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Asma Barlas on the Qur'an and patriarchy (2/2)
(min. 33:46) "A lot of the misogynists in our society basically believe that the woman is biologically inferior. And some of them believe that the only role that women [must] play on earth is to be a mother and basically to serve men. But, you know, misogyny predates Islam and misogyny has beaten down Islam; misogyny sometimes has won over Islam because male privilege is much older than Islam. [âŚ]
Fatema Mernissi has done a wonderful study of how when the Quran was still in the process of being revealed to the Prophet Muhammad how the early Muslims are already busy trying to figure out how they could deprive women of the new rights that the Quran was giving them based on âOh well, you know there's a verse which says: âDon't [hand] over the property to those who are weak minded.ââ. So immediately they came up with the idea that women are weak minded.
But what I want to say is that these constructions of gender have nothing to do with the Quran. They have zero relationship to the Quran. I always ask Muslims to show me one verse which actually says that the different rights that the Quran gives women and men with respect to some issues are rooted in the claim that men are biologically superior [to] women or because women and men are opposites or unequal or incommensurable with each other. Not one verse says that. So, I see these differential rights as simply representing the sexual division of labor that existed in 7th century Arabia. And I believe in an omniscient God.
That is to say, I believe in an all-knowing God, and I believe that God knew that that patriarchy would not last forever and would fade away along with all of its institutions of war mongering, concubinage, multiple marriages, slavery and everything else. [The Quran] tried to ameliorate the rights of women at that time and it's enormously progressive. But it's a disservice, not just to the Quran, but to a very conception of God to assume that what was OK in the 7th century specifically based on what existed there that it should be OK now even though many of those circumstances don't exist. So, itâs a very big disservice to Islam to deny the Quranâs universalism by tying it to a 7th century tribal Arab patriarchy and insisting on reading it only through the lenses of that patriarchy, and only when it suits you." (min. 36:30)
Asma Barlas, "Riada talks to Asma Barlas on 'Believing Women in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Qur'an'", Dignified Resilience with Riada Akyol, 13.8.2020, Spotify.
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I think if I spoke about how thereâs a strong and backed up opinion on how hijab isnât actually fardh in this day and age youâd all come for me looool but the reason more people donât believe this opinion (by a scholar) is bc the scholar is a woman herself thatâs it tbh
#after reading Asma Barlas Iâm so conflicted#bc she offered interpretations that I havenât grown up hearing#I donât know if I believe it either#but she provided evidence too#either way donât come for me itâs just something interesting
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To conservative Muslims, terms like antipatriarchal, sexual inequality, liberation, and even hermeneuticsâall of which I use liberallyâsmack too much of the epistemology of non-Muslim Others to be safely applied to themselves, let alone used in reading the Qur��Än. Consequently, even though I engage Western/feminist thought only circumspectly, and often to differentiate and privilege what I take to be a QurâÄnic viewpoint, my language and the mere act of engagement are likely to render me a ââWestern feministââ in the eyes of those Muslims who are prone to hearing in such language, and in any criticism of Muslim men, the subversive voices of Western feminists. Mislabeling Muslim women in this way not only denies the specificity, autonomy, and creativity of their thought, but it also suggests, falsely, that there is no room from within Islam to contest inequality or patriarchy.
- ââBelieving Womenââ in Islam, Asma Barlas.
#ohhhhhhhhhh YAAAAASSSSS SIS GIMMEEEEEE#this is giving me @heruwrittencanvas vibes#believing women in Islam#a book I picked up#currently reading#islam#women#on feminism#women in Islam#Muslim women#books
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Hi! You made a post recently about western influenced feminism in pakistan and how we had our own traditions of resistance and I wanted to know more about what you meant... are there any readings about it that you could pleaseee link? My knowledge about feminism is recent and I am still new to it. I have a feeling my feminism is also very western branded and I want to change that đŹ
Can you elaborate the abt the thing you said? I think upper class detached Pakistanis who are. For lack of better words, safe, always import this white shallow feminism instead.
Hi not sure if you sent both of these anons, but Iâll answer both here.
When I was talking about western influenced feminism, I was just thinking about just two surface things- one these sort of recent womenâs marches where you see those âslut shamingâ or âwhoreophobiaâ signs (those terms bother me in a western context let alone a Pakistani context). And also, transactivism in Pakistan is NGO inspired whereas Pakistan already has a âthird gender systemâ. And they donât want to be seen as âtransâ. But when you see these marches and pictures on social media, it almost seems as if youâre transported to a tropical western country lol. I mean I do like that twitter and social media has made these protests so accessible and everyone is talking about them. I definitely feel that without it, feminist activism was hush hush. Like you would have read about 1970s protests in literature may be. And was definitely the business before of only people who organized. So it has its benefits but downsides. With such large unprincipled unorganized crowds, activism loses its meaning. And quite paradoxically becomes about individualism.Â
And yes upper class Pakistani women have access to education. And their experiences are sometimes very different, they unimaginable kind of freedom with access to wealth and education. But are also at the same time, oppressed when it comes to marriage.
anyway. Pakistan has a history of various kinds of marxist activists. A lot female activists wrote great literary works as part of that activism. Ismat Chughtai, Rashid Jahan and Asma Barlas come to mind. You can read this for background
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Salamaleikum. Brother, I hope you are in good health. I have a question to ask if Islam is patriarchal and if it support feminism?
Alaikumassalam wa rahmatullah,
Thank you. Please see my articles A womanâs worth does not depend on her accomplishments and Believing Women in Islam (2019) by Asma Barlas and David Raeburn Finn for my views. You can also find many more articles by me on my site on these pages: Islam and Feminism and Women in Islam: Answers and Rulings.
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Do you have any recommendations for books by Muslim women? Specifically discussions about being a Muslim woman, but if you any recs in general Iâll take them
Iâve been taking regular note of books that many Muslim feminist/activist accounts have recommended over on instagram, so these arenât books I have been able to get yet of course, but Iâd still like to give you some options:Â
Its Not About the Burqa - Miriam Khan (Probably what I would recommend to you first given what you specifically want to read about)Believing Women in Islam, Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Quran - Asma BarlasMen in Charge? Rethinking Authority in Muslim Legal Tradition - Ziba Mir-HosseiniQuran and Women - Amina WadudFeminist Edges of the Quran - Aysha A. HidayatullahWomen in the Quran- Asma Lamrabet
I hope this is fine!
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Ponovno ĹĄtampanje karikatura Charlie Hebdoa ne tiÄe se slobode govora
Ponovno ĹĄtampanje karikatura Charlie Hebdoa ne tiÄe se slobode govora
Asma Barlas
Francuski satiriÄni Äasopis Charlie Hebdo ponovo je na djelu: odluÄio je ponovo objaviti pogrdne karikature Poslanika Muhammeda koji su isprovocirali nasilni napad na njih 2015. Urednici kaĹžu da je âkljuÄnoâ ponovo ih ĹĄtampati uoÄi suÄenja poÄiniteljima tog nasilja.
Prije deset godina, 2005, danski list Morgenavisen Jyllands-Posten takoÄer je objavio desetak pogrdnih karikaturaâŚ
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Letter to the Editor: Politics professor responds to Ithacan editorial
Letter to the Editor: Politics professor responds to Ithacan editorial
Author: Asma Barlas / Source: theithacan.org
Thank you for your editorial on IC Loves Israel Day pointing out that the name is politicized and misleading, hence inappropriate (April 18). I would have said as much had I accepted The Ithacanâsinvitation to share my thoughts on the subject, but I didnât. I feel it shouldnât fall largely to Muslim critics of Israelâs policies to do the work ofâŚ
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#Asma Barlas#Editorial#Ilhan Omar#Israel#Ithaca College#jewish people#Loughborough University Department of Politics#History and International Relations#Muslim#Palestinians#professor
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21st of August 2024
I handed in my paper on women's reform in islam, focusing on Asma Barlas and amina wadud and their rereading of the Quran.
Both scholars had an enormous influence on me and I am so grateful that I got to experience both of them speaking in a conference at my university. They both opened a window in my mind to a liberating reading of the Quran that focuses on justice, mercy and compassion.
Both scholars develop their own methodology to derive gender justice as a premise from the quranic text. While wadud claims that the Quran makes no comment on gender hierarchies but rather emphasizes compassion between humans espacially between spouses, Barlas asserts that the Quran is anti-patriarchal.
From writing this paper I have learned that 'islamic feminism' is a very broad term and that the discussion of gender justice in islam has a huge history leading back to the 1920s. And that, in the end, it's not about the text, but what one makes of it. Meaning is not something that is handed to us on a platter. Islam and the Quran have no voice of their own, people have to make it speak, and this is the duty of all believers, in every new age.
Now, I'll be preparing my essay on the topic of commemorative culture and the ethical implications of the imperative "Remember!". In our seminar we have talked a lot about german commemorative culture, but I might pursue a different path and put my focus on palestinian commemoration. I was waiting for an opportunity to dive into palestinian history anyways.
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Hiii idk if youâll remember but a while ago you mentioned this women scholar and how she said something along the lines of women not needing to wear hijab, can you please tell me her name
Asma Barlas
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I think it would be a good time to mention, if there are newer followers, that I believe Islam is a patriarchial religion, particularly as codified and interpreted by the main classical jurists. Like I haven't blogged about that in ages so .. but I am very much fond of female Muslim scholarship that challenges that. Like Amina Wadud, Kecia Ali, Asma Barlas, Ayesha S Chaudry etc and would highly recommend that everyone read their work.
*don't reblog cos I also don't want no muslim haters lol*
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Discuss the concept of gender justice in relation to qurâanic passages about rights and responsibilities of men and women
In this essay, I will be looking at the rights and responsibilities of men and women in accordance to Islam. To do so I will look at Qurâanic verses that are used in reference to the rights and responsibilities of women, and a variety of secondary sources. Asma Barlas identifies two key questions in relation to gender justice and the Qurâan, Does the Qurâan âcondone sexual inequality or oppressionâ, or does it âpermit and encourage liberation for women?â (Barlas, 2002, p. 1)
Asma Barlas states that âa definition of patriarchy is fundamental to being able to establish the Qurâan as an antipatriarchalâ, or a patriarchal, text. (Barlas, 2002, p. 12) and offers two definitions, a specific and a universal one. Barlasâ specific definition assumes that there is a real and a symbolic continuum between God, or Allah, and fathers. Â The specific definition has a father-right theory, which also extends to husbandâs claim on his wife and children. The Qurâan was written in a society that functioned via this traditional form of patriarchy. The classical definition speaks of patriarchy in a historical sense, referring to a past culture and using it as an explanation for what may be contained in the Qurâan.
The broader definition that Barlas offers sees the Qurâanâs teachings as being universal. In this definition, the father rule has âreconstituted itselfâ (Barlas, 2002, p. 12) into a political system which privileges males. This system operates off of three major claims, that âessential ontological and ethical-moral differences between women and menâ, âthese differences are a function of nature/biologyâ and that the Qurâanâs different, unequal treatment of âwomen and men affirms their inherent inequality.â (Barlas, 2002, p. 12) The broad patriarchal definition is more applicable to modern Islamic cultures.
Itâs important to consider the political context before Islam was introduced. The description Daniel Brown gives of it make it seem rather grim for females, he points to things such as female infanticide being denounced âharshly and repeatedlyâ (Brown, 2003, p. 26) and any woman who did survive to adulthood belonged to her father, only to later belong to her husband. Women had âno economic or social independence or rightsâ (Brown, 2003, p. 26). Additionally, poetry at the time portrays women âprimarily as sexual objectsâ (Brown, 2003, p. 26), further diminishing any value women have that isnât to serve men. The introduction of the Qurâan could actually be seen as quite beneficial, for women of the time, as it ânot only repudiated female infanticideâ granting more of them a chance at actually surviving, âbut gave women economic and legal status independent of their husbands and guaranteed daughters a share of inheritanceâ (Brown, 2003, p. 26) so was a big step forwards, for the time. Cook notes that Khadija was an important and wealthy widow around the time Islam was introduced to the area, and she was powerful enough to employ Muhammad as her agent, and was the one to propose marriage to him. Cook points to Khadija as evidence that some pre-Islamic women did quite well for themselves, but this doesnât mean that the society wasnât completely horrific for women, itâs just a rare occurrence.
Asma Barlas, in response to her earlier question asking if the text is âsexist and misogynisticâ (Barlas, 2002, p. 1), presents evidence to support this view. For example, she references the Qurâanâs different treatment of women and men in regard to issues such as marriage, divorce and inheritance. Barlas places the blame for misogynistic readings of Islam on exegetes and commentators rather than the Qurâanâs teachings. In particular, Barlas points to the âGolden Age of Islam, which coincided with the Western Middle Agesâ as being a particularly âwell knownâ (Barlas, 2002, p. 9) time of misogyny, during this time many secondary texts were produced, these texts were influenced by menâs âown needs and experiences while either excluding or interpreting . . . womenâs experiences.â (Barlas, 2002, p. 9). The erasure of womenâs experiences and voices in the secondary texts are often mistaken for a lack of representation in the text itself, and allows for a âstriking consensusâ amongst Muslims when it comes to womenâs issues.
Fatima Mernissi provides a similar approach, she focuses mainly on secondary texts, and claims that the misogynistic traditions sprout from either fabrications or a misunderstanding regarding the context of the Qurâanic verse. In particular, she singles out Abu Hurayra as being especially bad for fabricating, and claims that many intellectuals âsold themselves . . . to politicians who were trying to pressurise the collectors of religious knowledge to fabricate traditions that benefited them.â (Mernissi, 1992, p. 45). She gives an example, the Qurâanic verse 33:53 which is often used to support the seclusion of women, âWhen you ask [his wives] for something, ask them from behind a partition.â (Qurâan, 33:53), according to Mernissi the context for this is that the Prophet had just married, and needed personal space, and talking from behind a partition is likely a matter of respect. Mernissi rejects traditions which are contrary to her view under the belief that the Prophet had such a positive record in his treatment of women that any evidence to the contrary is not evidence at all. Daniel Brown criticises Mernissi for ignoring more problematic Quranic verses which contain clear patriarchal statements and instead focuses on Hadith. Mernissiâs thesis also implies that âMuslim community was able to completely depart from the spirit of the Prophetâs teaching remarkably short orderâ (Daniel Brown 295), but this isnât hard to believe considering that pre-Islamic Arabia was likely even more misogynistic than the misogynistic traditions Mernissi rejects.
Brown also looks at the approach of another Islamic feminist, Amina Wadud. Wadud takes the opposite approach to Mernissi, choosing to focus more on the Qurâan than on secondary texts like Hadith. Wadud takes on passages that seem to establish the superiority of men over women, like Quran 4:34, which states that âMen are the managers of the affairs of women for that God has preferred one of them over another.â (Quran, 4:34) The interpretation Wadud takes from passages like these are that they represent a responsibility between men and women in society, and that they donât represent menâs superiority over women. Further in the verse it gives instructions on how to punish a rebellious wife, âbanish them to their couches and beat them.â Wadud interprets this as âprohibiting unchecked violenceâ (Wadud 76) against females, as it presents other punishments that are meant to be used before physical violence. This interpretation still permits physical violence against women, even if as a last resort, which a majority of modern views, especially western ones, would find inappropriate. Brown explains Wadudâs approach as restricting  the meaning of passages with negative implications for women by saying they refer to specific contexts, and shouldnât be universalised, however the Qurâan is the words of God, and âone cannot get much more universal than thatâ. (Brown 296)
One view that is pushed by Islamic feminists, is that the Qurâan may actually âpermit and encourage liberation for womenâ (Barlas, 2002, p. 1), as mentioned previously various commentators believe that the Qurâan has been misinterpreted to enforce patriarchal beliefs, but the Qurâan âcan be read in multiple modesâ. Muslim theology makes a distinction between divine speech and the earthly realisation, to avoid âcollapsing Godâs Words with our interpretations of those Wordsâ (Barlas, 2002, p. 10), this view can be supported with a verse in the Qurâan which warns against confusing the words of the Qurâan with those of readings of it. There are some parts of the Qurâan which can be hard to blame on readings or certain interpretations, for example the verse mentioned earlier clearly permits beating someoneâs wife.
The next part of this essay will look at various verses of the Qurâan and analyse their implications for women, and look at approaches from various commentators. The verse mentioned repeatedly before, verse 4:34, quite clearly states that men are preferred over women, and they are the âmanagers of the affairs of womenâ (Quran 4:34). For what reason are men seemingly preferred to women? Cook cites a commentator named Ibn al-Arabi, who says Godâs preference is due to the intellectual superiority and the superiority in religious performance that men have over women, another commentator Hawwa says that âit is clear that a man is to rule over his wifeâ (Cook, 2000, p. 39) citing reasons such as menâs superiority in terms of intellect and judgement. Taken at face value the verse âendorses male dominanceâ and gives âthe husband a right . . . to beat a rebellious wifeâ (Cook, 2000, p. 38) Michael Cook comments that the view of male dominance is a common one, especially in monotheistic religions, however permitting violence against oneâs wife is much rarer. It could be argued that Islam does genuinely view this as an undesirable last resort, The Prophet reportedly never beat a woman, and even banned the practice among his followers until he was told that it was âproducing an undesirable shift between husbands and wivesâ by his companion Umar. (Cook, 2000, p. 105)
Another couple of important verses refer to women's legal status, as mentioned earlier the introduction of the Qurâan helped to improve the rights of women. Females were granted a portion of the inheritance, however males receive a portion equal âto that of two femalesâ (Quran 4:11), so females are still viewed as less valuable. Additionally, two women are equal to one man in terms of being a witness, with the justification being that âif one of them errs, the other can remind her.â (Quran 2:282). The obvious connotations of these verses are that it heavily enforces the view that âwomen are worth half of what men areâ (Brown, 2003, p. 273). A modern commentator Iqbal states that the womenâs worth âisnât derived from any inherent inferiorityâ (Brown, 2003, p. 273), but actually comes the economic opportunities and status women are given from society, this view naturally leads to the conclusion that if womenâs worth is based on society then as society changes to be more equal women should be viewed as more valuable, especially in western countries. However, this conclusion âclashes with a strong tendency in modern Islam which emphasises the timelessness, eternal relevance and perfection of the Qurâan.â (Brown, 2003, p. 273) but at the same time Iqbalâs statement that women donât have any âinherent inferiorityâ can be supported by the Qurâanâs creation story, Wadud points out that âfemininity and masculinity are not created characters imprinted into the very primordial nature of female and male personsâ (Wadud, 1999), and instead these come from cultural perceptions.
 The Qurâan, at face value, presents women as inferior and the property of their husbands or fathers, it devalues them in terms of independence and economic means, it restricts their inheritance and makes them appear inferior in terms of intelligence. However, certain verses of the Qurâan are clearly subject to different meanings based on interpretation, whereas others are not, it is important to not mistake interpretation for the actual words of the Qurâan though, this applies to both liberal and patriarchal interpretations. The Qurâan came about in a time of extreme patriarchy, where women seem to be without any rights, for the time the Qurâan presented protection for women by granting them independence and economic opportunities, however in the modern times with the prevalence of western feminist views the Qurâan appears to enforce patriarchal views, from how the Prophet behaved it is clear this isnât the aim of the Qurâan and instead commentators should look for feminist and liberal verses within the Qurâan, and dismiss patriarchal ones as being outdated.
Bibliography Â
Barlas, A., 2002. Unreading  Patriarchal Interpretations of the Qur'an. s.l.:University of Texas  Press.
Brown, D., 2003. A New Introduction to Islam. s.l.:Wiley-Blackwell.
Cook, M., 2000. The Koran: A Very Short  Introduction. s.l.:Oxford University Press.
Mernissi, F., 1992. The Veil and the Male Elite: A Â Feminist Interpretation of Women's Rights in Islam. Reprint ed. Â s.l.:Perseus Books.
Wadud, A., 1999. Quran and Woman: Rereading the  Sacred Text from a Woman's Perspective. s.l.:Oxford University Press.
#world texts and traditions#uni work#uni#university#essay#coursework#not tagging more because i dont want discourse
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I see a lot of women calling men trash and generalising it. How right is that? And what should be a Muslim's approach towards feminism?
It is uncivilized to call any human trash. People who say that simply lack civility. For my views on feminism and the Muslim stance toward it please see my book review:Â Believing Women in Islam (2019) by Asma Barlas and David Raeburn Finn
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O slobodi govora i 'islamistiÄkom separatizmu'
Je li islam zaista protiv slobode govora; da li Francuska boluje od 'islamistiÄkog separatizma', kako tvrdi Emmanuel Macron?
Asma Barlas
Odluka francuskog lista Charlie Hebdo da ponovo ĹĄtampa karikature poslanika Muhammeda u septembru pokrenula je joĹĄ jedan val nasilja u Francuskoj, repeticiju onoga ĹĄto se dogodilo kada su ove slike prvobitno objavljenje 2015. godine. Ovaj put je vlada odgovorila na napade projekcijom karikatura na javnim zgradama, dok je predsjednik Emmanuel Macron izjavio da je islam "u krizi" i obeÄao je da Äe iskorijeniti "islamistiÄki separatizam" u Francuskoj.
PoÄetkom septembra sam se u jednom miĹĄljenju zalagala za ideju da bi trebalo biti moguÄe osuditi muslimane koji ubijaju ljude zbog karikatura Poslanika, dok se istovremeno priznaje kako im je namjena da prikaĹžu spoznajnu nadmoÄ nad muslimanima, veÄ ranjivom manjinom u Francuskoj i u Evropi. TakoÄer sam postavila pitanje: Je li neutaĹživa potreba da se recikliraju takve slike zaista vjeĹžba slobode govora? Neki kritiÄari Äitaju moj esej kao praĹĄtanje ubistva od muslimana i osuÄivanje ili neuspjeh da razumijem koncept slobode govora. U narednim redovima pozabavit Äu se dvjema povezanim pitanjima: kako su muslimani doĹĄli do odbrane slobode govora i Macronovim lukavim referiranjem na "islamski separatizam".
Sloboda govora se zasniva na principu da ljudi imaju pravo izraziti svoje ideje i vjerovanja bez straha od odmazde. MeÄutim, iako je koncept slobode govora jasno sekularni, moderni i zapadnjaÄki, ovaj princip sam po sebi to nije. Kur'an, takoÄer, potvrÄuje ljudsko pravo da vjeruje i da proklamira razliÄite istine bez da ih nameÄu drugima. On, takoÄer, poziva na obuzdavanje pred zlostavljanjem, nevjerovanjem i verbalnim napadima i zabranjuje ismijavanje boĹžanstva druge religije. Kur'an dolazi do ovih pozicija zato ĹĄto promovira religijski i rasni diverzitet.
'Onaj koji je najsvjesniji Boga'
Objava opisuje diverzitet kao znak boĹžanske milosti. Neki ajeti kaĹžu da je meÄu BoĹžijim "dokazima... raznovrnost jezika vaĹĄih i boja vaĹĄih: to su, zaista pouke za one koji znaju". (30:22). Drugi ajeti pojaĹĄnjavaju da "[je svima nama Bog] propisao zakon i pravac. A da je Allah htio, On bi vas sljedbenicima jedne vjere uÄinio." (5:48). Umjesto toga, iako nas je Bog stvorio od istog biÄa (nefsa), On nas je podijelio na razliÄite "narode i plemena, da bismo se upoznavali". Najbolji meÄu nama, Kur'an kaĹže, nije odreÄena grupa, veÄ "onaj koji je najsvjesniji [Boga]" (49:13).
Naravno, razlike mogu poroditi uzajamno razumijevanje ako su ljudi spremni biti uljudni i blagi u postupanju s drugima. S tim ciljem, Kur'an u viĹĄe navrata upozorava muslimana da se ne raspravljaju s kritiÄarima, osim "na najljubazniji naÄin" i da na napade odgovaraju samo u onolikoj mjeri koliko vam je [nepravde] uÄinjeno, a "ako otrpite, to je doista, bolje za strpljive" (16:125-128). Kur'an, takoÄer, zabranjuje muslimanima da ismijavaju bogove drugih ljudi, kako oni ne bi uzvratili ismijavanjem naĹĄeg Boga. Ali, sve i ako to urade, Kur'an nam ne dozvoljava da im naudimo, niti propisuje kazne za nevjerovanje, otpadniĹĄtvo ili bogohuljenje. Arapska rijeÄ za bogohuljenje, tajdif, zapravo ne postoji u Kur'anu. VaĹžno je istaknuti da su zakoni o bogohuljenju u nekim muslimanskim drĹžavama uvezeni iz Evrope tokom ili nakon kolonijalizma.
Ako muslimani uÄu u raspravu sa "sljedbenicima Knjige" â Jevrejima i krĹĄÄanima â Kur'an nas savjetuje da ih uvjerimo da mi vjerujemo "u ono ĹĄto se objavljuje nama i u ono ĹĄto je objavljeno vama: a naĹĄ Bog i vaĹĄ Bog jeste jedan" (29:46). A ako nas nevjernici napadnu ili izvrĹĄe na nas pritisak, moĹžemo slijediti kur'anski savjet Poslaniku: "Reci: 'O, vi nevjernici, ja se neÄu klanjati onima kojima se vi klanjate, a ni vi se neÄete klanjati Onome kome se ja klanjam; ja se nisam klanjao onima kojima ste se vi klanjali, a ni vi se niste klanjali Onome kome se ja klanjam. A vama vaĹĄa vjera, a meni moja." (109: 1-6).
Politizacija Äitanja islama
NaĹžalost, takva uÄenja nisu vidno prisutna meÄu muslimanima i postoji mnogo kompleksnih razloga zaĹĄto ljudi Äitaju svete tekstove na naÄin na koji to Äine. Jedan je taj ĹĄto je prakticiranje islama postalo ispolitizirano. Ovo je posebno taÄno u Evropi, gdje se muslimanske manjine osjeÄaju opkoljeno i gdje je, posljediÄno tome, prakticiranje islama svedeno da defanzivni politiÄki i/ili vojni stav protiv Evropljanja. Muslimani su, naravno, u Evropi od kako su osvojili Ĺ paniju u 8. stoljeÄu, ali njihovo osvajanje nikada nije porodilo ovaj "tip islama". Paradoks je u tome ĹĄto je najveÄa Ĺžrtva ovog reduciranja religije na politiku otpora sam islam, kur'anska etika blagosti, prihvatanja i uzajamnosti. Historijski kontekst ovog oblika politizacije je evropski kolonijalizam, koji je, takoÄer, odgovoran za prisustvo muslimana iz bivĹĄih evropskih kolonija u "domovinama" ovih dana.
Ako su, naprimjer, AlĹžirci danas u Francuskoj, to je tako zato ĹĄto je Francuska nekoÄ bila u AlĹžiru. I ne samo to, Francuska je bila/jeste odgovorna za smrt viĹĄe od milion AlĹžiraca tokom svoje vladavine. To su samo cifre iz jedne bivĹĄe kolonije s muslimanskom veÄinom. MeÄutim, buduÄi da su Francuzi izgleda pokopali ovu prljavu i kriminalnu historiju, nemoguÄe je istaknuti da Francuska nastavlja viktimizirati ljude koje je veÄ viktimizirala u proĹĄlosti bez da vas optuĹže da opravdavate nasilje od muslimana.
MrĹžnja spram islama u ovoj drĹžavi nije samo desniÄarski fenomen. On je zagarantiran njegovim izuzetnim i nepopustljivim fundamentalistiÄkim oblikom sekularizma zvanim laĂŻcitĂŠ. Druge sekularne drĹžave osiguravaju slobodu vjeroispovijesti tako ĹĄto ostaju neutralne spram religije. Ali ne i Francuska, Äiji je brend sekularizma suĹĄtinski etnonacionalistiÄki i neprijateljski prema islamu; on Äak i nareÄuje kako bi se muslimanke trebalo odijevati u javnosti, baĹĄ kao ĹĄto to Äine i neke muslimanske drĹžave.
Aparthejdna kolonijalna drĹžava
Ova institucionalizirana pristrasnost spram muslimana ih je getoizirala, zbog Äega je, za muslimane i za tamnopute ljude, Francuska umnogome aparthejdna kolonijalna drĹžava. Stoga, kada francuski musliman poÄini zloÄin, drĹžava tog pojedinca ne tretira kao graÄanina, veÄ kao "islamistu", epitet koji oznaÄava kolektivnu krivnju i opravdava kolektivnu kaznu. Biti francuski musliman danas stoga znaÄi nositi "obiljeĹžje mnoĹžine", da citiram jevrejskog tuniĹžanskog intelektualca Alberta Memmija, koji je primijetio teĹžnju francuskih kolonizatora da vide TuniĹžane kao bezliÄan i "anoniman kolektivitet".
Ako se Macron brine za separatizam, mogao bi poÄeti razmontiravanjem sekularnog, od drĹžave kreiranog aparthejda. Umjesto toga, on se ponaĹĄa kao stari francuski kolonizatori, o kojima je Memmi pisao: "Hvaljenje sebe i svojih, ponovljena, Äak i iskrena afirmacija izuzetnosti svojih naÄina i institucija, svoje kulturne i tehniÄke superiornosti ne briĹĄu temeljnu osudu koju svaki kolonizator nosi u svom srcu." Ako postoji jedna lekcija koju bi Macron mogao nauÄiti iz francuske kolonijalne proĹĄlosti, to je da "ako kolonizacije uniĹĄti koloniziranog, ona takoÄer nagriza i kolonizatora".
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Book Review: Believing Women in Islam â Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Quran
Book Review: Believing Women in Islam â Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Quran
Muslim feminists have two tedious battles to fight: one against those who hold on to patriarchal notions within their own community, and the other against feminists who refuse any reconciliation between feminism and any âAbrahamicâ religion, including Islam. From both sides, they are belittled, misjudged and dismissed. In âBelieving Women in Islamâ by Saqi Books, Asma Barlas takes on theseâŚ
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