#and then talks about how he was an interrogator for the Canadian army and he teaches now

[strohller27]

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[dr-spencer-reids-queen]

To Hell...: Part Two

Pairing: Spencer Reid x Female!Reader

Word Count: ~1.9k

Summary: A man intentionally admits to murdering ten people he didn’t kill all because his sister is missing. The facts take you to a pig farm where a world of horror is waiting for you.

Warnings: canon violence, canon language, canon talk of death, methods of kill

Author’s Note: I do not own anything from Criminal Minds. All credit goes to their respective owners. If there are any warnings that exceed the normal death/kills from the show, I will list them. If you’ve seen the show, then it’s the same level of angst unless otherwise stated

x

Everyone heads back to the conference room to talk about the new evidence while Will stays in the interrogation room. You play the voicemail for everyone to hear.

"William, are you there? Something bad is happening. It's dark. I don't know where he's taking me--"

"After that, the signal cuts out."

"Is this the same night she left her mom's house?" Spencer asks.

"Yeah. Will called in an army favor. They triangulated the call to a cell tower in Canada just over the border in Port Huron. It explains why he crossed into your jurisdiction."

"It's also a surefire way to get the FBI involved. He knew we'd investigate an American citizen being held on multiple murder charges."

"You believe him?" Jeff asks you.

"I do." Penelope calls and you place her on speakerphone. "Go ahead, Penelope."

"I have good news and bad news. The good news is that I've got IDs on multiple border crosses for the dates in question. The trouble is, I've got hundreds, and as far as I can tell if your license doesn't ping for any prior felonies, you're pretty much gonna pass go and collect two hundred Canadian dollars."

"She's right. That's the busiest cross in North America. There's a lot of commercial traffic, trucks mostly. Stop and searches would cause too many delays."

"He's got a virtually free pass, and once he crosses, there's nothing but woods to hide whatever he's doing."

Rossi and Hotch managed to get Jeff to release William so that he's under the FBI's jurisdiction. Hotch wants him patrolling the streets like he's been doing. He has a rapport with those people, so he's the best bet in noticing if someone is missing. If something comes up, then there is a lot more manpower to deal with it than what Will's been given.

You and Spencer walk into the conference room where JJ is on the phone.

"Yes, ma'am, right now we just consider them missing. The second I get more information, I'll be in contact with you."

"How's it going?"

"The majority of the people on the street aren't even from Detroit. We don't have last names or hometowns on most of them. Unless there's a missing persons report on file somewhere, it's almost impossible."

"Most of these people's families probably gave up on seeing them long ago," Spencer sighs.

"A mother would never give up." You have to agree with JJ here. If your child went missing, you'd do anything to find them. "Can you hand me William's arrest report?"

Spencer does, and she leaves the room just in time for Penelope to call.

"Yeah, Garcia?"

"Sherlock, it's Watson. I think I've got something."

"What do you have?"

Rossi enters the room to hear what Penelope has to say.

"I checked Detroit crime reports over the last month because Derek and Emily astutely thought there might be some sort of assaults or disturbances having to do with our unsub. Well, it's tres weird but on five of the abduction nights, Detroit PD reports a break-in or a robbery at some type of medical facility."

"What type of medical facility?"

"We got a hospital, blood bank, medical supply company, and the Red Cross. He's not even stealing narcotics. The stuff he took is anesthesia, sterilizing equipment, and syringes."

"Where were these places located?"

"Putnam Street, St. Antoine, East Hancock, and Martin Luther King Boulevard."

"Those are all in the Cass Corridor."

That's where everyone seems to be disappearing from.

"Do you have a list of what else he stole?" you ask and grab a pen and paper.

"IV tubes, an infusion pump, units of O-negative blood, chest tubes, O-silk sutures, and Elastoplast."

"Thanks, Pen." Spencer hangs up. "You don't just randomly know how to hook a line up to an infusion pump, or that O-neg is the only safe blood type for any victim."

"I'll tell Hotch we think we know what he's doing with them," Spencer says.

Rossi and Jeff gather the men and women of the police force so that you can deliver the profile. Something about this doesn't make sense to you, but with all the evidence in front of you, you have no choice but to go with what everyone else is saying.

"We believe the man we're looking for is a sexual sadist. What this means is that for him, torture becomes a substitute for the sex act. The fact that he's stealing medical equipment like sterilizing agents and anesthesia tells us he may be performing experiments or surgeries on his victims," Rossi begins.

"We believe this unsub gets gratification from his ability to keep his victims alive in order to endure more torture. The choice of items stolen is extremely specific, which makes us believe he's got a medical background, so check disciplinary files at hospitals, med schools, and community health organizations. People would have noticed his behavior."

"This is someone who would volunteer to perform painful procedures," you state. "He would spend extra time probing a broken hand or a distended abdomen, and after a long day when everyone else is emotionally drained from multiple traumas and mangled bodies, he'd be the one pushing his coworkers to go out for a drink and talk about their day."

"Now, we know what you're thinking--a profile is fine, but our best shot at stopping this guy is still to catch him in the act. This unsub is extremely smart and obviously organized. He's managed to abduct very different victims with very different abilities, all with no witnesses. That's why we're coordinating with the police and our agents on the ground in Detroit."

"We've also asked Sergeant Hightower to act as a guide on the streets in Detroit while he's in our custody," Rossi says.

Everyone looks at Will who is silent at the table.

"That's it. If you have any questions, you find me or one of the agents," Jeff says to his people.

William is about to get up when he sees someone enter the station with JJ. He goes rigid like he's not expecting someone he knows to show up here.

"What's she doing here?" he asks angrily.

"We've notified all the family members we can locate."

"You have no right."

"It's her daughter," Rossi says. "She has a right to know."

William looks at the picture of his sister on the board and lets a tear roll down his cheek. If he's getting this emotional, then that can only mean the woman with JJ is his mother.

"It's one thing to believe Lee is lost on the streets, but I don't want her to know that there's a killer out there. We know how this is gonna end."

"No, we don't."

"Look, everything I have done is to find the truth so I can spare her. I don't want her living off hope."

"There are worse things," Jeff says.

"You're wrong. Bad news stops us for a while, but then you move on. Hope is paralyzing."

"He has a point," you say. "Hope in situations like this drains you of the person you are. I'd rather the bad news."

His mother stands at the doorway so that when he looks behind him, he sees the look on her face. He gets up to greet her even though he can't seem to say anything. She doesn't say anything but opens her arms for him, to which he hugs her back.

"Oh, my God," she whispers and pulls away from Will to approach the board with all the victims on it. "Are all these people missing?"

"We believe so."

"Do you have any suspects?"

"No, but we have a strategy to try to catch him. William is helping."

"My daughter... Is there any chance she could still be alive?"

"It's possible."

"Do you know what he's doing to them?"

"It's difficult to say."

JJ escorts Will's mother out of the room to sit somewhere else to answer a few questions. You, Hotch, and Will are going to join Derek and Emily down at the station in Detroit while the rest stay in Canada. You reach over to grab Spencer's hand but he quickly moves it away from you.

"Please don't touch me."

"Oh, okay."

"I mean, not my hands," he stutters.

"You don't have to explain yourself. It's okay. I'll call you if we find something."

You leave Spencer with that and head to Detroit with Will and Hotch. Spencer is still probably freaked out about what happened with the whole Anthrax situation, so you'll give him as much space and time as he needs to heal. In the meantime, you have a case to worry about. Emily and Derek meet you at the station when you arrive in Detroit.

"Thanks for believing me," Will says to you and Hotch.

"You don't have to thank us," you say.

"William, I want you to understand that even if we catch him, you're probably gonna end up doing some time in Canada."

"I can live with that."

You three get out and walk over to Derek and Emily who is with a woman.

"Detective Tay Benning, this is SSA Aaron Hotchner and SSA Y/N."

"Hi, this is William Hightower. He's gonna help us on the ground. Will, these are agents Prentiss and Morgan. We should split up and cover male and female potential victims."

We'll take the men," Derek says.

"I'll make introductions for you," Will offers.

"Stay close to your phones. If anyone's out of place, Detective Benning can get a name and a description of our patrol cars as quickly as possible."

You, Emily, and Hotch go off to talk to the women while Will, Detective Benning, and Derek talk to the men. This unsub is going to strike again with someone in this area soon whether that be tonight or tomorrow. He's stuck to a tight schedule in the past and you don't think he's going to deviate from that. Yes, it'd be much easier to approach a prostitute rather than a homeless man, so how is he doing it? The question is, why does he alternate victims in clusters of men and women? Why take the men at all if this has a sexual component to it?

The unsub sees these people as disposable, it doesn't matter if they're male or female. For a sexual sadist, male or female isn't important because the torture itself is the sex.

Unless sex has nothing to do with this.

With the photos that Will provided you with, you're able to go around and check off who is working on the street. There are only three people who have not been accounted for, and you go to Hotch once he's done with his section. Will had come back to Hotch after he made an introduction to Derek, so he is in the car with Hotch.

"We have three unaccounted for."

Hotch and Will get out of the car and approach some girls on the street with you and Emily by their sides.

"Excuse me, ladies, did you see any of these girls leave with customers?"

You show them the photos of the three girls.

"I saw Monica and Sasha leave with two men, but I don't know about Kelly."

"Do you know where they would go?"

"There's a parking lot down at Cass Park. The girls have their Johns park there."

Hotch walks away and dials Detective Benning to confirm this.

"What about Kelly? Is there a reason why you wouldn't have seen her leave?" you ask.

"I don't know. I could have been distracted."

"So, she was here before? Was there any reason she would sneak off?" Will asks.

"I don't know what she does. She's fresh meat out here."

"Okay," Hotch returns, "Detroit PD confirmed two prostitutes with Johns in the parking lot at Cass Park."

"We're short one girl."

"Did you know his sister, Lee Hightower?" you ask.

"Yeah, I knew her."

"Is there any place where she would have taken clients? Maybe somewhere the other girls wouldn't go?"

"She didn't do it normally. She'd try to get a real job but then she'd slip. Then about a month and a half ago, she said she was leaving."

"That's when I took her to my mom's," Will says.

"I haven't seen her since."

x

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[warsofasoiaf]

The Celtic Tiger: A Kaiserreich Ireland AAR Chapter 7: Let Slip the Dogs

14 May 1941 - Dublin Airport, Presidential Tarmac

Michael Collins was eager to return home to Ireland. The nationalist crowd were not going to be happy to hear that Canadian soldiers would be permitted to use Irish soil to help them take back the British Home Isles, but Collins was prepared to tolerate a lot more to end Union aggression. Collins had suggested that the North be used primarily for the Canadian forces, the people of the northern Six Counties were much more supportive of King Albert and the British Exiles. Collins doubled plainclothes G-2 operatives within the area; the last thing he needed were Unionist agitators seeking a return to British crown rule and making inroads to that effect. He trusted the Canadians to fight to retake the British Home Isles, but he simply didn’t trust them to stop there. 

It hadn’t been even three hours before the President had touched down before he was summoned to an emergency meeting. G-2 had discovered a foreign asset operating on Irish soil, attempting to infiltrate the Irish government. The Comité des Renseignements Généraux had sent Patrice Boulanger. No records of such a man had ever entered Ireland, and even now G-2 had an army of immigration officials combing through records to see how he had slipped the grid. They had speculated that he had been sent to make contact among sympathetic Irish socialists to support the syndicalist cause, and now that Ireland had joined the Reichspakt and Entente in coordinating their efforts, drastic action needed to be taken before Canadian soldiers could use Ireland as a staging point for attacks across the Irish Sea. Intelligence had yielded codebooks after a relatively brief interrogation, but the bigger prize had come when Boulanger’s hotel room had been searched and a microscope found in his possession. 

Richard Hayes, section chief of G-2’s cryptology division, had used the microscope to examine Boulanger’s correspondence and had found microdots, containing details of defensive postures and fortifications within Ireland and a detailed exposure of McKenna’s phantom army. Boulanger had been turned over to counter-intelligence for interrogation, but everything that he had seen had demonstrated that French intelligence had not sent only one operative to Ireland, but they had no leads on who it could be. If both operatives had been dropped into Ireland at different times, there could be no telling where he or she could be hiding. 

This had been what he wanted. Hayes had lobbied extensively for a permanent cryptography department to be added to G-2, and had consistently been forced to justify his department’s existence and expenditure. The An tArm had advocated that it had been soldiers and equipment that had defended Ireland’s shores, and the HUMINT operators within G-2 itself had argued that it had been their infiltration of the Union’s army that had given the soldiers the critical intelligence edge that they had needed, not the codebreakers. It had been a fight to continually devote more resources to acquire more and more electronic rotor machines even as Ireland attempted to devote money to building its civilian industries and churning out war materiel for the fight against the Union. Now that Ireland would need to take the fight to the shores of Britain, France, and northwestern Italy, there was need for even more production. Amtracs and landing craft to storm the beaches, more naval vessels to help provide amphibious bombardment and naval supremacy to storm the beaches, there had even been talk of designing an amphibious tank to help provide firepower to the Muirshaighduiri. But with the capture of Boulanger, Hayes had a chance to ensure that his craft would receive the respect it was owed. The enemy was a puzzle, and Hayes knew that the cypher contained the corner piece.

“I want full monitoring of all comms channels. The war will be won or lost in this room, I guarantee it. Now, if you’ll excuse me, I have to pick my daughter up from school.”

6 June 1941 - Western Approaches, Atlantic Ocean

While the threat of war had never left, Ireland had been relatively unscathed after the Internationale, Reichspakt, and Entente all went to war. 

The Union’s Republican Air Force, which had devoted much of its attention to the European mainland since the expansion of the Irish-Internationale War into the Second Weltkrieg had broken out in 1939, had begun to fly again over the territory of Ireland to resume their bombing . Yet even in just a couple of years, the difference between British incursions into Irish airspace was noticeable. Irish radar stations had been installed from Cork to Donegal, and had been improved to centimetric bands, giving the Irish air defense guns greater spotting distance, and the pilots of the An tAerchór had been more experienced than the young recruits gallantly flying in an attempt to clear the skies of Union bombers. 

Where the war never ended was on the high seas. The An tSeirbhís Chabhlaigh had the difficult duty of escorting Irish trade convoys. Given the disparity in size against the surface fleet of the Union’s Republican Navy, the admirals had elected not to engage in direct ship-to-ship combat, and had relied heavily on the Fenian Ram submarines to ambush Union trade, only electing to attack when it was possible to attack ships without destroyer escort. In the early segments of the war, this had happened on occasion, with the Union Navy stretched thin in its need to help provide naval support in the Mediterranean and off the South American coast. The Union had learned quickly, and had religiously adopted convoy systems and invested heavily in screens of destroyers and light cruisers. The Irish had retaliated by modifying their submarines to take over the primary minelaying duties, and laying mines as close to the British naval lanes as they dared. It had caused extensive damage to Union shipping, both in supply and naval personnel, and it had forced an extensive minesweeping campaign which poached ships from other duties. 

Rear Admiral Griffin, commanding the 3rd Task Group made up of destroyers and submarines, had been tasked with helping to escort American and Canadian naval vessels to Irish soil. The mission had been one of critical importance, as only the Irish navy knew of the paths through the naval mines and the Entente had opted to use several military bases in the north to house and base their troops while they prepared for the invasion. It had been a monumental logistical operation, and the first transport ships contained not troops but the resources needed to feed them. As they reached the Western Approaches, the danger was about to increase. The Union Republican Navy had consolidated their battlegroups in the middle Atlantic as not to be caught off-guard by the sizable American and Canadian fleets. However, this had left their trade convoys badly exposed, especially the convoys to Chile carrying vital resources needed to maintain their war economy, frequently captured or sunk by the Armada de la República Argentina. The Communard navy, much smaller than the Union’s, had been confined to facing the French and Italian ships in the Mediterranean to protect the southern flank in Marseilles. If there was going to be an engagement, it would be here, outside the range of Ireland’s air cover. 

The patrol patterns were simple, recon floatplanes could spot from a good distance away, and both the Americans and the Irish had a healthy number of submarines in the convoy. The Canadians had opted to sail with their battlecruisers in the line, to better maintain speed with the faster destroyers. The Viscount Cunningham had been chosen as the fleet leader for this sortie, due to his superior rank. Not that Griffin could argue, one battlecruiser was probably worth fifteen destroyers, but it stuck in the craw of a proud Irishman to take orders from an admiral in service to the British crown. But that had been the deal negotiated by his President, and it was an admiral’s duty to obey.

At 0715 hours, with the fleet going at full steam, a scoutplane radioed in that they had spotted a Union capital ship at distance. Fleet Leader Cunningham had opted to alter course and intercept the hostile craft. The Irish destroyers, trained submarine hunters, took on the role of screening for U-Boats while the American destroyers sought to fall in with the line and provide light cannon support fire for surface ships. The Canadian battlecruisers, designed for high-speed interception of capital ships, sped to attack the battleship, hoping to pounce upon it before it could join a larger attack fleet.

At 0800, the large deck guns of the RMS Liberation sang out, firing at the Irish and Entente task group. Hurriedly, orders on both sides were to converge as the ships began to escalate. Shortly after the battle had been joined, the RMS Liberation had sustained severe damage after a curtain of battlecruiser fire had given the Irish submarines the opportunity to close to torpedo range and sink the vessel, but the Liberation’s message had been received. The Republican Navy began to converge on the Free ships within the Canadian and American navies were to converge toward the Western Approaches. From the east, Admiral Seamus O’Muiris ordered his cruiser fleet to speed onwards to a potential serious conflict.

Over the course of the day, more ships began to converge toward the Western Approaches to fight a piecemeal battle. Officially dubbed the battle of the Atlantic, it was better thought of as a series of small encounter battles between naval vessels, with typically no more than five to seven capital ships engaged. The Union’s Republican Navy was able to sail north near Iceland, surprising the small Entente detachment and forcing them into port as they steamed east toward the Faroe Islands. Admiral O’Muiris fought a fierce cruiser engagement against the RMS Rebecca. When the ship was almost feared lost, the aircraft aboard relied on overwhelming the anti-aircraft guns of the task group, even flying when out of ammunition to give their comrades greater cover in the air, securing a tactically inconclusive resolution as the Rebecca was able to rejoin the larger Republican Navy without incident.

While not an overwhelming victory, the Entente proudly proclaimed the results of the battle as a sign of buoying victory and a palpable success of the Halifax Conference. The coordination between the Entente and Irish navies meant that Reclamation Day could go forward as planned, and the retaking of the Home Isles was in their grasp. 

Michael Collins was certain of their success, he was just less certain about what would come after

***

As the Entente and the Reichspakt were celebrating success in the west, a new federation had been celebrating their own successes. The Chongminq government of Cheng Jionming had taken advantage of the Zhii-Fengtian war to secure themselves in Yunnan, Sichuan, and Hunan, befriended the Ma Clique and secured peace with the Tibetan plateau, and successfully appealed to the United States and the Danubian Federation secretly through diplomats within the Legation Cities for funding and support due to their goal of a United Federated Provinces of China. As Wu Peifu and Zhang Zuolin continued to bloody themselves in the fronts around Beijing, Cheng had successfully navigated his ship of state through the shoals and had been able to secure the loyalty of Song Qing-ling, the widow of Sun Yat-Sen and through her, the beating heart of the Kuomintang. 

When Germany and Japan had gone to war over the Southeast Asian peninsula, the Federalists had seen their opportunity, and had continued to amass support and arms in preparation for their move. As Japan devoted attention to Savinkov in Transamur, and Germany began to have their trade cut off and Hellmuth von Mucke requiring to cede more autonomy to Bao Dai, the Federalists made their move. Declaring open war against Fengtian and Nanjing, Chen Jionming successfully marched from the western regions of China with a massive army. Nanjing had fallen quickly, unable to successfully the southwest in Guangdong and Guangxi. Fengtian took longer, but after their troops were encircled at the Heilong River, the Fengtian government had surrendered. As neither the German nor Japanese armies were officially in China, the loss of their proxies came as a shock. Savinkov’s eastern forces in Omsk were also not idle, seizing upon the disaster to push against Japan further, uprooting Japanese civilians that had settled in Transamur. 

Upon his ascension, Chen remained humble, and drafted a constitution with a surprisingly weak central government, ceding much power to the provinces. “We have accomplished much, but we have much more to do. It is our saying that the empire, long united, must divide, and the empire, long divided, must unite. Our federated model shall be the great solution to the Chinese puzzle. We are divided and united, separate but whole.” 

The same opinions were not shared by Germany and Japan, who had lost their respective puppet clique within China with remarkable speed. The AOG had been able to manage their concessions, but Japan had relied on unofficial connections with Fengtian to advance their interests without the notice of the Legation Council. Hellmuth von Mucke had suggested to the newly-coronated Kaiser Wilhelm III a peace deal with Japan, establishing a ceasefire and their own respective spheres of interest, lest Savinkov do to them what Jionming had done to their proxies in China. The hardliners in the Japanese military fiercely protested, but the Emperor had accepted the need to hammer out a deal, demanding their resignations and an immediate end to the conflict with Deutsche-Ostasia and the Dominion of India. Sir Atul Chandra Chatterjee had difficulty dealing with Hellmuth von Mucke, who had been gruff and direct, charged with handling German affairs in Southeast Asia but trained as an admiral, not as a diplomat. The threat of the Bharatiya Commune, who’s Totalist adherents had been attempting to join the Internationale and the Totalists in Europe, had forced the Japan-supported Princely Federation and the Entente-backed Dominion of India into a corner. A hastily-arranged peace was formed and signed by the three parties, recognizing status quo borders and an immediate swap of prisoners of war. None of the three major powers would be forced to abandon their suzerain relationships with the governments in their respective territories. 

Ernst Junger attended the conference for the Reichspakt, and shortly after, the noted author disappeared into his home for four months in a sleepless mania, writing the science fiction novel In Zungen. The novel detailed three futuristic diplomats, who had relied upon technology to handle all matters of protocol to include translation, non-verbal gestures, and etiquette even as it related to food and drink being served, had their technology fail, and what calamity fell after. When asked whether it was a metaphor for the Halifax Conference or the smaller Siamese Conference, the author shook his head, and said that it was a shoe that fit many feet.

30 August, 1941 - Brittany, France

The French countryside was a beautiful place, a pity to mar it with war.

In a coordinated landing effort, new fronts were opened up against the Communards. The French exiles successfully landed west of Marseilles, successfully breaching the French defenses after the Sardinians had successfully destroyed the last Jacobin outpost on Corsica. A renewed push on the Italian front by the Sicilians in the south and the Italian Republicans in the east had tied up the French forces in Italy, preventing them from reinforcing Marseilles. In the north, German, Belgian, and Dutch forces launched an all-out assault on French border positions. Argentine and Brazilian forces from the Reichspakt, along with Canadian, Mexican, and West Indies Federation forces from the Entente, had sought to attack in Brittany, where aerial reconnaissance had shown lighter defenses. The Commune had instituted emergency conscription rates, if intelligence reports were to be believed. Military planners believed that the green troops would be interspersed within the regular troops to not leave weak points within the line where a breakthrough could be easily achieved. 

Irish forces under Tom Barry had elected to fight in Brittany, as it was close to Ireland and didn’t run the risk of sailing through the heavily-mined English Channel. The An tArm had, since the successful repulse of the Internationale’s landing in Connacht, spent a considerable amount of time reforming its army to follow a new doctrine of speed and mobility. The Irish design bureaus led by Rory O’Connor in conjunction with Irish-Daimler, had pioneered a new type of vehicle to support this new Irish method of warfare, Motorizing the infantry had always been a goal, since foot infantry were too slow to respond to changing battlefield conditions, but truck infantry had experienced significant difficulty when in combat. The thin-skinned trucks could not stand up to sustained combat, and the armored cars that had been employed in scouting and military police duties weren’t capable of providing enough firepower. The solution had been the IV-1, nicknamed the “Ivy,” a half-track designed to protect the soldiers inside while providing autocannon fire to give the vehicle more firepower as opposed to being a simple armored personnel carrier primarily equipped for self defense with small anti-infantry weapons and firing ports. The IV-1 was equipped primarily with an autocannon, but could be modified to be a mortar carrier or high-caliber gun, or stripped down for more carrying capacity. It was held as a true infantry fighting vehicle, not a mere armored personnel carrier. The vehicle itself was a fighting platform as much as it was a tool to convey troops. The An tArm, never large compared to the armies of the superpowers, had to make up in quality what they could not produce in quantity. 

The IV-1 had performed adequately in field tests, but Barry knew it was no substitute for actual combat. Completely refitting the army had taken its time and toll, and transporting the vehicles had been a nightmare, but they had arrived in Brittany after the Argentine forces had already landed and the fighting line had been established. The Communards, either through good generalship or intelligence, had been able to stabilize the front after the landings, calling up reserves from the interior of the country and fortifying their fallback lines. The front line commanders, supported by local ground intelligence and air reconnaissance, were exceptional at finding salients and attacking an exposed position. Upon their retreat, the Communards had destroyed major roads and bridges in an attempt to slow the enemy advance, and it made exploiting breakthroughs difficult. Tom Barry, with the IV-1 and a full complement of field engineers, had been tasked with solving this problem.

The Argentinians and Brazilians had taken the east front and push toward the German and Belgians lines, while the Canadians and Irish had elected to march west to western Brittany from Cherbourg and stay near the coast and threaten the French heartland and prevent an encirclement. Barry found the Canadians to be a slow army, focused first on establishing a strong set of field fortifications and then on infiltration tactics. The Canadians were fond of night tactics and avoiding head-on confrontations with enemy strongpoints, isolating them. The bulk of the Canadian Army would bypass the enemy stronghold while leaving a small battlegroup to continually engage the enemy in attritional containment. They continually derived contingency plans for D+1 and D+2, identifying places to attack and bypass. 

Their opponent, however, perhaps demanded a degree of caution and apprehension. Georgiy Zhukov was the colossus staring at them across the field, and he was not a man to be taken lightly. He had been invited by the Jacobins as a general for the Communard army, but had been active in fighting in the Patagonian Worker’s Front and as a volunteer in the Second American Civil War. If Barry had been well-seasoned by war since the Irish invasion in 1938, Zhukov had been marinating in modern war. He was unflappable in the face of superior odds, adept at flanking and sudden attack. He perfected ambushes in the high mountain passes between Chile and Argentina, and those techniques lended himself well to the forests of France. He could move quickly and fight aggressively, engaging in small-scale probes to not expose his troops to counter-battery fire, and favored infantry divisions due to his experiences fighting with the impoverished Patagonian army. It was Zhukov who ordered the roads torn up to prevent the Entente advance. Zhukov, upon taking command, had successfully ambushed troops out of Limoges, and his bushwhacking techniques had left the Canadians with an ample abundance of caution.

Barry had suggested bringing up the tactical bombers and siege artillery to cover a Canadian infiltration at night, while the Irish IV-1’s would exploit the breakthrough and complete an encirclement. It depended on the Canadians moving quickly to reinforce the Irish spearhead before Zhukov could counter. The Argentians had voiced their support for the plan, committing an infantry division and a mountaineer squad to seize the heights. The Canadians provided their sixth and seventh Quebec infantry divisions along with naval bombardment support from their fleet off the coast, while Barry provided the mobility element, committing the 1st “Light Armor” medium tank division and the 3rd Mechanized.

The push had started quite successfully, but Zhukov had developed an ingenious set of fortifications, setting up killzones networked by tunnels wired to collapse. The Communards could attack, provide quick fire, then retreat before destroying the tunnels, which prevented air and ground recon from tracking his troops. He used telegraph lines covered in dazzle camouflage to give the illusion of field guns which served as ambush points, disguised spike strips to shred the front tires of the Irish halftracks, and drained fuel reserves in his area. The IV-1’s suffered considerably under the strain, with over 20% experiencing some form of catastrophic failure and another 35% suffering non-combat inflicted damages that required field repair. 

Gradually, however, the superior number began to take their toll on Zhukov. For every division the Jacobin general could field, his enemy could field three, and his defensive works were gradually eroded under Tom Barry’s siege artillery barrage. Irish close air support worked wonders at striking light targets, while the bomb bays of the Canadian tactical bombers helped destroy Zhukov’s fortifications and redoubts. The Entente was making ground, but slowly, and at considerable cost. Zhukov’s talent had significantly delayed the Entente advance, and as he withdrew to Toulouse, he continued to pressure the Entente forces. The exiled Russian lamented “I have no illusions, it is a lost war. I can only pray the order to end hostility and restore honor comes swiftly for the sake of the soldiers under my command.”

***

16 September 1941 -  Áras an Uachtaráin, Dublin, Ireland

At Belfast, the atmosphere had been tense. There had been several altercations between Irish civilians and Canadian soldiers on town leave, typically under the influence of alcohol. If Collins had his way, the Canadians would have been confined to their training camps, but that had never been in the cards. The Irish tension had been easy to understand, but even the Canadians were under significant stress. Their home lands were within their grasp, but they instead were planning their assault and waiting for the Belgian and German forces to secure Caen on the French territory to prevent bombardment from both sides of the channel. New airfields in the countryside had housed Canadian Halifax strategic bombers, who had made periodic sorties across the Irish Sea. Initially, these forays were costly, as the Union Republican Air Force enjoyed air superiority over their own territory, and contrary to the stated wisdom of the Royal Air Force, the bomber did not always get through. While loathe to do so, Collins eventually relented to the use of Irish fighters to help support British bombing raids, and devoted aircraft to bomber escort missions. For the first time, the shoe was on the other foot, it was now Irish soldiers going across the sea to attack targets within the British Home Islands.

This did not go over well in Ireland, and demonstrations regularly gathered to protest the war. Gatherings were quickly dispersed by police as they could be attacked, which caused Gearoid O’Cuinnegain and his Ailtirí na hAiséirghe party to openly proclaim that the Irish nation was actively repressing the people at the behest of the British crown. Collins wanted to slug it out with the bastard, or go on 2RN and mock the very notion of it, but he settled on a different tactic. Kitty Kiernan, the First Lady of Ireland, had opted to make weekly radio addresses to the Irish public, encouraging them to calm. Her simple delivery, in plain Gaelic and often with common euphemisms absent in typical government communications, spoke to the Irish people as one person to another. Kitty had volunteered for the task after reading Collins’s prepared speech, thinking that she could better deliver a speech and that Collins had more important matters of state to consider than spending three days preparing a simple radio address. Her address was popular even among Unionists in the North, and especially among women. The first address, dealing with preventing large assemblies in order to protect them from bombings, had the desired effect. Her most notable speech, however, dealt with Anglo-Irish tensions, where she encouraged Irish women to “not to take any drunkenness from anyone.” The girlfriends of Irish workers or soldiers would often defuse conflicts between the Canadians and the Irish in Belfast. The Cumann na mBan seized on this messaging, encouraging women to join the workplace and pressuring the Irish Armed Forces to accept more women in their ranks.

Tensions had been solved, but they still remained bubbling under the surface, but it was Richard Hayes who had provided the key that they needed to launch their attack. His idea had come from his daughter’s school workbooks, when he began enciphering and deciphering keywords that he had been using to help her with her vocabulary on pure whim at dinner. When he took the concepts to the intercepted Union communications, he used “break the chains” and other syndicalist turns of phrase to help produce more results. The extra manpower and equipment he had received from the Canadian and German governments had heightened his team’s ability to use machine decryption to supplement their human efforts, and that had made the final difference. The high-level Union ciphers had been broken. With that, they had been able to track Union bombers in real time. If they had exploited the information gained by the cracking of the cipher, however, it would not be long before the Union got wind and destroyed it, establishing an entirely new set of encryption. With the plans set, the invasion of Britain had to be launched early, before the southern shores of the Channel were placed under control of the Sixth Republic. 

It couldn’t come soon enough for the Canadians, who had planned to invade toward Wales, while the Irish Muirsaighdiúirí invaded near Cornwall where it could be supplied by troops coming over from Entente-controlled France. They had been supported by troops from the Dominion of India, who had been to send critically needed manpower to help crack Fortress Britain. Most of Germany’s forces were either tied up in the western or eastern front, but two divisions to “represent the Reichspakt” could be spared from the French front. The Kaiser had volunteered to provide ships to provide naval bombardment within the English Channel, along with air cover over the Union, as the ships were less useful in the ice-choked White Sea. The German long-range heavy bombers had opted to bombard the beach fortress zones. The French government, grateful that the English had come to support the retaking of their homeland, reorganized their forces to send an army to support the English effort. To camouflage their efforts, the Entente and Reichspakt executed an all-out bombing campaign, but in the days before the battle, heavily concentrated on potential landing zones in Galloway, Merseyside, and Dover, hoping to threaten principal cities and the Straits of Dover with the fear of a fast invasion meant to secure key nexus points in the Union and prevent a coordinated response.

The Irish invasion was to be led by Dan McKenna. The Muirsaighdiúirí would be the first to lead the attack, equipped with amphibious tanks and landing vehicles to support their assault with armor. The landing craft had been a joint venture between Daniel Roebling of the United States and Landsverk Inneal, under the auspices of the ESIC American Partnership program that sponsored joint research between the United States and Ireland. Following would be the 2nd Irish Army headed by the legendary 1st Thunderbolts. McKenna was happy to be chosen for the task, to be back in the thick of it just like he was in the Second American Civil War, with an entire army at his command. The invasion would begin just before dawn, so the air support could provide bombardment with a reduced risk of friendly fire. 

First, a ferocious air bombardment from Canadian and German strategic bombers attempted to weaken the fortifications and prevent any reinforcement from reserve units within the theater. Afterward, naval bombardment at dug-in positions began just as the sun began to shine, aiming for artillery pieces and machine gun nests. Then, as the sun rose, the first landing craft began to ride ominously toward the island nation. The Republican Navy attempted to intercede, but the combined naval power of the Canadian and French navies with support from the Fenian Rams had made surface engagement difficult. The Republican naval bombers had better luck, neither side were able to fully control the skies above the Union, but anti-aircraft guns onboard Irish light cruisers were able to shoot down the less armored naval bombers as they began their dives against the aircraft.

Despite the losses, the invasion was able to make landfall. The Muirsaighdiúirí had been able to land, using their amphibious tanks as protection against the Union’s dogged machine gunners. The amtracs disgorged their cargo, and the military engineer company went to work, advancing under cover fire to breach the fortifications. Pillboxes were frequently fired into with flamethrowers or bypassed after throwing two grenades in and holding the door shut. The advanced engineering designs of the Irish amphibious equipment had worked remarkably well, thanks in large part to their maintenance companies, recommended by Tom Barry, who had been critical of equipment breakdowns. The Irish made remarkable success in their advance on Cornwall, after the 2nd Irish Army landed in southern England, they pressed on their half-tracks to surround the city. While the Canadians were still attempting to push toward Liverpool, Dan McKenna reported successfully. “Tell His Uppity Highness that I’ve taken Cornwall. Minimal Losses.”

1 November 1941 - Cornwall, United Kingdom

The day after McKenna had taken Cornwall, the French front was met with greater news. The French had sent General de Gaulle with a selection of hand-picked elite units to join in the attack on Paris. The Germans and the Belgians had begrudgingly agreed to delay the attack on Paris until de Gaulle got there, issuing an ultimatum to surrender, but had ordered artillery and aerial bombardment of Communard positions. When de Gaulle had made it, the Reichspakt and the Republican French forces ordered an all-out general assault. The German forces had left the southern route toward what little territory the Jacobins controlled, to bait them into fleeing, but this had been a ruse. When they saw a large column of troops fleeing the city, they ordered their batteries to open fire, massacring the Jacobin soldiers attempting to flee the battle. The Germans and French repeated their demands, only unconditional surrender would do.

After Barry had taken Toulouse and his army had met with the French forces fighting west from Marseilles, he had reported back that the war was over in the west. Michael Collins had ordered a general withdrawal of Irish forces from the French front to be transferred to the Union of Britain, where the war had still been intense. The Irish didn’t need to be present for the eventual surrender of the Communard government. It had been Mosley who had started the war when he had invaded Ireland, and so the Union had always been the most hated foe in this Second Weltkrieg. McKenna had already begun to move east, to link up with French and Danubian forces that had crossed the Channel. 

The writing was on the wall for Mosley, but he had been defiant, ordering the workers to fight to the last, to never betray the revolution. According to G-2 operatives within the Union, however, more bodies of suspected deserters had been seen hanged from the lamposts as the Totalist commissars began to crack down on dissenters and malcontents. Stating that “every worker is a revolutionary and every revolutionary is prepared to fight for the revolution,” Mosley had instituted mass conscription, and ordered the creation of the Torchbearers, a militia unit that conscripted anyone between the ages of 16-60 not in a military unit, to make up for the losses that they had suffered over the course of the long war. 

McKenna had seen a blistering advance in his push through Cornwall. Not heavily defended, and where it was defended it was often done by poorly-trained soldiers who could not operate mortars effectively. They would often wait until the very last moment, hiding under the hulks of cars or in the remnants of burned out buildings, before firing wildly with their rifles, hoping to wound as many soldiers as possible. The IV-1’s were effective in shielding the Irish soldiers from enemy fire, and the poorly-armed troops were no match for experienced IRA soldiers, made hard by the fires of war.

McKenna remembered back to that cold morning in New York when he discovered Welfare Island, and felt sick to his stomach. These weren’t soldiers he was shooting, they were kids and greybeards. They were either too brainwashed, too frightened, or too dead inside to do anything but hope for an end to their suffering; McKenna wasn’t sure which he hated more. In his dispatch, he asked Collins to allow him to push toward London as hard as they could manage. They were going to wait for the Canadians to advance through the Midlands, but every day was taking it’s toll. “We need this war to end, sir. It’s glory has long since faded. The righteousness of our defense is strong, but now we are fighting someone too weak to even hold their arms.”

***

7 January 1942 - London, Restored Government of Britain

It was over. The Third Internationale had fallen.

With Collins’s blessing, McKenna had made rapid progress, running into stiff resistance only near London, where Mosley’s elite had been maintaining order. McKenna’s troops were the first into the city, annoying the Canadian troops who had assumed that they would receive the same honor that de Gaulle was afforded by the Reichspakt. Irish troops had successfully broken through the Union’s defenses on the Thames, and had scattered the troops now fighting in isolated pockets within the streets. Other members of the Irish Army took to burning hammer and torch banners wherever they could find them, and three members even took to waving the Irish tricolor over Westminster Hall, though they quickly took it down after snapping a photograph for their own personal enjoyment.

Mosley had committed suicide in his command bunker when the Irish had broken through. In his private memoirs, he had vacillated between moments of extreme despair and anger, lashing out furiously at those he was certain to have betrayed him, including Marcel Deat, Eric Blair, and each of his generals. Without their leader, the Totalists within the Union fell into small bands. Mosley had offered no clear succession even up to the end. Eric Blair ended up ordering a general surrender, but this hadn’t been accepted wholly. More than one fireteam had feigned surrender to the Canadians, only to drop two grenades at their feet. Nervous Entente soldiers often fired on surrendering troops fearing that they would be the next to fall prey to Mosley’s farewell.

It had taken King Albert to issue a general amnesty by radio, for soldiers to enact proper procedure to take individuals into custody and return some semblance of normalcy in government. Eric Blair publicly surrendered himself and the Totalist War Cabinet to Marshal Alan Brooke in a public ceremony in London, still ravaged by the bombings and shellings.

For the Internationale, both Deat and Brooke were flown to Scapa Flow to formalize the final end of hostilities. The Totalists were forced to acknowledge that their governments were illegitimate, and as such the decrees they made in rulership could be voided by the returning, rightful governments of the British and French governments. Michael Collins had also made sure to attend, and King Albert ensured that a specific clause mentioning the atrocities in Connacht and Mosley’s war of aggression were identified as crimes against humanity and crimes against peace. Mosley had amassed a small fortune of gold bouillon hidden in his command bunker. While most had been reserved for the reconstruction of Britain and France, King Albert ensured that a portion went to the victims of Connacht.

It was a long war, and there was still more to come. Savinkov still fought with the Reichspakt and the Co-Prosperity Sphere, though without the Internationale to draw the attention of the Reichspakt he was unlikely to secure overwhelming victory. But for a moment, the victorious delegation had a moment of peace. How long it could last was anyone’s guess.

---

Images

The Second Weltkrieg

Capturing an Operative

Lancaster Bombers

Sneaky Submarine Attack

Sinking a Capital Ship with Overwhelming Firepower

French Countryside Being Bombed

Barry vs. Zhukov

Kitty Kiernan’s Fireside Chat

Dan McKenna and his Mechanized Infantry

The Irish Take London

Next chapter done. I honestly felt a little tired writing this, not because I don’t like the chapter, but I had some more writing done about some of the terrible things that happened in the war and it just made me feel depressed. 

I absolutely had to make certain that Zhukov got his due here. Part of it was due to his reputation in-game, you can see the massive number of medals he has and he’s a skill 6 general, but also I wanted to ensure that the Totalists weren’t all a bunch of loons like Mosley. Zhukov fit the bill, I’d say, but you’ll get to see what happens to him next chapter.

There’s only one more to go, plus the appendix where I’m going to detail my units and really go ham on worldbuilding. I’m actually super looking forward to that appendix, but I’m excited to write about the peace process and the aftermath. I promise there will be notes of melancholy and notes of sweet, other than that you’ll have to wait and see.

-SLAL

[thewebofslime]

archive.today webpage capture Saved from no other snapshots from this url 12 Mar 2019 05:29:35 UTC Redirected from no other snapshots from this url All snapshots from host www.washingtonpost.com WebpageScreenshot sharedownload .zipreport error or abuse  Sections  Democracy Dies in Darkness Try 1 month for $1 Sign In Thanks for reading. Try one month of unlimited access for $1. View offer × Share on Google Plus Share on Facebook Share on Twitter Share on Google Plus Share via Email Share on LinkedIn Share on Pinterest Share on Tumblr Resize Text Print Article Comments0 25 Years of Nightmares By David Remnick July 28, 1985 Harvey Wein stein, a quiet, bearded man who practices psychiatry at Stanford University, says there are days when he is "ashamed" of his profession, nights when he cannot stop thinking about the Canadian psychiatrist who "ruined my father's life . . . Left him with nothing. It's a nightmare that never ends." With funding from the CIA, the late Dr. D. Ewen Cameron did a series of mind-control experiments on 53 people, including Harvey Weinstein's father, Louis, a prosperous Montreal businessman. All had come to the Allan Memorial Institute of McGill University in Montreal between 1957 and 1961 for treatment of various psychological ailments. The experiments, Weinstein says, left his father "a human guinea pig, a poor pathetic man with no memory, no life. He lost his business, he lost everything." Weinstein is one of nine plaintiffs in a lawsuit, seeking damages from the CIA. To erase or "de-pattern" personality traits, Cameron gave his subjects megadoses of LSD, subjected them to drug-induced "sleep therapy" for up to 65 consecutive days and applied electroshock therapy at 75 times the usual intensity. To shape new behavior, Cameron forced them to listen to repeated recorded messages for 16-hour intervals, a technique known as "psychic driving." Cameron and the CIA were interested in brainwashing and the ability to redirect thought and action. The patients did not consent to the treatment and were never told they were being used for research. "When you're 13 years old and you see your father -- an independent, kind, smart person -- become a different man before your eyes, it's impossible to accommodate that," Weinstein says. "I remember one of his first visits home from the hospital. He didn't talk much, and when he did talk it made no sense. When he wasn't sleeping he was drowsy. He asked us things about his parents, even though they'd been dead for years. His memory was gone. At night once, when I was in bed, I saw him come into my room and urinate on the floor. He didn't know where he was. "My father has ended up feeling guilty that he had done something to deserve this punishment. He is convinced the CIA listens to his telephone. He's ashamed, embarrassed. My mother died without seeing the end of this. It will be a tragedy if my father dies without restoring some sense of dignity to his life." Today Louis Weinstein lives alone in Montreal, cared for by his two grown daughters. No one knows the whereabouts of all the subjects, some of whom may be dead. But Louis Weinstein and eight others, including Velma Orlikow, the wife of a New Democratic Party member of the Canadian parliament, claim they have been injured irreparably by the experiments. "I'd say Velma operates at about 20 percent of capacity," David Orlikow says. "It's horrific." The CIA's involvement in mind control experiments has been coming to light for years. The suit filed by the group against the U.S. government has been pending here in U.S. District Court since December 1980 before Judge John Garrett Penn. The plaintiffs originally asked for $1 million each in damages but have cut that to $175,000. The government has offered to pay $25,000. The group's attorney, Joseph Rauh Jr., calls the settlement offer "demeaning" and contends that the CIA has managed to delay the proceedings by "stonewalling." The CIA's counsel, Lee Strickland, declined to comment on the case. Agency spokeswoman Kathy Pherson said, "We don't comment on cases under litigation. It's inappropriate to try cases in the press." In Cameron's defense, Brian Robertson, the present director of the Allan Institute, and James Farquhar, a psychiatrist there, wrote in the Montreal Gazette that "we have not been able to uncover a single shred of evidence that Dr. Cameron knew of the CIA connection with his research funding." They said Cameron's work "must be placed in its historical context" and that "in Cameron's day researchers were not expected to inform their patients of the nature of their research in the way that they are today." The CIA has asked Judge Penn to block Rauh from taking depositions from two key agency figures -- Stacey Hulse and John Knaus, who have been publicly identified as former CIA station chiefs in Ottawa. They are both retired. Cameron, who died of a heart attack while mountain climbing in 1967, had been one of the most prominent psychiatrists in North America. A former president of both the Canadian and American psychiatric associations, he was selected to diagnose Nazi figures, including Rudolf Hess, during the Nuremberg trials. (He declared Hess sane.) But for his work on brainwashing and mind control, critics have called him a "mad scientist." "We hanged Nazis for doing the sort of things Cameron did," says Rauh. "Cameron wanted to be up there with Freud," says David Orlikow. "He wanted that stature, so he would do anything. Anything! It was horrific." Since World War II, U.S. intelligence agencies have been interested in the techniques of controlling behavior and thought. The military was especially intrigued by interrogation techniques used on American POWs during the Korean War. Brainwashing entered the American vocabulary. The CIA's first major project in the area, called ARTICHOKE, was rudimentary compared to MKULTRA, which succeeded it in 1953. Through front organizations, the CIA channeled about $10 million to dozens of universities and independent researchers. In one highly publicized experiment an Army employe, Dr. Frank Olson, was given LSD without his knowledge. He was hospitalized and days later jumped out a window to his death. Few people knew much about MKULTRA and cases like those of Frank Olson until 1977, when requests for documents under the Freedom of Information Act exposed the nature and breadth of the CIA's activities. Such intelligence experiments have since been outlawed. Former CIA director Richard Helms had ordered papers concerning the experiments in Montreal destroyed in 1973, but in 1977, acting on a Freedom of Information Act request by writer John Marks, then-CIA director Adm. Stansfield Turner announced that some files had not been destroyed. Those documents form the basis of what is generally known about the work of D. Ewen Cameron. A CIA chemist, Sidney Gottlieb, supervised the MKULTRA project from within the agency, documents show. A CIA doctor, Lt. Col. James L. Monroe, worked undercover and ran the Society for the Investigation of Human Ecology, the organization that channeled money to Cameron and the Allan Institute. Rauh contends that Cameron knew the CIA was interested in his work and actively solicited the grant. With the CIA's approval (and with checks drawn against U.S. Treasury funds), documents show that Monroe got at least $60,000 to Cameron. Velma Orlikow: I suffer from chronic depression which sometimes becomes acute. I call those periods my 'black holes.' I don't see anybody and I won't leave the house. I can't read and I used to love to read. I can't write a letter. I have unexplained fears. I wake up at night afraid and I don't know why. I'm trying to limp through my life like someone who's been in a terrible accident that leaves them crippled. Dr. Cameron could be cruel if you didn't do exactly what he wanted. He was a god figure to the patients. He'd say to me, 'What's the matter with you, lassie?' I still hear his voice sometimes. Ewen Cameron was born in Scotland and educated at the University of Glasgow, the Glasgow Royal Mental Hospital and at Johns Hopkins. He first won a measure of fame for setting up mobile psychiatric clinics in the '30s in Canada. During the war, Cameron was part of an international committee of psychiatrists and social scientists who studied the origins and nature of Nazi culture. He published numerous articles on mass psychology during wartime. Cameron began the Allan Memorial Institute in 1943 with the help of a grant from the Rockefeller Foundation. He gave numerous speeches on "the problem of Germany" and believed that the psychology and forces that gave to rise to Nazism may have been longstanding in German culture. Although he was based in Montreal, Cameron became an American citizen and angered many in the bilingual community of Montreal for being an insistent English speaker. More and more, Cameron came to believe in the possibility of changing the human mind, of altering thought and behavior patterns. But rather than experiment in psychotherapy, what Freudians have called "the talking cure," Cameron believed in quicker, organic means, including drugs and electroshock. He began experimenting on organic ways of controlling schizophrenia. The experiments of 1957-1961 were done on patients, mostly women, who entered the Allan Institute voluntarily, usually at the recommendation of a private physician. Louis Weinstein went to the institute suffering from respiratory and digestive difficulties caused by anxiety. After undergoing the complete treatment of LSD and other drugs, electroshock and psychic driving, Weinstein is, in his son's words, a "lost soul . . . My father has no social sense, how to keep clean, how to carry on a conversation." "They took his self away from him." Velma Orlikow suffered from depression after the birth of her daughter. After several years of treatment with a private psychiatrist in Winnipeg, she entered the Allan Institute to speed her progress. Without being told the nature of the injections, she was given shots of LSD on 14 occasions and went through psychic-driving sessions. She found the treatments frightening but, according to her testimony, Cameron persuaded her to continue until 1963. Now Orlikow says she cannot concentrate well, can no longer read books or magazine articles. Dr. Mary Morrow approached Cameron for a fellowship in psychiatry, but Cameron thought, after a physical exam, that Morrow appeared "nervous" and admitted her as a patient instead. For 11 days, Morrow says she underwent de-patterning experiments that included electroshock treatment, and barbiturates. The treatment resulted in a brain anoxia -- not enough oxygen reaching the brain -- and she was hospitalized. Today Morrow suffers from prosopagnosia -- she cannot recognize people's faces. The list goes on. Robert Logie, a native of Vancouver, says he cannot hold a steady job or sleep without the help of drugs. He suffers from severe depression and still dreams about the experiments. Lyvia Stadler of Montreal has been institutionalized. In his court claim, Rauh claims that not only did the experiments have "no likely therapeutic value," they also violated the accepted standards of medical experimentation as formulated at the Nuremberg War Crimes Trials and ratified in the Charter of the United Nations. "The frustration is incredible," Harvey Weinstein says. "It's impossible to know, to ever know, what kind of life my father might have led, what kind of lives all these people might have led, if this had never happened. So much has been stolen from my father and everyone like him." Dr. Mary Morrow: "I'm 68 years old now. Most of us who have suffered from Ewen Cameron are getting old. I don't have a cent left in savings. I've spent it all on lawyers. The stigma of this case ruined me professionally. I think I'll be dead and buried by the time this is over.  0 Comments Must Reads newsletter Get five of our best stories in your inbox every Saturday, plus a peek behind the scenes into how one came together. 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