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omfgtrump · 4 years ago

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“What a long, Strange Trip It’s Been”

The Don’s banishment to Mar-a-Lago and on Twitter has created a welcomed silence. Yes, he is going to do everything he can to stay relevant and make as much noise as possible. His battle with Mitch McConnell for the soul of the Republican Party will ramp up. Let me stop there. How can two people without souls fight over the soul of anything?

What I am trying to say here, is that this is the time for me to hit the exit ramp. This will the last piece of OMFG.

Is that a wince I hear? A collective sigh? A Thank God, as finally, the guy has found a way to separate from demon Don?

To my readers, I implore you: Please don’t do anything drastic, as I don’t want to have to carry another burden.

For many, The Don’s loss of the election and banishment has been sort of an exorcism. (if you at some point you spewed green bile, don’t worry, as it was a natural biological process that helped cleanse you of all the poison you absorbed).

As you can tell from my writings, I have had my own obsession with The Don. During these past 4 years, he has inhabited my daily life like an aching tooth. I watched way too much news. I raved and ranted. I used the phrases “Is this outrageous, or what?” and “Can you believe this shit” as often as “Hey, how are you?”.

My co-workers saw me coming and walked the other way. My wife told me if I didn’t shut up about The Don she would leave me. (Well, that’s not exactly true, but I’m sure it crossed her mind!)

Thank God for this blog. I don’t know how I would have survived without it.

As the Grateful Dead sing in ‘Truckin’: What a long, strange trip it’s been.

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Two impeachments, a Russia investigation, an insurrection-yes, an insurrection cause by the “Big Lie” that the election was stolen and that Joe Biden was not a legitimate president, “shit hole” countries, “good people on both sides,” separation of children from their families, a Muslim ban, attacks on the LGBT community, violations of the Emoluments Clause, endless lies, levels of corruption unseen in the history of the presidency, embracing of White Supremacists, deregulating of environmental policy, fake news, the press as the enemy, the promulgation of conspiracy theories- the emergence of QAnon, dismantling of government agencies, using the Department of Justice for his own means, a level of sociopathy and malignant narcissism never seen in the White House and a wannabe demagogue who did everything he could to dismantle our democracy. Did I leave anything out?

His handling and politicizing of the pandemic, which has caused an unfathomable 500,000 deaths to date, was the result of a genocide of neglect that has caused inconceivable suffering. In a fair and just world, he should be prosecuted for his heinous inaction and promotion of false narratives and complicity in the unnecessary death of tens of thousands.

Witnessing the competence and transparency of the Biden administration has created hope in me. A world in which the pandemic is under control, the economy rebounds, issues of social justice are faced head on and policy that reflects the need to genuinely address inequality and institutional racism seems possible. A humane plan and path to citizenship for Dreamers and other immigrants seems more reachable.

Climate change, the defining and existential issue of our time and the world’s future, is finally front and center.

How we confront the increasing polarization and rise of domestic terrorism is a daunting challenge. How we ensure voting rights are protected in the face of egregious attempts to thwart them is a battle over whether we remain a country that is represented “by the people and for the people.”

So much work needs to be done. We can not rest. We must resist the temptation toward complacency. We need truth, honesty and kindness to be our guiding forces.

It feels so strange to be writing these last words. During the 4 years of this blog, I wrote 244 pieces and people from over 100 countries visited it. (Even from Russia and China!) I so much appreciate the time you spent reading. I hope I was able to make you laugh (or cry) about the absurdities of what we all endured and lived through. I hope my perspective created new insights and ways of thinking about The Don and his psychology.

Some may be wondering what I look like so I will pull up the curtain and reveal myself.

Others may be wondering what new project awaits me. Frankly, who the hell knows, but writers must write, so I’ll wait for it to reveal itself.

I want to give a special shout out to the unsung superstar of the blog, Jinnifer Douglass, who was responsible for the design and creating all the amazing photos. She is a wizard. There was nothing I asked her to concoct that she could not create. When I would receive her email stating “All set,” I would click on the site and break out into a smile or outright laughter, marveling at the photos. And for those of you who skipped the writing and just reveled in the photos I forgive you. As they say, sometimes a picture is worth a 1,000 words.

Also, thanks for your comments and acknowledgements along the way. Anyone out there that wants to write me a goodbye note (a love letter?) I welcome it. Be well and fight the power.

Thanks for joining me on this crazy journey as “What a strange trip it’s been.”

And one more thing: The Supreme Court voted 9-0 to allow his taxes to be released. So Don, maybe they’ll take some of the tax money you owe to build a wall on the golf course and turn it into a prison!

And now for one of my favorite photos:

Note from Jinnifer: It has been an insane past 4 years. Working on this project with Jerry was equal parts horrifying and hilarious; every week it was something new (and then some). Putting together these pieces of Photoshop satire brought me an absurd kind of joy. I am sad that this blog has come to its end, but I am glad that the mechanism which portended it was our very own democratic process at work. Jerry usually wrote roughly about 1 article a week, and each article had around 4 custom pieces in it- meaning I have created over 800 works of factual farce in our time working together. Some days it feels like we just started this blog yesterday, and other times it feels like 20 years ago. Truly a bittersweet undertaking, but one I am proud to have been able to contribute to. I know Jerry’s next creative venture, whatever it may be, will be pointed and, no doubt, funny to boot. Here are some of my favorite photos, 1 for each year of his, well, whatever you want to call it!

2017

2018

2019

2020

At the time we started this project, web developing was my main profession, but in the years that have since passed I have decided to focus more on my (decidedly more serious, haha) photography work. If you’re interested in checking it out, I’d be grateful if you’d stop by http://www.jinyc-photo.com

from WordPress https://ift.tt/3suXy67 via IFTTT

#IFTTT #WordPress #trump #politics #potus #capital hill #washington dc #white house #america #usa

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sinrau · 5 years ago

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(CNN) There’s a common motivation in the White House’s attempt to suppress John Bolton’s book and its state of denial over alarming new trends in the coronavirus pandemic: President Donald Trump doesn’t want Americans to see information that could harm him or the narrative he has constructed.

The former national security adviser’s behind-the-scenes account is expected to portray Trump, who was impeached over an apparent abuse of power in Ukraine and clashed with Bolton over a number of foreign policy issues, in an extremely poor light.

And increasing signs that the pandemic is becoming more virulent in states that heeded the President’s calls to open the economy — like Florida, Arizona, South Carolina and Texas — contradict his claim that the US has prevailed and it’s safe to go back to normal.

“They just don’t want to deal with the reality of it. They’re in denial,” an official familiar with the work of the White House’s coronavirus task force told CNN’s Jim Acosta.

Both dramas have the potential to further dent the President’s reelection campaign, as polls show him behind presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden. Bolton is likely to undercut Trump’s chosen image as a strong, dominant global leader and could unleash more Ukraine-style controversies over his behavior in office. A surge in coronavirus cases is meanwhile tarnishing the President’s narrative of the “Great American Comeback” and the economic openings that may be key to his hopes of a second term.

Escalating an aggressive effort to halt publication of “The Room Where it Happened,” the administration on Tuesday sued Bolton for breach of contract in an unorthodox legal move, opening what could be an extended legal battle. Trump has claimed falsely that all of his conversations with the former national security adviser are classified. Bolton’s lawyers contend that he has done all that is required in submitting the work to the National Security Council for a review and that the White House is looking for an excuse to stop publication.

The White House claims that Bolton, who has been handling American secrets for most of his adult life as a senior national security official, has written a book “rife with classified” material seem highly dubious. That has led to speculation in Washington that there will be highly damaging information about Trump in the book, which could further harm his image ahead of the election.

The book has already shipped to warehouses ahead of its scheduled release next week, and Bolton has taped an interview with ABC scheduled to air Sunday. His publisher, Simon & Schuster, said in a statement Tuesday that the lawsuit “is nothing more than the latest in a long running series of efforts by the Administration to quash publication of a book it deems unflattering to the President.”

Pence leads disinformation effort

The effort to stop Americans from reading the Bolton book comes as the administration embarks on an aggressive effort to convince the country that the coronavirus pandemic — the one Trump said would never be a problem and has now killed nearly 117,000 Americans — is no longer a concern.

Vice President Mike Pence, who is the head of the White House coronavirus task force, is leading the disinformation effort, just days before Trump is due to appear at a rally in Tulsa, Oklahoma — another state that is setting its own new records in new reported cases. The event looks an ideal incubator for more infections and local health officials have urged Trump to cancel it.

“What he’s doing in Tulsa is criminal endangerment,” Dr. Jonathan Reiner, a cardiologist and professor of medicine at George Washington University, told CNN’s Erin Burnett on Tuesday.

“He’s intentionally exposing people to the risk of acquiring a deadly virus just for a photo op,” Reiner said.

Elsewhere, both Texas and Arizona on Tuesday announced one-day record highs in new coronavirus infections.

There is some good news to celebrate. States that have been brutally hit by the virus, like New York, New Jersey and the metropolitan area around Washington, DC, have seen their curves decline and are slowly beginning to open up. But the wider spread of the disease is alarming health experts who are also warning that the situation could get worse everywhere in the fall.

But in a Wall Street Journal op-ed published a day after he untruthfully said that Oklahoma had flattened its curve, Pence accused the media of “sounding the alarm bells over a second wave.”

“Such panic is overblown,” Pence wrote.

“Thanks to the leadership of President Trump and the courage and compassion of the American people, our public health system is far stronger than it was four months ago, and we are winning the fight against the invisible enemy,” Pence added.

His new offensive came a day after Trump made the illogical statement that if the US stopped testing, there would be no more coronavirus cases. But the grim potential for escalation was underlined when one key model used in the past by the White House predicted that 201,000 Americans would be dead from the virus by October 1, largely due to increased mobility of citizens as states open and fatigue with social distancing measures.

‘The virus is still with us’

While it is true that the US is now conducting more tests than it was — not all of the increases in new cases can be attributed to that greater volume. The country has now conducted nearly 25 million tests, a number that is less impressive than it seems given that the pandemic in the US is in its fourth month and that tests are being conducted at a level that epidemiologists say is far too low to establish the true penetration of the virus.

The administration has failed to put in place the kind of intricate contact tracing and isolation program that some other nations have used to control the virus. According to a CNN analysis based on data from Johns Hopkins University, Covid-19 cases are rising in 18 states, are steady in 10 and are falling in 22. The worrying sign, however, is that cases are on the up in states across the South which were not as severely affected by the pandemic previously. In that sense, Pence’s argument that media is hyping a “second wave” is immaterial — the new infections merely seem to be an extension of the first wave.

“The reality is that the virus is with us. The reality is that the first wave only hit a small number of places — now it’s coming to every other place. It’s coming to a county or a city or a state near you,” Dr. Ashish Jha, director of Harvard’s Global Health Institute, said in a STAT News conversation on Tuesday.

A senior Centers for Disease Control and Prevention official, meanwhile, said that Pence’s claims that only a few areas in the US were suffering from increasing cases was not accurate.

“You can cherry-pick a handful of counties and use that as way to say things are not as bad as they look. But that’s not the reality,” the official told CNN’s Nick Valencia.

“What our data is telling us is that there is an increase in cases in states across the country. Deaths are continuing to go down, which is good. Cases are going up,” the official said.

As it is denying the still serious nature of the pandemic, the White House is also ostentatiously flouting government advice — and scientific evidence that wearing a face mask can curb the spread of the virus to manageable levels.

Pence spent much of Tuesday in Iowa, a state where cases have been falling, and interacted with many people who, like him were not wearing a mask. Trump has previously said that he wouldn’t give the media the satisfaction of seeing him covering up on camera.

As the President on Tuesday signed an executive order on police reform, senior officials and members of Congress stood close together and did not wear masks in the Rose Garden of the White House.

“Well, they violated almost every rule you could. I saw that presser,” Zeke Emanuel, health policy adviser under President Barack Obama, told CNN’s Jake Tapper.

“There were crowds. They were there together for a long time and … they were very close together, patting each other on the back, often shaking hands. No masks and speaking into each other’s faces,” added Emanuel, chair of the Department of Medical Ethics and Health Policy at the University of Pennsylvania.

While Trump is ignoring mask guidelines, some of his political allies are not. Republican Gov. Greg Abbott Tuesday pleaded with fellow Texans to cover their faces, wash their hands and observe social distancing.

“We just want to double down in reminding everybody that these things that we learned over March and April in May, they still have to be practiced, because Covid-19 hasn’t suddenly magically left the state of Texas,” he said.

Trump scrambles to suppress inconvenient information with Bolton book and coronavirus #web #website #copied #to read# #highlight #link #news #read

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judefan843-blog · 4 years ago

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hollywoodjuliorivas · 5 years ago

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NONFICTION

‘She Said’ Recounts How Two Times Reporters Broke the Harvey Weinstein Story

ImageJodi Kantor and Megan Twohey

Jodi Kantor and Megan TwoheyCreditCreditMartin Schoeller

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By Susan Faludi

Sept. 8, 2019

SHE SAID

Breaking the Sexual Harassment Story That Helped Ignite a Movement

By Jodi Kantor and Megan Twohey

Tell the truth: Do you really need to hear more about Harvey Weinstein? The open bathrobe, the hotel hot tubs, the syringes of erectile-dysfunction drugs delivered by cowed assistants, the transparent requests for “a massage,” the ejaculatory exhibitions — it’s not just indictable, it’s … ick, simultaneously pathological and pathetic.

Which explains the reluctance I felt sitting down to read “She Said: Breaking the Sexual Harassment Story That Helped Ignite a Movement,” wherein the New York Times reporters Jodi Kantor and Megan Twohey revisit at book length their investigative reporting on Weinstein, promising a “substantial amount” of new information. New information? More than 80 women have come forward to recount their encounters with the Oscar-award-monopolizer-and-patron-of-progressive-causes-turned-Tinseltown’s-über-ogre, the beast whose fleshy unshaven headshot every famous Hollywood beauty knows to hate, and whose trial has now been rescheduled for January to allow for additional testimony against him. What new gruesome details do we need?

But “She Said” isn’t retailing extra helpings of warmed-over salacity. The authors’ new information is less about the man and more about his surround-sound “complicity machine” of board members and lawyers, human resource officers and P.R. flaks, tabloid publishers and entertainment reporters who kept him rampaging with impunity years after his behavior had become an open secret. Kantor and Twohey instinctively understand the dangers of the Harvey-as-Monster story line — and the importance of refocusing our attention on structures of power. When they at last confront Weinstein, in a Times conference room and later on speakerphone, he’s the mouse that roared, the Great and Powerful Oz turned puny humbug, swerving from incoherent rants to self-pitying whimpers (“I’m already dead”) to sycophantic claims of just being one of them. (“If I wasn’t making movies, I would’ve been a journalist.”) He’s loathsome and self-serving, but his psychology is not the story they want to tell. The drama they chronicle instead is more complex and subtle, a narrative in which they are ultimately not mere observers but, essential to its moral message, protagonists themselves.

[ This book was one of our most anticipated titles of September. See the full list. ]

Kantor and Twohey broke the Weinstein story. Their 3,300-word Times article on Oct. 5, 2017, aired allegations against him that had been piling up as whispers and rumors for 30 years. That report, and the ones to follow, were grounded in scores of interviews with actresses and current and former employees, supplemented by legal filings, corporate records and internal company communications that documented a thick web of cover-ups, bullying tactics and confidential settlements. It was bravura journalism.

“We watched with astonishment as a dam wall broke,” Kantor and Twohey write of the response to that first article. A day after it was published, so many women phoned The Times to report allegations of sexual harassment and assault against Weinstein that the paper had to assign additional reporters to handle the calls. On Oct. 10, another round of women, including marquee names like Gwyneth Paltrow, Angelina Jolie and Rosanna Arquette, went public in a second article in The Times. Three weeks later, a third article detailed still more accounts of sexual abuse by Weinstein, spanning the globe and dating back to the 1970s. “This has haunted me my entire life,” said 62-year-old Hope Exiner d’Amore, who recounted being raped by Weinstein when she was in her early 20s.

This series of articles in many ways ignited the #MeToo movement, already smoldering in the atmosphere of frustration after reports of Donald Trump’s alleged sexual predations (a story that Twohey broke with another reporter) and the release of the “Access Hollywood” tape failed to slow the reality star’s march to the White House. Their reporting, Kantor and Twohey recall in “She Said,” seemed to operate as a “solvent for secrecy, pushing women all over the world to speak up about similar experiences.”

And a solvent for the structures that enforced that secrecy. A day after the first story came out, a third of the (all-male) board of the Weinstein Company resigned and the remaining members put Weinstein on leave. Two days later, he was fired. Within a year, his corporation declared bankruptcy — and, as part of the Chapter 11 filing, released employees from nondisclosure agreements.

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Credit

What explains the company’s decades of inaction? Answering that question, and parsing the ways that such entities and their centurions functioned as Weinstein’s shield, is the prime focus of “She Said.” The guardians the authors unmask aren’t only the obvious ones. Yes, Weinstein’s board members looked the other way long after they knew; yes, The National Enquirer and Black Cube security snoops deep-sixed damaging accounts and shut down whistle-blowers. Yes, Weinstein’s brother, Bob, the company’s co-founder, kept mum beyond all reason — even after Harvey had punched him in the face. But there was also the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, which often kept its settlements secret. And David Boies, the lawyer admired for championing gay marriage before the Supreme Court, who served as Weinstein’s personal consigliere and tried to squash every threat of bad press. And Linda Fairstein, the celebrated Manhattan sex crimes prosecutor, who, after an Italian model reported to the New York City police that Weinstein had groped her, brokered connections between Weinstein’s legal team and the lead prosecutor and tried to discredit the woman’s allegation to Twohey.

[ “She Said” names some of the people who helped Harvey Weinstein evade scrutiny. ]

And then there was Gloria Allred, the crusading feminist lawyer, whose law firm, in 2004, negotiated a nondisclosure agreement for one of Weinstein’s victims; the firm pocketed 40 percent of the settlement. “While the attorney cultivated a reputation for giving female victims a voice,” Kantor and Twohey write, “some of her work and revenue was in negotiating secret settlements that silenced them and buried allegations of sexual harassment and assault.” Allred went on to do the same with women who had been abused by the Fox News host Bill O’Reilly and the Olympics gymnastics doctor Larry Nassar. In 2017, after a group of lawyers in California persuaded a state legislator to consider a bill that would ban confidentiality clauses muzzling sexual harassment victims, Allred denounced the move and threatened to go on the attack. The legislator, Connie Leyva, quickly shelved the idea. (A year later, Leyva introduced such a bill and it was signed into law.)

Maybe the most appalling figure in this constellation of collaborators and enablers is Lisa Bloom, Allred’s daughter. A lawyer likewise known for winning sexual-harassment settlements with nondisclosure agreements, Bloom was retained by Weinstein (who had also bought the movie rights to her book). In a jaw-dropping memo to Weinstein, Bloom itemized her game plan: Initiate “counterops online campaigns,” place articles in the press painting one of his accusers as a “pathological liar,” start a Weinstein Foundation “on gender equality” and hire a “reputation management company” to suppress negative articles on Google. Oh, and this gem: “You and I come out publicly in a pre-emptive interview where you talk about evolving on women’s issues, prompted by death of your mother, Trump pussy grab tape and, maybe, nasty unfounded hurtful rumors about you. … You should be the hero of the story, not the villain. This is very doable.”

“She Said” contains a second story of what’s doable against great odds: how two reporters with no connections in Hollywood and with almost no one willing to go on the record were able to penetrate this omertà and expose what lay behind it to public scrutiny. This is the book’s deeper level, the story of getting a story, signaled in the choice of chapter titles like “The First Phone Call” and “‘Who Else Is on the Record?’” Kantor and Twohey have crafted their news dispatches into a seamless and suspenseful account of their reportorial journey, a gripping blow-by-blow of how they managed, “working in the blank spaces between the words,” to corroborate allegations that had been chased and abandoned by multiple journalists before them. “She Said” reads a bit like a feminist “All the President’s Men.”

Kantor and Twohey take us through the time-consuming, meticulous and often go-nowhere grunt work that’s intrinsic to gathering evidence, winning the trust of gun-shy victims and maneuvering past barricades that block the path to a publishable article. Along the way, we witness how much institutional support such a protracted effort requires. Kantor and Twohey make a point throughout the book of stressing their reliance on a multilayered editorial team, from rigorous young research assistants like Grace Ashford, who combs through government employment data and tracks down a key former assistant from the late 1980s at Miramax, Weinstein’s film production company, to seasoned elder hands like the Times investigative editor Rebecca Corbett. “Sixtysomething, skeptical, scrupulous and allergic to flashiness or exaggeration,” Kantor and Twohey write of her, “but so low profile that she barely surfaced in Google search results. Her ambition was journalistic, not personal.” The night before the first article ran, Corbett remained in the newsroom until dawn, weighing and reweighing every word.

In this way, “She Said” is a dead-on description of what makes so-called “legacy” journalism so powerful. Ironically, the #MeToo movement that Kantor and Twohey’s articles about Weinstein helped launch promulgates an opposite message: that the best way to bring injustice to light is to get rid of the “gatekeepers” and let rip on Twitter, that we’ll only get to the “truth” when the Establishment is brought down and no one is in charge.

[ Read: “I’m Harvey Weinstein — you know what I can do.” ]

It may be, as the political writer Lee Smith argued in The Weekly Standard, that some journalists had protected Weinstein partly out of a craven illusion that the Hollywood rainmaker would someday make rain for them, buying their articles for high-grossing films. And no doubt the #MeToo movement has prompted the mainstream media to take these stories more seriously. Would Vanity Fair’s editor today omit allegations of sexual assault from a profile of Jeffrey Epstein, as happened in 2003? Nonetheless, the big-league sexual predators who have been brought to justice in the #MeToo era have been brought there not by internet whisper campaigns but by good old-fashioned reporting: O’Reilly by The Times, Nassar by The Indianapolis Star, Epstein by The Miami Herald, Roy Moore by The Washington Post, Weinstein by The Times and The New Yorker. “The Weinstein story had impact,” the authors note, “in part because it had achieved something that, in 2018, seemed rare and precious: broad consensus on the facts.”

There’s an implication here: The answer to institutionally protected predation isn’t the anti-institutionalism of social media and viral tweets, but a powerful counter-institution capable of mounting a rigorous investigation, run by, yes, gatekeepers. Not spelled out but amply evident in Kantor and Twohey’s reckoning is the importance that those gatekeepers be female as well as male. In 2013, Jill Abramson, then The Times’s executive editor, promoted Corbett and another woman to the paper’s senior editorial staff, making the masthead 50 percent female for the first time in history. What happens when you get that kind of sisterhood is familiar to any spectator of the Women’s World Cup. Watching Kantor and Twohey pursue their goal while guarding each other’s back is as exhilarating as watching Megan Rapinoe and Crystal Dunn on the pitch.

Toward the end of the book, Kantor and Twohey devote two chapters to Christine Blasey Ford and her decision to air her sexual-assault allegations against the Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh. This, and the book’s finale, “The Gathering,” seem appended, an anticlimactic climax. In “The Gathering,” the reporters assemble 12 of the sexual abuse victims they interviewed (including a McDonald’s worker, Kim Lawson, who helped organize a nationwide strike over the fast-food franchise’s failure to address sexual harassment) at Gwyneth Paltrow’s Brentwood mansion to talk, over gourmet Japanese cuisine, about what they’ve endured since going public with their charges. The testimonials inevitably descend into platitudes about personal “growth” and getting “some sense of myself back.” At one point, Paltrow starts crying over the way Weinstein had invoked his support for her career to get women to submit to his advances, and Lawson’s friend (a McDonald’s labor organizer who came with her so she wouldn’t feel alone in a room full of movie stars) hands the actress a box of tissues.

These therapeutic scenes paste a pat conclusion onto a book that otherwise keeps the focus not on individual behavior or personal feelings but on the apparatuses of politics and power. At the least, though, the contrast throws into relief how un-pat, instructive and necessary “She Said” is. It turns out we did need to hear more about Weinstein — and the “more” that Kantor and Twohey give us draws an important distinction between the trendy ethic of hashtag justice and the disciplined professionalism and institutional heft that actually got the job done.

Susan Faludi is the author of “Backlash: The Undeclared War Against American Women” and, most recently, “In the Darkroom.”

SHE SAID

Breaking the Sexual Harassment Story That Helped Ignite a Movement

By Jodi Kantor and Megan Twohey

310 pp. Penguin Press. $28.

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dani-qrt · 7 years ago

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As Israel Celebrates Dream of Independence, Many See Nightmare Taking Shape

JERUSALEM — When Israel declared its independence in 1948, President Harry Truman rushed to recognize it. He took just 11 minutes, and Israelis, about to go to war to defend their infant state, were euphoric.

Seventy years to the day — and nearly as long since Israel declared the holy city of Jerusalem its “eternal capital” — the United States will formally open its embassy on a hilltop here two miles south of the Western Wall.

The embassy’s move from Tel Aviv and President Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital — reversing decades of American foreign policy — comes at a moment so fraught with both pride and peril that Israelis seem not to know what to feel.

Israelis find it hard to rejoice when they find themselves doing some of the same things they did back in 1948: listening for civil-defense sirens, readying bomb shelters and calling in reinforcements to confront threats to the north, south and east.

An escalating shadow war with Iran has broken into the open, pitting Israel against its most powerful adversary in the region. A mass protest in Gaza has spurred thousands of Palestinians, encouraged by Hamas, to try to cross into Israel, whose snipers have killed scores and wounded thousands of them. The bloodshed has brought the Israeli-Palestinian conflict back onto the international agenda after years as an afterthought.

Now, in East Jerusalem and the rest of the West Bank, Israeli border police and troops are bracing for expressions of pent-up frustration, impatience and rage — at the United States for seeming to dispense with any pretense at balance; at Israel for its continuing occupation; at the Palestinian Authority for its weakness and corruption; and at the peace process itself, for inspiring hopes that have again and again proved false.

“If you look at it from the outside, you’d see one of the most dramatic success stories of the 20th century,” said the historian Tom Segev, author of a new biography of Israel’s founding prime minister, “David Ben-Gurion: A State at All Costs.”

With Israel so strong and its Jewish population larger than ever, Mr. Segev said, “It’s really the realization of Ben-Gurion’s dream. But at the same time, the future is very bleak, and some of the problems he left us remain unresolved.”

It is hard for Israeli Jews to feel entirely at ease when they remain so estranged from one another and the nearly two million Arab citizens at home, and from millions of people next door: A lasting settlement with the Palestinians seems as elusive as it has been in more than a generation.

However besieged many Israelis may feel, objectively Israel has never been more powerful, in almost any sense of the word.

Its military routinely obliterates opposing forces with fighter jets, antimissile batteries and newfangled tunnel-destroying tools. Its spies whisk warehouses’ worth of secrets out from under its enemies’ noses. Its high-tech start-ups routinely sell for billions, its economy is the envy of the Middle East, its television shows thrive on Netflix. On Saturday, its entrant in the Eurovision Song Contest — a chicken-dancing feminist named Netta Barzilai — overcame a boycott attempt by Israel’s detractors to win by popular acclaim.

Warming relations with Saudi Arabia and the Persian Gulf states are even buoying hopes that Israel could begin to expand its tiny circle of friends in the region.

Monday’s move of the American mission to a fortified former consulate along the seam between East and West Jerusalem, from a beachfront bastion in Tel Aviv, is freighted with symbolism in manifold ways.

But the relocation of the chief American outpost from liberal Tel Aviv, a blue dot on the red political map of Israel, to a capital city that has largely replaced its secular Israeli population with a more religious one, neatly mirrors what is happening to support for Israel in the United States.

Ben-Gurion was prime minister for 13 years, all told. Benjamin Netanyahu will surpass that record in mid-2019 if he holds on to office. That is far from assured: He faces possible indictment in a web of domestic corruption scandals, and criminal charges could cause his governing coalition to collapse.

President Trump has gone further than perhaps any of his predecessors to support Israel and its right-wing leader, and no American president has done more to bestow gifts on an Israeli leader than he has.

From recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, to withholding money from the United Nations relief agency for Palestinian refugees — an agency Mr. Netanyahu would like to see eliminated altogether — to pulling out of the Iran nuclear agreement last week, Mr. Trump has showered Mr. Netanyahu with political prizes.

Ivanka Trump, the president’s daughter, Jared Kushner, his son-in-law and a senior adviser on the Middle East, and Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin are among the high-ranking representatives sent by the administration to attend Monday’s opening ceremony. Israel said all 86 countries with diplomatic missions in the country were invited to the event, and 33 confirmed attendance.

To Palestinians, the official unveiling of the embassy is just the most concrete and latest in a cavalcade of provocations from Washington and the Israeli government.

“It’s might makes right,” said Hind Khoury, a former diplomat for the Palestine Liberation Organization who now heads a sustainable development nonprofit based in Bethlehem. Not only are Palestinians now expected to forget about Jerusalem, she said, but also the losses of their homes in 1948 and again in the fighting of 1967.

“Accept Israel’s presence and dominance,” she said. “Accept home demolitions and expulsions and dispossession.

“Accept the uprooting of our olive trees, the violence of settlers,” she continued, picking up steam. “Accept settlements. Accept Israel’s control of all the Jordan Valley, and using it for its economic benefit. Accept that Israel didn’t live up to any of its commitments. Accept the siege of Gaza. Accept that East Jerusalem doesn’t belong to us anymore. Accept the racist legislation that Israel passes; that we’re prisoners in our land: I can’t get a visa because we’re ‘all terrorists.’ Accept the use of ‘anti-Semitism’ to fight anybody who wants to support Palestinian rights.”

“These are things we have to accept, or we’ll just get more hell,” she said, before adding: “Maybe I speak more like a mother and grandmother, but it’s so sinful to give such a legacy to the next generation.”

For Israeli Jews, a different set of grievances is being assuaged and activated by Monday’s embassy opening and all it stirs up.

The American-Israeli author Yossi Klein Halevi, whose new book “Letters to My Palestinian Neighbor” is being published on Tuesday, sees the embassy move as a “rare moment of compensation” for what he called “the campaign to deny any Jewish connection to Jerusalem” — one expressed in votes of Unesco, or in the speeches of Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian Authority president, when he invokes the Christian and Muslim attachment to Jerusalem but pointedly omits any Jewish one.

“There’s this deep resentment among Israelis about the war against our history and our rootedness in this city,” Mr. Halevi said.

Still, noting that his book “about reconciliation with my Palestinian neighbors is coming out at one of the worst moments in the tortured history of our relationship,” Mr. Halevi said he wished the embassy move could be accompanied by some kind of “affirmation by both Israel and the United States of the Palestinian presence in the city we share.”

“I don’t think we should be laying out blueprints,” he said. “We’re far from that. But there should be a clear stating of our recognition that we’re not alone in Jerusalem. This would be an apt moment for a generous Israeli statement.”

Mr. Netanyahu’s advocacy against the Iran deal during the Obama administration did much to sour Jewish Democrats on the Israeli leader. His abandonment of a painstakingly negotiated deal to give Reform and Conservative Jews a bigger stake in Jewish life in Israel, and approval of a measure granting the Orthodox chief rabbinate’s monopoly over conversions to Judaism in Israel, drove a wedge between liberal American Jews and Israeli religious leaders.

Other policies, like efforts to deport African migrants, and a continuing legislative attack by Mr. Netanyahu’s political allies on democratic institutions like Israel’s Supreme Court, have only added to many liberal Americans’ discomfort with Israel.

In effect, as the Trump administration gives physical expression to its affection for Israel, a rift appears to be widening between the world’s two main centers of Jewish life.

The immediate threats to Israeli security could of course fizzle. The rift between American and Israeli Jews could heal with a new administration in either place, if not before. Even the risk posed by the embassy move could prove no more dampening to the celebration, in retrospect, than the smashing of a glass at a Jewish wedding.

And Secretary of State Mike Pompeo said the Middle East peace process “is most decidedly not dead,” despite the embassy move, telling “Fox News Sunday” that the United States still hopes to be able to “achieve a successful outcome” to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Mr. Segev, the biographer, said he had learned in his research that Ben-Gurion had never cared much for Jerusalem, and had refrained from trying to take the city in 1948 in part because he knew it would be difficult to guard its Old City from extremists.

In that sense, Mr. Segev said, little seems to have changed.

“That’s what Jerusalem is all about,” he said. “That’s why it’s been a problem the last 3,000 years. And it may be a problem for the next 3,000 years.”

A version of this article appears in print on , on Page A1 of the New York edition with the headline: In Israel, Pride and Anxiety Greet U.S. Embassy’s Jerusalem Debut. Order Reprints | Today’s Paper | Subscribe

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newestbalance · 7 years ago