brownish-black to purplish or an intense raven-black…. The hide of the Hindoo varies from the dull, pale, sallow-brown of a Mexican to the extreme black of an African. The man who hails from the highlands of northwestern Hindustan is a shade darker than olive. A few coming from Kashmir have fair skins, light hair and blue eyes. Those who come from the low plains have darker complexions and an extremely sun-burnt appearance…. They have intelligent faces, keen eyes, compressed lips and determined chins. This type of countenance is distinctly Aryan, as all Hindoos who come to the land of the Stars and Stripes are descended from the same branch of the human family as the Anglo-Saxons.

Singh's need to represent Indians as Aryan might have been partially mo- tivated by the need to contest racist exclusion. It didn't prove of much help. A 1917 congressional decree virtually barred immigration from In- dia and other parts of Asia. In 1923, in the Bhagat Singh Thind case, which involved an Indian World War I veteran's appeal for American citizenship, the Supreme Court ruled that Indians were not "Caucasian" and hence not eligible for citizenship.

Using the work of the legal theorist Neil Gotanda, Lisa Lowe comments that "the sequence of laws in 1882, 1917, 1924, and 1934 that excluded immigrants from China, Japan, India, and the Philippines, combined with the series of repeal acts overturning these exclusions, con- struct a common racial categorization for Asians that depended on consistently racializing each national-origin group as 'non-white." The 1946 act repealed the exclusion of Indians, and the McCarran-Walter Act of 1952 abolished the 1917 "Asia Barred Zone." But it was not till the abolition of Asian quotas in 1965 that the main wave of Indian immigration took place, primarily of professionals like doctors and engineers. Only recently, with shifts in the economic needs as well as relations of both the U.S. and Indian economies, Indians from diverse classes, in- cluding working-class populations in larger numbers, have joined the lines of arrivals in cities like New York and Los Angeles.

Perhaps those among the recent Indian immigrants who want to describe themselves as "Aryan" have little desire to fight against racist exclusion. Their motive might lie more in the emergence of Hindu fundamentalism in the past decade in India, one of whose leaders, Bal Thackeray, praises Hitler as a hero. In this mythology of the "Aryan" nation, the concept of an ancient India populated by Aryans serves as an ideological site. Its purpose is to help consolidate a national identity that marginalizes its minorities, including aboriginal populations, as non- Aryans. In the U.S. context, however, this claim gathers other insidious intentions. The self-imagining of such Indians as "Caucasian" allows them to distinguish themselves from blacks and also Mexican and Latino immigrants. The Aryan continuum, in this manner, serves its exclusive function both in the Indian and American context - it is only that the identities of those dehumanized and deemed inferior change.

\End ID]

Amitava Kumar, Passport Photos, 2000

[24sene]

Sanjay Dutt attends 'Thackeray' promotional event

[queersatanic]

I Hindu Nationalists and Italian Fascism

II Moonje’s Plans for Militarising Hindus

III Eve of Second World War

IV Savarkar and Nazism

V Waiting for the Right Enemy

VI Conclusions

The preceding discussion has shown that: (a) the main historical organisations and leaders of Hindu nationalism had a distinctive and sustained interest in fascism and nazism; (b) fascist ideological influences on Hindu nationalism were present and relevant; and (c) to a certain extent, these influences were channelled through direct contacts between Hindu nationalists and members of the Italian fascist state. No doubt, beginning with the early 1920s, and up to the second world war, Hindu nationalists looked at the political reality of fascist Italy, and subsequently of nazi Germany, as a source of inspiration.

One of the results of the contacts between fascism and Hindu nationalism was the attempt to militarise Hindu society and to create a militant mentality among the Hindus. If it is true that the Hindu society elaborated its own patterns of militarisation - I refer to the shakas as a typically Indian phenomenon - it is equally true that a most relevant result of fascist influence was the transmission of a more functional organisation and a stronger political character to the already existing organisations of political Hinduism.

At the ideological level, the most meaningful effect of the fascist influence is represented by the way in which Hindu nationalism developed its own concept of diversity, transforming 'diverse' people into enemies. Of course, the concept of internal enemy is already implicit contained in Savarkar's Hindutva. Nevertheless, the continuous reference to German racial policy and the comparison of the Jewish problem in Germany with the Muslim question in India reveals the evolution of the concept of 'internal enemy' along explicitly fascist lines.

In my opinion, if one wants to understand the evolution of Hindu radicalism in the post-independence period, one has to take into account both the domestic roots of this phenomenon and the external influence on its development.

In the 1920s and 1930s fascism was an international phenomenon. As such it was bound to influence the ideology and practice of similar movements all over the world. Since many of Bal Thackeray's most outraceously (sic) anti-Muslim and racist statements are literal quotations of Savarkar's speeches and theories, it is legitimate to conclude that such influence is still alive in today's militant Hinduism.

Notes

Hindutva's Foreign Tie-up in the 1930s

Archival Evidence

To understand militant Hinduism, one must examine its domestic roots as well as foreign influence. In the 1930s Hindu nationalism borrowed from European fascism to transform 'different' people into 'enemies'. Leaders of militant Hinduism repeatedly expressed their admiration for authoritarian leaders such as Mussolini and Hitler and for the fascist model of society. This influence continues to the present day. This paper presents archival evidence on the would-be collaborators.

By Marzia Casolari

Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Jan. 22-28, 2000, Vol. 35, No. 4 (Jan. 22-28, 2000), pp. 218-228

'Fascist' was in Sumit Sarkar's words, "till the other day a mere epithet" ('The Fascism of the Sangh Parivar', Economic and Political Weekly, January 30, 1993, p 163). It has come to define the ideology and practice of the Hindu militant organisations. It is a common place, accepted by their opponents, as well as by those who have a critical, but not necessarily negative, view of Hindu fundamentalism. Defining the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) and, in general, the organisations of militant Hinduism I as undemocratic, with authoritarian, paramilitary, radical, violent tendencies and a sympathy for fascist ideology and practice, has been a major concern for many politically oriented scholars and writers. This has been the case with the literature which started with Gandhi's assassination and continues up to the present day with works such as Amartya Sen's India at Risk (The New York Review of Books, April 1993) and Christophe Jaffrelot's The Hindu Nationalist Movement in India (Viking, New Delhi, 1996), the latest book published on the subject, or the well known Khaki Shorts and Saffron Flags (Orient Longman, New Delhi, 1993), which came out soon after the destruction of the Babri masjid. As a result, the fascist ideological background of Hindu fundamentalism is taken for granted, never proved by systematic analysis. This is an outcome that is, to a certain extent, explained by the fact that most of the above-mentioned authors are political scientists and not historians.

It is a fact that many of those who witnessed the growth of Hindu radical forces in the years around the second world war were already convinced of the Sangh's fascist outlook. Particularly acute was the perception that the Congress had of these organisations and their character. There is no need to mention the already well known opinion of Nehru, who, right from the beginning, had pointed at these organisations as communalist and fascist.

Less well known is the fact that, as shown by a confidential report circulated within the Congress most probably at the time of the first ban of the RSS, after Gandhi's assassination, the similarity between the character of the RSS and that of fascist organisations was already taken for granted. In fact, the report itself states that the RSS

...Started in Nagpur some sort of Hindu Boys Scout movement. Gradually it developed into a communal militarist organisation with violent tendencies.

The RSS has been purely Maharashtrian brahmin organisation. The non-brahmin Maharashtrians who constitute the bulk of C P and Maharashtra have no sympathy with it.

Even in the other provinces the chief organisers and whole-time workers will be found to be inevitably Maharashtrian brahmins.

Through the RSS the Maharashtrian brahmins have been dreaming of establishing in India 'a Peshwa Raj' after the withdrawal of Britishers. The RSS flag is the Bhagwa Flag of the Peshwas - Maharashtrian rulers [who] were the last to be conquered by the British - and after the termination of British rule in India, the Maharashtrians should be vested with political powers.

The RSS practises secret and violent methods which promote 'fascism'. No regard is paid to truthful means and constitutional methods.

There is no constitution of the organisation; its aims and objects have never been clearly defined. The general public is usually told that its aim is only physical training, but the real aims are not conveyed even to the rank and file of the RSS members. Only its 'inner circle' is taken into a confidence.

There are no records or proceedings of the RSS organisation, no membership registers are maintained. There are also no records of its income and the expenditure. The RSS is thus strictly secret as regards its organisation. It has consequently... (National Archives of India (NAI), Sardar Patel Correspondence, microfilm, reel no 3, 'A Note on the RSS', undated). Unfortunately the document stops abruptly here, but it contains enough evidence of the reputation the RSS already had by the late 1940s.

This document, however, is by no means exceptional. An accurate search of the primary sources produced by the organisations of Hindu nationalism, as well as by their opponents and by the police, is bound to show the extent and the importance of the connections between such organisations and Italian fascism. In fact the most important organisations of Hindu nationalism not only adopted fascist ideas in a conscious and deliberate way, but this happened also because of the existence of direct contacts between the representatives of the main Hindu organisations and fascist Italy.

To demonstrate this, I will reconstruct the context from which arose the interest of Hindu radicalism in Italian fascism right from the early 1920s. This interest was commonly shared in Maharashtra, and must have inspired B S Moonje's trip to Italy in 1931. The next step will be to examine the effects of that trip, namely how B S Moonje tried to transfer fascist models to Hindu society and to organise it militarily, according to fascist patterns. An additional aim of this paper is to show how, about the end of the 1930s, the admiration for the Italian regime was commonly shared by the different streams of Hindu nationalism and the main Hindu leaders.

Particular attention will be devoted to the attitude adopted by the main Hindu organisations during the second world war. During those crucial years, Hindu nationalism seemed to uneasily oscillate between a conciliatory attitude towards the British, and a sympathy for the dictators. This is in fact far from surprising because - as will be shown - in those years, militant Hindu organisations were preparing and arming themselves to fight the so-called internal enemies, rather than the British.

More generally, the aim of this paper is to disprove Christophe Jaffrelot's thesis that there is a sharp distinction between nazi and fascist ideology on one side and RSS on the other as far as the concept of race and the centrality of the leader are concerned.^2

I. Hindu Nationalists and Italian Fascism

None of the works mentioned above, Jaffrelot's included, deals with what I consider a most important problem, namely, the existence of direct contacts between the representatives of the fascist regime, including Mussolini and Hindu nationalists. These contacts demonstrate that Hindu nationalism had much more than an abstract interest in the ideology and practice of fascism.

The interest of Indian Hindu nationalists in fascism and Mussolini must not be considered as dictated by an occasional curiosity, confined to a few individuals, rather, it should be considered as the culminating result of the attention that Hindu nationalists, especially in Maharashtra, focused on Italian dictatorship and its leader. To them, fascism appeared to be an example of conservative revolution. This concept was discussed at length by the Marathi press, right from the early phase of the Italian regime.

From 1924 to 1935 Kesari regularly published editorials and articles about Italy, fascism and Mussolini. What impressed the Marathi journalists was the socialist origin of fascism and the fact that the new regime seemed to have transformed Italy from a backward country to a first class power. Indians could not know, then, that, behind the demagogic rhetoric of the regime, there was very little substance.

Moreover, the Indian observers were convinced that fascism had restored order in a country previously upset by political tensions. In a series of editorials, Kesari described the passage from liberal government to dictatorship as a shift from anarchy to an orderly situation, where social struggles had no more reason to exist.^3 The Marathi newspaper gave considerable space to the political reforms carried out by Mussolini, in particular the substitution of the election of the members of parliament with their nomination (ibid, January 17, 1928) and the replacement of parliament itself with the Great Council of Fascism. Mussolini's idea was the opposite of that of democracy and it was expressed by the dictator's principle, according to which 'one man's government is more useful and more binding' for the nation than the democratic institutions (ibid, July 17, 1928).%4 Is all this not reminiscent of the principle of 'obedience to one leader' ('ek chalak anuvartitva') followed by the RSS?

Finally, a long article of August 13, 1929, 'Italy and the Young Generations', stated that the Italian young generation had succeeded the old one to lead the country. That had resulted in the 'fast ascent of Italy in every field'. The article went on to describe at length the organisation of the Italian society according to fascist models. The principal reasons of the discipline of the Italian youths were strong religious feelings, widespread among the population, attachment to the family, and the respect of traditional values: no divorce, no singles, no right to vote for women, whose only duty was to sit at home, by the fireplace. The article focused then on the fascist youth organisations, the Balilla and the Avanguardisti.

One may wonder how the Indian journalists could be so well informed about what was going on in Italy. Very possibly, among their sources there was a pamphlet in English, published by an Italian editor in 1928, entitled The Recent Laws for the Defence of the State (copy in NAI, Foreign and Political Department, 647G, 1927). Emphasised, right from the beginning, was the importance of the National Militia, defined as "the bodyguard of the revolution". The booklet continued with the description of the restrictive measures adopted by the regime: a ban on the "subversive parties", limitations to the press, expulsion of "disaffected persons" from public posts, and, finally, the death sentence.

Significantly, the shift from the liberal phase to fascism is described by the pamphlet in strikingly similar terms to those employed by the above-mentioned articles:

This step [the shift to fascism] has struck a death blow to the thread-bare theories of Italian liberalism, according to which the sovereign state must observe strict neutrality towards all political associations and parties. This theory explains why in Italy the ship of state was drifting before the wind, ready to sink in the vortex of social dissolution or to be wrecked on the rocks of financial disaster.

Another inspiring source of the literature published in Kesari must have been the work by D V Tahmankar, the correspondent of the Marathi newspaper from London and admirer of the Italian dictator. In 1927 Tahmankar published a book entitled Muslini ani Fashismo, (Mussolini and Fascism), a biography of the dictator, with several references to the organisation of the fascist state, to the fascist social system, to the fascist ideology, and to Italy's recent past. An entire chapter, the last, was devoted to description of fascist society and its institutions, especially the youth organisations.

One can easily come to the conclusion that, by the late 1920s, the fascist regime and Mussolini had considerable popularity in Maharashtra. The aspects of fascism which appealed most to Hindu nationalists were, of course, both the militarisation of society and what was seen as the real transformation of society, exemplified by the shift from chaos to order. The anti-democratic system was considered as a positive alternative to democracy which was seen as a typically British value.

Such literature made an implicit comparison between fascism and the Italian Risorgimento. The latter's influence on Indian nationalism, both moderate and radical, is well known.^5 However, whereas the Risorgimento appealed to both moderates and extremists, fascism appealed only to the radicals, who considered it as the continuation of the Risorgimento and a phase of the rational organisation of the state.

The first Hindu nationalist who came in contact with the fascist regime and its dictator was B S Moonje, a politician strictly related to the RSS. In fact, Moonje had been Hedgewar's mentor, the two men were related by an intimate friendship. Moonje's declared intention to strengthen the RSS and to extend it as a nationwide organisation is well known. Between February and March 1931, on his return from the round table conference, Moonje made a tour of Europe, which included a long stop-over in Italy. There he visited some important military schools and educational institutions. The highlight of the visit was the meeting with Mussolini. An interesting account of the trip and the meeting is given in Moonje's diary, and takes 13 pages (Nehru Memorial Museum and Library (NMML), Moonje papers, microfilm, m 1).^6

The Indian leader was in Rome during March 15 to 24, 1931. On March 19, in Rome, he visited, among others, the Military College, the Central Military School of Physical Education, the Fascist Academy of Physical Education, and, most important, the Balilla and Avanguardisti organisations. These two organisations, which he describes in more than two pages of his diary, were the keystone of the fascist system of indoctrination - rather than education - of the youths. Their structure is strikingly similar to that of the RSS. They recruited boys from the age of six, up to 18: the youths had to attend weekly meetings, where they practised physical exercises, received paramilitary training and performed drills and parades.

According to the literature promoted by the RSS and other Hindu fundamentalist organisations and parties, the structure of the RSS was the result of Hedgewar's vision and work. However Moonje played a crucial role in moulding the RSS along Italian (fascist) lines. The deep impression left on Moonje by the vision of the fascist organisation is confirmed by his diary:

The Balilla institutions and the conception of the whole organisation have appealed to me most, though there is still not discipline and organisation of high order. The whole idea is conceived by Mussolini for the military regeneration of Italy. Italians, by nature, appear ease-loving and non-martial like the Indians generally. They have cultivated, like Indians, the work of peace and neglected the cultivation of the art of war. Mussolini saw the essential weakness of his country and conceived the idea of the Balilla organisation...Nothing better could have been conceived for the military organisation of Italy...The idea of fascism vividly brings out the conception of unity amongst people...India and particularly Hindu India need some such institution for the military regeneration of the Hindus: so that the artificial distinction so much emphasised by the British of martial and non-martial classes amongst the Hindus may disappear. Our institution of Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh of Nagpur under Dr Hedgewar is of this kind, though quite independently conceived. I will spend the rest of my life in developing and extending this Institution of Dr Hedgewar all throughout the Maharashtra and other provinces.

He continues describing drills and uniforms:

I was charmed to see boys and girls well dressed in their naval and military uniforms undergoing simple exercises of physical training and forms of drill.

Definitely more meaningful is the report of the meeting with Mussolini. On the same day, March 19, 1931 at 3 pm, in Palazzo Venezia, the headquarters of the fascist government, he met the Italian dictator. The meeting is recorded in the diary on March 20, and it is worth reproducing the complete report.

...As soon as I was announced at the door, he got up and walked up to receive me. I shook hands with him saying that I am Dr Moonje. He knew everything about me and appeared to be closely following the events of the Indian struggle for freedom. He seemed to have great respect for Gandhi. He sat down in front of me on another chair in front of his table and was conversing with me for quite half an hour. He asked me about Gandhi and his movement and pointedly asked me a question "If the Round Table Conference will bring about peace between India and England". I said that if the British would honestly desire to give us equal status with other dominions of the Empire, we shall have no objection to remain peacefully and loyally within the Empire; otherwise the struggle will be renewed and continued. Britain will gain and be able to maintain her premier position amongst the European Nation (sic) if India is friendly and peaceful towards her and India cannot be so unless she is given Dominion Status on equal terms with other Dominions. Signor Mussolini appeared impressed by this remark of mine. Then he asked me if I have visited the University. I said I am interested in the military training of boys and have been visiting the Military Schools of England, France and Germany. I have now come to Italy for the same purpose and I am very grateful to say that the Foreign Office and the War Office have made good arrangements for my visiting these schools. I just saw this morning and afternoon the Balilla and the Fascist Organisations and I was much impressed. Italy needs them for her development and prosperity. I do not see anything objectionable though I have been frequently reading in the newspapers not very friendly criticisms about them and about your Excellency also. Signor Mussolini: What is your opinion about them? Dr Moonje: Your Excellency, I am much impressed. Every aspiring and growing Nation needs such organisations. India needs them most for her military regeneration. During the British Domination of the last 150 years Indians have been waved away from the military profession but India now desires to prepare herself for undertaking the responsibility for her own defence and I am working for it. I have already started an organisation of my own, conceived independently with similar objectives. I shall have no hesitation to raise my voice from the public platform both in India and England when occasion may arise in praise of your Balilla and Fascist organisations. I wish them good luck and every success. Signor Mussolini - who appeared very pleased - said - Thanks but yours is an uphill task. However I wish you every success in return. Saying this he got up and I also got up to take his leave.

The description of the Italian journey includes information regarding fascism, its history, the fascist 'revolution', etc, and continues for two more pages. One can wonder at the association between B S Moonje and the RSS, but if we think that Moonje had been Hedgewar' s mentor, the association will be much clearer.^7 The intimate friendship between Moonje and Hedgewar and the former's declared intention to strengthen the RSS and to extend it as a nationwide organisation prove a strict connection between Moonje and the RSS. Moreover, it makes sense to think that the entire circle of militant Hinduism must have been influenced by Moonje's Italian experience.