#Uttar Pradesh Elections 2022 News

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UP By Election Results Live: यूपी की एक लोकसभा और दो विधानसभा सीटों पर मतगणना आज 8 बजे से, तैयारी पूरी

UP By Election Results Live: यूपी की एक लोकसभा और दो विधानसभा सीटों पर मतगणना आज 8 बजे से, तैयारी पूरी

07:32 AM, 08-Dec-2022 सुबह 8 से शुरू होगी मतगणना मुख्य निर्वाचन अधिकारी अजय कुमार शुक्ला ने बताया कि सुबह 8 से मतगणना शुरू होगी। उन्होंने बताया कि मैनपुरी लोकसभा क्षेत्र के करहल, मैनपुरी, भोगांव और किशनी विधानसभा क्षेत्र के बूथों की मतगणना मैनपुरी में होगी। जसवंतनगर विधानसभा क्षेत्र की मतगणना इटावा में होगी। 06:55 AM, 08-Dec-2022 भाजपा ने किया बड़े अंतर से जीत का दावा भाजपा प्रदेश अध्यक्ष…

[news365timesindia]

[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 15th October. In what has been a shocking turn of events for both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, the 2024 general elections delivered a bitter blow to the ruling party in its once impregnable stronghold. Uttar Pradesh, which was long considered the BJP’s bastion, became one of the primary reasons for the party’s inability to secure a third consecutive term with an absolute majority at the national level. Hopes of replicating the 2019 performance, when the party clinched 62 seats, were dashed as it fell to a mere 33 seats—just over half of the previous tally. Now, with by-elections on the horizon for ten crucial assembly seats in Uttar Pradesh, the political landscape is once again shifting. This electoral battle is pivotal not just for the BJP but for Yogi Adityanath himself, whose leadership capabilities are under the spotlight after the party’s disappointing performance in the general elections. As the state braces for a fiercely contested by-election, the question looms: Can Yogi Adityanath’s leadership revive the party’s fortunes, or will the BJP continue to struggle in these key constituencies? The Political Landscape: A Tough Road Ahead for BJP The upcoming by-elections will be held in ten constituencies: Milkipur, Karhal, Katehari, Ghaziabad, Kundarki, Khair, Meerapur, Phulpur, Manjhwa, and Sisamau. Of these, five were previously held by the Samajwadi Party (SP), three by the BJP, and one each by the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) and the Nishad Party. The distribution of these seats indicates that the BJP faces a tough challenge, especially in constituencies dominated by the Samajwadi Party and other regional players. Furthermore, the outcome of these elections could influence the broader political narrative in Uttar Pradesh as the state prepares for its next assembly election. The by-elections will be a litmus test for Yogi Adityanath’s leadership, especially as his political standing took a hit after the general election results. Many in political circles have started questioning whether Adityanath’s governance style, which once galvanized the BJP’s voter base, is now beginning to lose its magic. Key Constituencies Where BJP May Struggle Several constituencies in the upcoming by-elections present significant challenges for the BJP. Let’s examine a few in detail: Milkipur: Historically a Samajwadi Party stronghold, Milkipur was once represented by Awadhesh Prasad, who vacated the seat after becoming a Member of Parliament. In the 2022 Assembly elections, the Samajwadi Party won here comfortably, defeating BJP’s candidate by over 13,000 votes. With a substantial Scheduled Caste and OBC voter base, the SP is poised to retain its dominance in the constituency, and the BJP will need a significant shift in voting behavior to have any chance of success. Karhal: A bastion of the Samajwadi Party since 1993, Karhal is an uphill battle for the BJP. In the 2022 Assembly elections, Akhilesh Yadav won this seat before vacating it for his Lok Sabha constituency in Kannauj. Tej Pratap Yadav, Akhilesh’s cousin, has been fielded by the SP in this by-election, bolstering the party’s chances. With 130,000 Yadav voters, along with significant Scheduled Caste and Muslim support, Karhal presents a difficult path for the BJP. Kundarki: This constituency, now vacated after the election of Jiyaur Rahman to the Lok Sabha, features a Muslim-majority electorate that has historically leaned toward the Samajwadi Party. With the BJP struggling to secure a foothold among the region’s significant Muslim and Dalit population, the party will need to deploy a highly strategic campaign if it hopes to gain ground here. Katehari: Another difficult seat for the BJP, Katehari is contested by the SP’s Shobhawati Verma, wife of MP Lalji Verma. This seat became vacant following Lalji Verma’s resignation, and the SP remains a dominant force here. Although the BJP has yet

to announce its candidate, potential candidates like Dharmraj Nishad and Awadhesh Dwivedi face an uphill battle against entrenched SP support. Meerapur: This constituency has a diverse electorate, with 40% of voters belonging to the Muslim community and another 50,000 Scheduled Caste voters. RLD’s Chandan Chauhan vacated the seat after winning a Lok Sabha seat, and the BJP faces a challenge in this largely non-traditional stronghold. Speculation has arisen that the BJP may concede this seat to the RLD in a gesture of political accommodation, but the dynamics of the constituency will make it a difficult battleground. Manjhwa: Previously held by the Nishad Party’s Dr. Vinod Kumar Bind, Manjhwa represents a unique electoral dynamic with an almost evenly distributed caste composition. While the Nishad Party has traditionally had sway here, the BJP has chosen not to field a candidate from its ally’s ranks, opting instead for direct contestation. This decision could fracture the vote, adding an additional layer of complexity to the race. Sisamau: The disqualification of Samajwadi Party MLA Irfan Solanki has opened up this seat for by-election. His wife, Naseem Solanki, has been nominated by the SP, and with a significant Muslim and Brahmin voter base, the SP is in a strong position. The BJP will need to carefully craft its campaign to attract non-Muslim voters, particularly Dalits and Brahmins, to have any chance of success here. Challenges for Yogi Adityanath and BJP The by-elections present both a challenge and an opportunity for Yogi Adityanath and the BJP. On one hand, these elections provide a platform for the party to reclaim lost ground and restore confidence in Adityanath’s leadership. On the other hand, the political dynamics in these constituencies suggest that the BJP’s traditional base may not be enough to secure victory, especially given the strong presence of regional players like the Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Lok Dal. Yogi Adityanath’s appeal, which has previously galvanized support in key regions of Uttar Pradesh, is being tested. The results of the by-elections will likely reflect whether the Chief Minister still holds the sway he once did or if voters are beginning to shift their allegiance to other parties in the face of new political realities. Conclusion The upcoming by-elections in Uttar Pradesh represent a crucial test for both the BJP and Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. Following the party’s dramatic fall in seat count during the 2024 general elections, the by-elections serve as an opportunity for the BJP to regain its footing. However, the road ahead is fraught with challenges, particularly in constituencies like Karhal, Milkipur, and Kundarki, where the Samajwadi Party and other regional players have a firm grip on the electorate. Yogi Adityanath’s leadership will face an even greater test than before. His ability to address the doubts raised after the general election loss will be critical to the BJP’s success. While his charisma and hardline governance approach have previously resonated with a broad voter base, the political landscape is shifting. The BJP will need a more nuanced strategy that goes beyond mere reliance on Adityanath’s appeal. The by-elections are not just a referendum on the BJP’s performance but also a reflection of the changing dynamics of Uttar Pradesh politics. For Yogi Adityanath, it will be a moment of reckoning—whether he can steer the party through these turbulent waters or if his influence is beginning to wane will become evident in the results of these key contests.   [ad_2] Source link

[news365times]

[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 15th October. In what has been a shocking turn of events for both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, the 2024 general elections delivered a bitter blow to the ruling party in its once impregnable stronghold. Uttar Pradesh, which was long considered the BJP’s bastion, became one of the primary reasons for the party’s inability to secure a third consecutive term with an absolute majority at the national level. Hopes of replicating the 2019 performance, when the party clinched 62 seats, were dashed as it fell to a mere 33 seats—just over half of the previous tally. Now, with by-elections on the horizon for ten crucial assembly seats in Uttar Pradesh, the political landscape is once again shifting. This electoral battle is pivotal not just for the BJP but for Yogi Adityanath himself, whose leadership capabilities are under the spotlight after the party’s disappointing performance in the general elections. As the state braces for a fiercely contested by-election, the question looms: Can Yogi Adityanath’s leadership revive the party’s fortunes, or will the BJP continue to struggle in these key constituencies? The Political Landscape: A Tough Road Ahead for BJP The upcoming by-elections will be held in ten constituencies: Milkipur, Karhal, Katehari, Ghaziabad, Kundarki, Khair, Meerapur, Phulpur, Manjhwa, and Sisamau. Of these, five were previously held by the Samajwadi Party (SP), three by the BJP, and one each by the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) and the Nishad Party. The distribution of these seats indicates that the BJP faces a tough challenge, especially in constituencies dominated by the Samajwadi Party and other regional players. Furthermore, the outcome of these elections could influence the broader political narrative in Uttar Pradesh as the state prepares for its next assembly election. The by-elections will be a litmus test for Yogi Adityanath’s leadership, especially as his political standing took a hit after the general election results. Many in political circles have started questioning whether Adityanath’s governance style, which once galvanized the BJP’s voter base, is now beginning to lose its magic. Key Constituencies Where BJP May Struggle Several constituencies in the upcoming by-elections present significant challenges for the BJP. Let’s examine a few in detail: Milkipur: Historically a Samajwadi Party stronghold, Milkipur was once represented by Awadhesh Prasad, who vacated the seat after becoming a Member of Parliament. In the 2022 Assembly elections, the Samajwadi Party won here comfortably, defeating BJP’s candidate by over 13,000 votes. With a substantial Scheduled Caste and OBC voter base, the SP is poised to retain its dominance in the constituency, and the BJP will need a significant shift in voting behavior to have any chance of success. Karhal: A bastion of the Samajwadi Party since 1993, Karhal is an uphill battle for the BJP. In the 2022 Assembly elections, Akhilesh Yadav won this seat before vacating it for his Lok Sabha constituency in Kannauj. Tej Pratap Yadav, Akhilesh’s cousin, has been fielded by the SP in this by-election, bolstering the party’s chances. With 130,000 Yadav voters, along with significant Scheduled Caste and Muslim support, Karhal presents a difficult path for the BJP. Kundarki: This constituency, now vacated after the election of Jiyaur Rahman to the Lok Sabha, features a Muslim-majority electorate that has historically leaned toward the Samajwadi Party. With the BJP struggling to secure a foothold among the region’s significant Muslim and Dalit population, the party will need to deploy a highly strategic campaign if it hopes to gain ground here. Katehari: Another difficult seat for the BJP, Katehari is contested by the SP’s Shobhawati Verma, wife of MP Lalji Verma. This seat became vacant following Lalji Verma’s resignation, and the SP remains a dominant force here. Although the BJP has yet

to announce its candidate, potential candidates like Dharmraj Nishad and Awadhesh Dwivedi face an uphill battle against entrenched SP support. Meerapur: This constituency has a diverse electorate, with 40% of voters belonging to the Muslim community and another 50,000 Scheduled Caste voters. RLD’s Chandan Chauhan vacated the seat after winning a Lok Sabha seat, and the BJP faces a challenge in this largely non-traditional stronghold. Speculation has arisen that the BJP may concede this seat to the RLD in a gesture of political accommodation, but the dynamics of the constituency will make it a difficult battleground. Manjhwa: Previously held by the Nishad Party’s Dr. Vinod Kumar Bind, Manjhwa represents a unique electoral dynamic with an almost evenly distributed caste composition. While the Nishad Party has traditionally had sway here, the BJP has chosen not to field a candidate from its ally’s ranks, opting instead for direct contestation. This decision could fracture the vote, adding an additional layer of complexity to the race. Sisamau: The disqualification of Samajwadi Party MLA Irfan Solanki has opened up this seat for by-election. His wife, Naseem Solanki, has been nominated by the SP, and with a significant Muslim and Brahmin voter base, the SP is in a strong position. The BJP will need to carefully craft its campaign to attract non-Muslim voters, particularly Dalits and Brahmins, to have any chance of success here. Challenges for Yogi Adityanath and BJP The by-elections present both a challenge and an opportunity for Yogi Adityanath and the BJP. On one hand, these elections provide a platform for the party to reclaim lost ground and restore confidence in Adityanath’s leadership. On the other hand, the political dynamics in these constituencies suggest that the BJP’s traditional base may not be enough to secure victory, especially given the strong presence of regional players like the Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Lok Dal. Yogi Adityanath’s appeal, which has previously galvanized support in key regions of Uttar Pradesh, is being tested. The results of the by-elections will likely reflect whether the Chief Minister still holds the sway he once did or if voters are beginning to shift their allegiance to other parties in the face of new political realities. Conclusion The upcoming by-elections in Uttar Pradesh represent a crucial test for both the BJP and Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. Following the party’s dramatic fall in seat count during the 2024 general elections, the by-elections serve as an opportunity for the BJP to regain its footing. However, the road ahead is fraught with challenges, particularly in constituencies like Karhal, Milkipur, and Kundarki, where the Samajwadi Party and other regional players have a firm grip on the electorate. Yogi Adityanath’s leadership will face an even greater test than before. His ability to address the doubts raised after the general election loss will be critical to the BJP’s success. While his charisma and hardline governance approach have previously resonated with a broad voter base, the political landscape is shifting. The BJP will need a more nuanced strategy that goes beyond mere reliance on Adityanath’s appeal. The by-elections are not just a referendum on the BJP’s performance but also a reflection of the changing dynamics of Uttar Pradesh politics. For Yogi Adityanath, it will be a moment of reckoning—whether he can steer the party through these turbulent waters or if his influence is beginning to wane will become evident in the results of these key contests.   [ad_2] Source link

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https://www.tradologie.com/lp/news/detail/argentina-wheat-sales-delayed-as-farmers-await-election-and-rainfall

Argentina Wheat Sales Delayed As Farmers Await Election and Rainfall

According to the most recent government data released this week, pre-sales of the upcoming 2023/24 harvest in Argentina, a major exporter of wheat, soy, and corn, reached just 1.51 million metric tons by September 13. This is a sharp decrease from previous years and the slowest pace since 2016/17.  According to the farming secretariat, this amount is in comparison to 5.28 million tons that were recorded at roughly the same time in 2022/23.

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Address - Green Boulevard, Plot No. B-9/A, 6th Floor, Tower B, Sector 62, Noida, Uttar Pradesh - 201309 (India).

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CBiBank Research Department: Funding Halt Threatens Jobs for Madrasa Teachers in Uttar Pradesh

By Jessie Miranda

The Indian state of Uttar Pradesh is grappling with an education crisis as it discontinues payments to approximately 21,000 teachers in madrasas, focusing primarily on subjects like mathematics and science. The decision, coming ahead of the general election where Prime Minister Narendra Modi seeks re-election, has significant implications, especially for the Muslim minority in the region. The halted funding is part of the Scheme for Providing Quality Education in Madrasas, and it has raised concerns about potential job losses for educators who play a vital role in shaping the academic future of Muslim students in the state.

The move is attributed to the federal government's decision to cease funding the program, as highlighted in a document from the Ministry of Minority Affairs dated March 2022. The document reveals that the government did not approve new proposals from states under the program between the fiscal years 2017/18 and 2020/21 before closing it altogether. Despite multiple requests for comments from both the federal government, including Prime Minister Modi's office, and the Ministry of Minority Affairs, no official response has been provided.

The decision not only jeopardizes the livelihoods of thousands of teachers but also raises concerns about religious discrimination, as the majority of madrasa students and educators in Uttar Pradesh are Muslims. The teachers, who are essential in providing education in crucial subjects like science and mathematics, now face an uncertain future, with the potential loss of jobs adding to the challenges faced by the minority community.

Advocates and education experts emphasize the importance of reviving the program, emphasizing its role in providing quality education to Muslim children. They argue that the Scheme For Providing Quality Education in Madrasas has been instrumental in reaching more than 70,000 madrasas across India during its initial years, benefitting students and promoting a well-rounded curriculum.

The decision to halt payments to madrasa teachers adds to existing concerns about the treatment of religious minorities in India, especially under the governance of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Rights groups, including Human Rights Watch, have previously pointed out threats and harassment faced by religious minorities, allegations that the BJP denies. As the fate of madrasa teachers hangs in the balance, the broader implications of such decisions on education, diversity, and minority rights in India remain subjects of growing scrutiny.

[polkholposts]

Lucknow विधानसभा में लगेगी अदालत, कटघरे में होंगे पुलिसकर्मी, 2004 के एक मामले में होगी सुनवाई BHARAT SAMACHAR, UTTAR PRADESH NEWS, UTTAR PRADESH, Brajesh Misra, Election 2023, UP Politics, UP ELECTION 2022, VIRENDRA SINGH Please subscribe and like my Channel Pol khol for any local news Pol Khol news is Lucknow local news channel Channel give you a really and true news Contect us-Shirajahmad70@gmail.com Har Prakar ki khabron ko dekhne ke liye Hamare channel ko like aur subscribe Karen लखनऊ की लोकल खबरें देखने के लिए चैनल को करें सब्सक्राइब और लाइक by POL KHOL NEWS

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NATIONAL VOTERS DAY 2023 Election Commission of India is celebrating 13th National Voters’ Day on 25th January 2023. Hon’ble President of India Smt. Droupadi Murmu will be the Chief Guest at the national function being organized in New Delhi by the Election Commission of India. Union Minister for Law and Justice, Shri Kiren Rijiju will grace the function as Guest of Honour. The theme for this year’s NVD, ‘Nothing Like Voting, I Vote for Sure’ is dedicated to voters which conveys individual’s feeling and aspiration towards participation in the electoral process through power of their vote. The logo is designed to showcase festivity and inclusivity of the electoral process. Ashoka Chakra in the background represents the largest democracy of the world, whereas the inked finger represents participation of each and every voter of the country. The tick mark in the logo stands for informed decision making by the voter. During the event in New Delhi, the Hon’ble President will present the National Awards for the year 2022. A first copy of the ECI Publication ‘Electing the First President- An illustrated Chronicle of India’s Presidential Elections’ will be presented to the Hon’ble President by Chief Election Commissioner Shri Rajiv Kumar. An ECI song- “Main Bharat Hoon- Hum Bharat Ke Matdata Hain” produced by ECI in association with Subhash Ghai foundation, will also be screened. NVD is celebrated at the national, state, district, constituency and polling booth levels, which makes it one of the largest celebrations in the country. #voting #vote #election #politics #elections #votingmatters #democracy #votingrights #electionday #govote #ivoted #news #registertovote #america #trump #usa #democrat #voterregistration #votevotevote #voter #covid #government #votebymail #repost #votersuppression #voteblue #republican #votingday #yourvotematters #india (at Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh) https://www.instagram.com/p/Cn2EDjQJIhS/?igshid=NGJjMDIxMWI=

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UP Nikay Chunav 2022 Latest News: Check date, Allahabad High Court case update, other details of civic elections | India News

UP Nikay Chunav 2022 Latest News: Check date, Allahabad High Court case update, other details of civic elections | India News

UP Nikay Chunav 2022 Latest Update: Amid the blame game between the BJP and the Samajwadi Party of delay in civic elections, the wait is getting longer for the Uttar Pradesh Nikay Chunav or Civic Elections. While the elections were scheduled to be held this year, the court cases have now dragged it towards the next year and the picture will be clear only after the Allahabad High Court’s…

[metamatar]

Thank you! Lots of legal minutiae and details about disputes in this, I'm quoting only the biggest stuff from a 37 page article:

When the Supreme Court ruled in favour of Ram Lalla, on 9 November 2019, it asked the Modi government to set up a new trust within three months. On 5 February 2020, the government established the Ram Janmabhoomi Teertha Kshetra. (RJTK).

...

In October, the trust was granted a license under the Foreign Contributions (Registration) Act to solicit additional donations from abroad. Such a license is an exceedingly rare commodity in Modi’s India. The home ministry told the Lok Sabha, in December 2022, that it had cancelled the FCRA registration of nearly two thousand NGOs between 2019 and 2021. Unlike other NGOs, the RJTK has faced very little scrutiny from the government over how it raises and spends money. A study of the transactions it conducted reveals that some of the donations were used to help certain individuals connected to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party make windfall gains.

...

When the Modi government formed the RJTK, it transferred this land to the trust. However, during a meeting on 11 November 2020, the trust accepted Mishra’s proposal that, in order to “fix the vaastu”—Hindu architectural principles—of the temple, accommodate the thousands of pilgrims expected to visit it every day and to make sure that its perimeter was rectangular, the trust should acquire additional land near the north-eastern corner as soon as possible. Much of this land was occupied by temples, such as Fakire Ram, Kaushalya Bhavan, and Kaikeyi Kop Bhavan. While the Ram Janmabhoomi campaign had been predicated on insisting upon the Babri Masjid being the exact spot where Ram was born, despite an absence of archaeological evidence for this, and refusing to build the temple anywhere else, the RJTK was willing to demolish any temples that were inconvenient to its designs and relocate them elsewhere. This was not the only argument from the Babri Masjid dispute that the trust would invert to facilitate the land acquisitions.

Over the next few months, the trust purchased an additional 71 acres—28.7 hectares—to expand the temple complex and compensate those it had displaced. Bansal and Mishra were at the forefront of the buying spree. Given the Modi government’s push to have the temple ready before the 2024 general election, these acquisitions took place in an accelerated manner, often disregarding legal processes and ignoring the disputed nature of much of the land. Municipal and district authorities helped this process along by driving off the occupants using threats and inducements, while the revenue courts inevitably sided with the trust whenever the purchases were challenged.

"Brother, there’s no decision from the courts in Uttar Pradesh,” Santosh Dubey, a Shiv Sena leader who filed a petition against the acquisition of the Fakire Ram temple, told me. “All decisions are taken by the government: thok do, goli maar do, bulldozer chala do, court kya hai?”—kill them, demolish their houses, what is the court in all this?

The process allowed a number of local notables—almost all of them Brahmins—to make crores of rupees in profits. I analysed several land deals involving the RJTK in Kot Ramchandra and the nearby Bagh Bijaisi neighbourhood, and found a common pattern in most of them. Instead of the trust acquiring the land directly from its owners, it went through a number of intermediaries, many of whom were connected to Rishikesh Upadhyay, the mayor of Ayodhya at the time. They would first purchase the land at about the market price and then immediately sell it to the RJTK at an exorbitant markup.

The intermediaries were able to do this because, in many cases, the land was not the original owners’ to sell—it was either government or waqf land, or under dispute. The RJTK was evidently willing to pay these intermediaries a premium, out of the vast corpus of donations it had accumulated, in order to obtain clean title over the land, rather than dealing with the occupiers or leasing it from the government, which would have taken time and come with restrictions over its use and disposal.

...

Santosh Dubey had filed his petition against the sale on 14 July 2021, but no hearings have been held. Following the demolition of Fakire Ram, he was pessimistic about anything coming out of the case. Dubey told me that he had participated in the demolition of the Babri Masjid and had been shot in the 1990 police firing. “Let me tell you something,” he said. “We fought for the birthplace of Ram being where it was. Why did we demolish the Babri Masjid if gods can be shifted? We were taught that the temple can only be built where the god was.

...

After all, the lands in question were part of a vast tract of 2.334 hectares that had once belonged to a single Muslim family. They had been passed down the generations as part of a waqf—an endowment that can only be used for purposes considered charitable by Islamic law. At one point, one branch of the family claimed the Bagh Bijaisi land for itself. What followed was a legal battle that lasted for over a decade and has still not been fully resolved. Amid this litigation, which would ordinarily have prevented any transactions on the disputed property, the land was sold, through intermediaries, to the RJTK. Once the trust got involved, the district authorities brushed aside any objections and allowed the sale to go through.

...

Waheed, who is now in his forties, was a teenager when the Babri Masjid was demolished. His family lived within walking distance of the mosque, and, after the demolition, Hindu mobs went from door to door in the neighbourhood, killing Muslims and burning their houses. “One person had a police whistle,” he recalled. “On one cue, the mob would carry out the violence, and on another, they would all disappear.” Two of his uncles, a cousin, and a nephew were killed in front of his house. Their ancestral house abutted the police station, and Waheed and others from his family survived thanks to a police officer who hid them.

The claimants of Ram’s birthplace had torn his family apart, three decades ago. Now, they had snatched his patrimony. Waheed, a civil lawyer, was continuing the fight in the courts. “I don’t have hope from civil courts—let’s say only 25 percent hope I have—but high courts are relatively fair,” he told me. “But I can appeal to the high court only after being rejected here. But my petition is pending for a year now.” At the district court, a small group of lawyers who share working space with him were sympathetic to his cause. “As long as the BJP government is there, there is no hope,” one of them told me. However, they were optimistic that the transfers would someday be reversed. “It may be a decade or two or three, but I’m telling you, all the sale deeds will be reversed one day. The illegality committed here is huge"

...

IN OCTOBER 2021, a few months after opposition leaders began flagging irregularities in the RJTK’s land deals, the trust asked Tata Consultancy Services to digitise its accounting system. However, beyond Bansal’s occasional updates in the media about how much the RJTK has raised, there is no information available about its finances. It is not known, for instance, how much the trust is paying Tata Construction Engineers or Larsen and Toubro, the two companies engaged in building the temple complex. The terms and conditions under which the government constituted the trust are not public. Neither is the criteria on which members were selected, or even what each of them does. Over the past two years, many activists—and even RSS members—have made requests under the Right to Information Act, but the government has worked to shield the RJTK from scrutiny every time.

...

Moondra had a simple argument against this. He told the appellate authority that, if the RJTK had raised Rs 3,400 crore, as was being claimed at the time, that meant the CBDT had given the trust a tax benefit of at least Rs 340 crore—if calculated at the minimum rate of ten percent—without which it would not have been able to raise as much money. “The exemption is also allowed under the provision for renovation and repair of temples only,” he told me. “Where is the renovation in the Ram temple? It’s a completely new construction. How could exemption be granted on new construction?” Moondra showed me the receipt for a Rs 5 lakh donation made by the former president Ramnath Kovind, which mentioned that the money was being given for the “renovation of Ram Janmabhoomi temple.” The Central Information Commission rejected the CBDT’s arguments that the RJTK was not a public authority, arguing that Moondra was asking questions of the board, not the trust. It also overruled the contention that revealing the information would compromise privacy by saying that a trust cannot claim to have personal information. In January 2023, the CBDT appealed to the Delhi High Court and secured a stay on the CIC’s order. The union government used this injunction as precedent to deny information on the PM CARES Fund—set up to administer relief during the COVID-19 pandemic—on similar grounds.

...

The opacity around the RJTK’s dealings is not surprising, given how the Modi government has operated over the years. While much smaller in scope, the Ayodhya land transactions were not so different from the Rafale deal, which I reported on in 2018—the RJTK overpaid for land and subverted usual procurement procedures, allowing intermediaries to make windfall gains, even as the government obstructed all attempts at seeking transparency and the institutions meant to hold it to account gave it a clean chit under questionable circumstances. That this corruption was carried out in Ram’s name highlights the hypocrisy of the Hindu Right but is not surprising either, given how lucrative the business of religion is in India and the political capital Modi has already accumulated through displays of piety. While the processes by which the land was acquired to construct the Ram temple will soon be forgotten in the pageantry surrounding its inauguration, they serve as an instructive episode on what progress looks like in Modi’s New India.

remember, the inauguration of the ram temple isn't a mere matter of hindu religious grandstanding, it is also an event to signal investment opportunities for the further development of the neoliberal economy.

sure, the official story says that the temple was built from donations gathered from hindus and inexplicable well-wishers across the economic spectrum (the fundraising for this was notably, extremely threatening), but this is most likely a smokescreen for a complicated series of economic maneuvers carried out by the bjp, rss, vhp, and allied organisations.

we already know that the temple itself was built by the multi-national construction agency larsen and toubro, which really lays precedent for the exact form of investment this “development project” and its peripheral projects seek funding from, and to whom the profits accrued will go.

[journalistcafe]

Mahadewa Assembly: यहां जिस पार्टी ने हासिल की जीत, सूबे में उसी की बनी सरकार

Mahadewa Assembly: यहां जिस पार्टी ने हासिल की जीत, सूबे में उसी की बनी सरकार

उत्तर प्रदेश में आगामी विधानसभा चुनाव को लेकर सियासी हलचल तेज हो गई है। राजनीतिक दलों ने एक दूसरे को मात देने के लिए कमर कस ली है। मौजूदा विधायकों के साथ साथ संभावित प्रत्यासी अपने-अपने क्षेत्रों में तैयारी शुरू कर दिए हैं। इस बीच बात करते हैं बस्ती जिले के महादेवा विधानसभा (Mahadewa Assembly) सीट की, माना जाता है कि जिस दल का प्रत्यासी इस सीट पर विजय हासिल करता है उसकी सराकर सूबे में बनती…

[lok-shakti]

Mainpuri Bypoll: मैनपुरी में डिंपल यादव 3 लाख वोट से जीतेंगी, मतदान के बाद मुलायम सिंह यादव के भाई का दावा

Mainpuri Bypoll: मैनपुरी में डिंपल यादव 3 लाख वोट से जीतेंगी, मतदान के बाद मुलायम सिंह यादव के भाई का दावा

Uttarpradesh By Election 2022 Live Hindi News: उत्तर प्रदेश के मैनपुरी लोकसभा सीट उपचुनाव के लिए मतदान शुरू हो गया है। यहां सपा उम्मीदवार डिंपल यादव और बीजेपी प्रत्याशी रघुराज सिंह शाक्य के बीच मुकाबला माना जा रहा है। वहीं मुलायम सिंह यादव के भाई अभय राम यादव ने दावा किया कि डिंपल यादव 3 लाख वोट से जीतेंगी।   हाइलाइट्समैनपुरी लोकसभा सीट पर वोटिंग शुरूमुलायम सिंह यादव के भाई ने डाला वोटअभय राम…

[tsprisclla-wants-you]

[xeo-kunsatan]

I Dunno Happy New year

Have a Dank Doodle of myself UwU xd

[doaa28]

اللهم عامًا تركض فيه الأقدار السعيدة في طريقنا

[rudrjobdesk]

रामपुर में आजम खान को बड़ा झटका, बीजेपी के घनश्याम लोधी जीते, सपा इतने वोटों से हारी

रामपुर में आजम खान को बड़ा झटका, बीजेपी के घनश्याम लोधी जीते, सपा इतने वोटों से हारी

Image Source : TWITTER@GHANSHYAMLODHIS  Ghanshyam Lodhi  Highlights रामपुर लोकसभा उपचुनाव में बीजेपी के घनश्याम लोधी जीते घनश्याम लोधी ने सपा को 42 हजार वोटों से हराया अधिकारियों ने नतीजों को प्रभावित किया: सपा कैंडीडेट आसिम राजा Rampur By Election Result: यूपी की रामपुर सीट पर हुए लोकसभा उपचुनाव के नतीजे सामने आ गए हैं। इस उपचुनाव में सपा नेता आजम खान को बड़ा झटका लगा है और बीजेपी उम्मीदवार…