#and now we are left with a fetishization of hiearchies

[blackwoolncrown]

You are not immune to propaganda.

This includes sexuality.

*transphobes DNI*

[the-merricatherine]

To White Radicals: Your Role in Revolution with Non-White Radicals

From the conception of race, to its fetishization and implementation throughout the globe in oppressing who was originally considered non-Human via capitalism and social death, Whites have also had their share in the fight for their liberation. This materialized in wars such as the American Revolution, the French Revolution, and even the Bolshevik revolutions that resulted in the first socialist of the postfeudal world. Where existing states with similiar characteristics to socialism are not included, White radicals are often shielded or find their discovery often times obscured by the oppressive orthodoxy of nany Leftist theories. Not all of these battles for white freedom resulted in socialism, and none resulted in freedom for Blacks and Native Americans. Nevertheless, they were battles fought against tyrannical modes of state rule, such as “taxation without representation”. Within the current systems of oppression — neocolonialism, cryptofascism, the protracted genocide of non-white people in every country on Earth — it is only that much more difficult for a white radical to perceive their own oppression as powered by anti-blackness and anti-indigineity. The fight for higher wages, better standards of living, and general equality are in fact also obscured from white radicals, regardless of economic background, based on this fact. Many white radicals of today come from middle class backgrounds, not nuch different from the New Left of the 60s and 70s. They do not face racial oppression, nor do they face the hardships of America’s growing working class (working class defined by those able to make living wages). Their oppression is somewhat abstract, and globalized. They seek an end to the tyranny that is capitalism, often times heavily inspired by the plight of non-white populations not only in the past, but in the present — locally, and globally. Terms like “wage slave” are thrown around, when in fact they are prime examples of non-White suffering and trauma being appropriated into a romanticized vision of self that White radicals have never experienced nor have had the bad luck of being descendent from. In other words, the metaphor of the genocided Native and that of the enslaved Black, are mobilized into indenties for White movements regardless of how true to life they are. The oppressions white radicals currently face are not racial and nuch less often due to class exploitation, and are therefore more abstract and removed enough from the face of poverty in America — sometimes enough to make it even seem removed from white lives. Nonetheless, white radicals have a growing importance in the global revolutionary movement. I stress importance, because their value can be very good, or very bad. A quickly growing amount of organizing boosted since Trump’s presidency has been cultivated by non-Black, non-Native radicals inspired to take a stand against neocolonialism both without and within America: in the Phillipines, against Israel, in India, Venezuela, and within Black, Brown, and Native American communities in North and South America. The current colonial officers (policemen, the National Guard, and government officials themselves) offer no laws that non-White people are due to respect, for theur lives are constantly under surveillance and the threat of pain and death that reach metaphysical heights. And you experience none of this as a collective peoples. Unconsciously, white radicals see the riots of Ferguson and other decolonial uprisings as heroic, often times getting mixed in the process. They look up to us as a source of inspiration for their organizing and their virtues. It can be said that without Black death, even grouos such as the ISO would have no stake in building as quickly as they have been. We are their heroes, the same way many look up to Cuba, Vietnam, and Rojava. So the question remains: How is it that a white middle classed anti-fascist can identify with one of us poorer, racially unentitled folk and yet uphold a system of white supremacy with capitalist and even slaveocracy-like motives? They can not, and they never will be able. Yet they persist in showing up, albeit sometimes and somewhat ineffectively (Occupy), to do the best they can. The answer to the above question then is that while a white radical can only identify as anti-fascist, or anti-imperialist, they are not constituently anti-racist. In fact, most telling key word in this identification is “white”. We know that the US was founded and currently thrives on an unstable base of protracted Black and Red genocide and social death, the kind that turned Africans in to Blacks, and Natives into Reds. Knowing that this is a historically material fact, one can declare that this illegitimate country is white supremacist. And because your identification is “white”, you must understand that you inherently benefit from white supremacy — maybe not economically in obvious ways, but always ontologically, for even the trajectory of success a white person can achieve always overshadows that of a non-white person in America. So while a white radical may be anti-fascist, they can and often do practice white supremacy. And this is not by accident. The word “racist” has for too long now been used as a descriptor to identify a person who practices racism. However this implies that there isn’t a global system of hiearchy stemming directly from white supremacy that materializes in systemic, overt, andindividualized situations of racism and colorism. So no, not everyone can be racist. There are racists, and there are non-racists, and all racists benefit. Therefore, whites are placed ontologically above all non-whites while this system of white supremacy exists. Thetefore, in order for a white radical to truly be revolutionary is throwing this entirely unnatural way of being to the wayside, they would also have to learn and adopt the ways in which they can be anti-racist and decolonial. I stress the potential of “best they can” because it is impossible for a white person to not reproduce systems and ontologies of systemic racism that radicals such as myself have faced within Leftist spaces — from being told that I am “appropriating womanhood” to being told that I can’t speak about ny experiences growing up in a South Bronx ghetto because I am not Jewish (implying ghettos are constituently an anti-Jewish invention of the past). And so it may seem as if I am suggesting that white radicals have no use, yet I assure you that this is not the case. In emulating non-white originating methods of organizing such as breakfast programs, white radicals are ineffectively appropriating and seizing non-white liberation for their own. When they fight using these tactics, whether it has a Black or Brown or Native face, the goal of the tactic will always fall short of our liberation due to the simple fact that white radicals are not acknowledging their inspiration, and in effect, not acknowledging the decolonial, anti-imperialist vanguard of liberation for all mankind: non-White people. They make stands against the alt-right, stands against Nazis, rightfully deciding that they offer no platform, while in the same motion refusing to give non-white people a voice of their own. How? By simply not seeking out non-white, radical opinions to speak for them as the vanguard of Anti-Fascist, anti-imperialist, and anti-racist movements in North America. And this is a shame that ought not be permanent. What can white radicals do? Many white radicals are least vocallyappear to be sincere in creating an ontological space for Blacks in response to the Middle Passage’s methodical approach to creating Black placelessness — the lack of origin (and therefore land) beyond slavery for many African-Americans. They seem sincere in protecting immigrants escaping poverty in second, third, and fourth world colonies: hands off Latin America, withdraw from the Black and Native inter-colonial masses, hands off women and transgendered folk like myself. We can catalyze the materialization of the more pristine moral standards your problematic favorites often times only expressed. But in order to do so, we need a voice of our own. And with our voice, a coherent movement can be built through the synthesized criticisms and improvements we make on those problematic favorites. If you can’t allow us the space, some day we will have to take it ourselves. But if you can give us free fun training, free security culture workshops and the like, we can work together to build. And so we must ask our accomplices, those willing to adhere to the principle of “liberation at any means necessary “, those race traitors and class traitors, to consider our autonomy on the matter, or more accurately, the lack thereof. Consider that many of us are not able to organize for a plethora of reasons: because we will not be able to walk off court as easily as you do, our trials often will go in televised, our deaths are many more than what is videotaped and doled out across the internet like trauma porn, with Native deaths by colonial policemen being at least 50% higher this year than last year… All of us lives behind the frontlines of racism. So, here we have a situation in which White radicals are doing most of the organizing, while the rest of us were born into surviving a constantly country-revolutionary environment, moreso than white radicals of today. White Leftists, primarily, ought to align themselves with the anti-imperialist struggles not only around the world, but also within their own backyard — with non-white radicals struggling to organize within our own spaces. Secondly, they ought to make decisions on who they recognize as comrades: Do you recognize the puritanical platitudes of Jacobin, or do you recognize the revolutionary and high-key nuance of Bobby London and Frank B. Wilderson? Are you invested in the NeoZapatismo and Naxal movements, or do you spend your time wearing transantagonistic knit wear for neoliberal Nasty Girl marches? These are direct opposites. These are dichotomous choices are to be made because they are direct opposites, the spectrum itself leaning to either. The rest of us, non-whites, want to destroy this system of oppression entirely, some of us live the experience without a peep of consent ever muttered from our mouths since birth… And the rest, benefit off our suffering by taking up too much space with social capital, and by being inspired by our deaths and suffering. After white revolutionaries make these choices, they have an obligation to act. After you make revolutionary choices, white radicals can be made truly revolutionary through unhinged support of Black, Brown, and Native struggle against oppression. We demand that white racists, and racist policemen withdraw. When we are attacked by colonial officers, when a rapist is within our ranks, when a racist is identified by one of us, the white Leftists of academia, Antifa, and all other revolutionary whites ought to respond by defending us. Recognize us as your revolutionary muses. Let us show you what our liberation will look like . In the end, it comes down to you giving us the gun, literally, or we will someday find ourselves taking it. And if you can’t give us one, it is your obligation to support self-defense of the Black, Brown, and other non-White colonies we live in through activities like crowdfunding and carpooling for gun training, breakfasts and dinners, education, and most importantly, safer space where we will be able to do it all on our own. Allow us a voice where white supremacy doesn’t. Validate our call outs, stay out of our call-ins. Allow us consent, respect our humanly-deserved autonomy. If anything, we know more about what our communities want than you ever will. Most of us have already voiced our preference of what you may call communism and socialism over our current capitalist society. That is the only common string we need.