#Undurraga
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sagrada-destruccion · 2 years ago
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Palacio Undurraga — Santiago de Chile
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librospdfgratismundoepub · 1 year ago
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Todo puede ser - Vicente Undurraga (2024)
Inteligencia, humor, pasión por la letra y sabiduría desprejuiciada se dan cita en el primer libro de Vicente Undurraga. Un ensayo a partir de diecisiete verbos que dibuja un camino posible —creer en el dar y en el darse— y todos los desvíos imaginables a través de los días y las noches del decir. Como afirma Alejandro Zambra, Undurraga es «un autor que aprende a vivir en las contradicciones…
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tjeromebaker · 1 year ago
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Jornada de alegatos en el Tribunal Constitucional (TC) | Debate por la educación no sexista
Tribunal Constitucional de Chile Fuente: T13 El Tribunal Constitucional (TC) rechazó el requerimiento ingresado por 54 diputadas y diputados de oposición que buscaban declarar inconstitucional algunos aspectos de la ley que establece medidas para prevenir, sancionar y erradicar la violencia en contra de las mujeres en razón de su género. Con seis votos contra cuatro, el TC resolvió rechazar el…
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mywinepal · 2 years ago
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Talk About Sibaris Wines with Andres Izquierdo from Vina Undurraga at VanWineFest 2023
Talk About #Sibaris Wines with Andres Izquierdo from Vina Undurraga at @VanWineFest 2023 @iCellars @undurragawines #pinotNoir #video #interview
I had an excellent talk with Andres Izquierdo from Viña Undurraga in Chile at VanWineFest 2023.  He talked about the history of Viña Undurraga, which was established in 1885.  We then moved on to a discussion of the cool-climate region of Leyda Valley where their Sibaris Pinot Noir grapes were grown.  Do you know what Sibaris means?  Listen to Andres who will tell you about this and much more. …
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tripleace-unofficial · 17 days ago
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Cultural Note: Names
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A few things about the main cast's names, as they would be perceived by Chilean readers. Will be edited as more characters appear in the story or if the author makes any comments about them.
General notes
As is common in Hispanic countries, most people in Chile have four names: two given names and two surnames. The first surname is the first surname of the father, and the second surname is the first surname of the mother.
Rarely someone doesn't have a middle name, but everyone born in Chile must have two surnames. When the father is unknown, some people are given their mother's surname twice. This is not the case for anyone in the cast, just a curiosity.
Chileans don't usually address each other in casual conversation by their surnames, as this comes across as too formal or impersonal, but it happens in certain contexts, like if two people have the same given name, if the surname is cooler or more interesting than their given name, or the person asks to be called that because they don't like any of their given names.
Chileans love nicknames.
Alejandro Javier Mamani Encina
Mamani is an indigenous surname, specifically of Aimara origin. Most of the population of Chile is mestizo, but in the North of Chile, where Ale's hometown is, direct indigenous descent is more common. Pía mentioned in an interview (that I can't find rn but Trust Me™) she wanted to reflect this with Ale by giving him an indigenous surname and darker skin.
As is common in Chile, he goes by the nickname Ale, which makes him come across as a chill and informal guy.
He has the same given names as Matte, as well as the same initials, which caused the error in the system that swapped their scores.
Alejandro Javier Matte Echeverría
Both Matte and Echeverría are associated with the higher class. The surname Matte specifically comes from Germany. German names are not uncommon in Chile, as German immigrants started coming to the country during the XIX century and colonized a sizeable part of the South. This means, yes, Matte is white, and he has a name associated with the South while Mamani has a name associated with the North, emphasizing their foil to each other.
He goes by his full name Alejandro instead of a nickname, the distinction is subtle but it means he's not allowed to be carefree like Mamani.
He has the same given names as Mamani, as well as the same initials, which caused the error in the system that swapped their scores.
Daniel Andrés Hermosilla Muñoz
He's the only one of the main trio with a fully Spanish name. This doesn't mean he has direct Spanish ancestry, but rather he's a mestizo with no discernable indigenous or foreign descent. In practice he has a name no one would think twice about.
Muñoz is the second most common surname in Chile.
The fact he goes by Daniel and not Dani/Danny or any other nickname means he's a no-nonsense guy.
Elisa Sofía Aldunate Undurraga
Another character with a fully Spanish name. No notes!
Dannae Romina Soto Cáceres
It's pronounced Dah-Nah-Eh.
The spelling is not Spanish (that would be Danae), but it's not uncommon in Chile for low-class parents to name their kids foreign sounding/looking names because they look cool (though some people find this tacky).
Considering she has darker skin and comes from the same town as Mamani, it's likely she also has direct indigenous ancestry, though her name does not reflect this if that were the case.
Jenn García
Just a cool sounding non-binary name for a cool non-binary guy.
It's likely they picked their name themself.
They're the only member of the cast with no middle name or second surname known.
José Tomás Irarrázaval (this character will be introduced soon!)
Irarrázaval is another expensive sounding name.
His second surname is unknown.
José Tomás is the only character who goes by his first and middle name as one. This is something only rich people do, for some reason.
Maga
It means magician!
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cbssurfer · 1 year ago
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ʻEhukai Beach Park, Oahu, Hawaii ~ Feb. 25, 2024
León Undurraga
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wine-picks · 6 months ago
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🇨🇱 🍷 Happy Tuesday! Enjoying excellent 2021 Undurraga Terroir Hunter Cabernet Sauvignon (93 pts, $28) from Chile tonight. Arrived in LCBO VINTAGES in Sept. Great buy! Full review: https://rebrand.ly/xcpoi7p
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unmillondeamantes · 4 days ago
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Santiago, dame más.
¿Cuál ha sido tu relación más larga? ¿Cuánto ha durado? Me pregunta Flavio.
10 años... su nombre es Santiago. Me mira con cara de poker face y me dice "¿me estás webiando?, ¿Quién es?".
No entendió que me refería a la hermosa ciudad que nos rodea.
10 años han pasado desde que llegué a vivir a esta caótica pero magnética ciudad. No creo que sea coincidencia que el lugar en donde más me he sentido cómodo tenga nombre propio masculino. Y sin duda ha sido mi relación más larga. Y espero que siga creciendo.
¿Qué puedo decir de Santiago? Bueno, es grande. Extenso, estimulante. Sabe lo que quiero, lo que me gusta y siempre tiene un panorama para mí. Hemos tenido uno que otro encuentro, pero siempre con el fin de resolver las diferencias y llegar a una relación más sana. ¿Qué falta ahora? Vivir del dibujo.
Flavio y yo somos de región, venimos de ciudades pequeñas, casi rurales, y esta gran capital nos ha hecho crecer bastante. Desde crear y encontrar una identidad propia, como hallar a personas que se convertirían en nuestro mayor apoyo y contención.
Las mejores salidas y fiestas las hemos vivido acá. ¿Cuáles? Los años nuevo en la Dame han sido los mejores. Recuerdo que para el año nuevo del 2024 nos reunimos en mi antiguo departamento. Emma, Flavio, Mateo y yo. Con Emma adornamos todo con temática Old Money y un toque de rococó. Los chicos trajeron su cena, y yo por mi parte preparé la mía, claro, soy vegano. Al sonar las 00:00 nos abrazamos y descorchamos un delicioso espumante Undurraga para celebrar la llegada del 2025. A eso de las 1 y algo AM casi las 2, nos dirigimos al Teatro Caupolicán, en donde se realizan las Fiesta Dame. Llegamos y el lugar ya estaba repleto. Casi toda la comunidad cola (gay, lesbianas y diversidades) y un cuarto de la hetero indie alternativa se encontraba ahí. Nos dirigimos al escenario del aire libre. Frente al Dj había precisamente un espacio para nosotros. Llegamos muy ebrios y animados con el espumante, además de mega estimulados gracias a los pitos de Mateo. En nuestra mente, no existía nadie más que nosotros. Veníamos con toda la buena vibra de haber compartido y teníamos nuestro propio ambiente. Danzamos, brincamos, reímos y nos abrazábamos. Éramos sin duda el centro de atención.
La noche avanzaba y nos movíamos de escenario en escenario. Mucha gente, mucha gente guapa. Dentro de la multitud estaba Alfonso. Un compañero de trabajo de Mateo, que además solía ser uno de mis amantes virtuales, pero nunca habíamos concretado nada. Hasta ese día. El sol estaba saliendo y mis pies muriendo por tanto baile. Elevamos nuestros ánimos con una ayudita sintética, lo cual nos mantuvo al 100% toda la velada. Pero en un momento ya no podía más. Por lo que me siento junto a Mateo en unas escaleras, mientras Flavio bailaba sin parar en un mar de hombres. Emma se había encontrado con su ex (quien además me odiaba) por lo que desapareció antes de que el sol apareciera. Yo sentado observo la multitud y ahí estaba Alfonso, mirándome desde lejos. Le guiño el ojo y me dice con muecas "bésame", le señalo con mi dedo "acércate", a lo que cruza toda la pista de baile y nos besamos descarademente al lado de Mateo. Luego me invita a que me vaya con él, pero yo estaba con mis amigos. Muy amante, muy motivante, pero mis amigos estaban primero. Alfonso se aleja y Flavio me apunta, invitándome a unirme a él. No podía ni pararme del cansancio, pero por Flavio haría lo que fuera, en cosa de segundo me levanto y comenzamos a bailar. Volvimos a conectar.
Ya era hora de volver. Cada uno se fue a su respectivo departamento a literal morir en cama. Lo dimos todo y ahora solo queríamos descansar.
Ese descansar me duró con suerte una hora, porque al rato, luego de darme una ducha, pesqué mi bicicleta y salí a ver a mi hombre. Santiago me esperaba de brazos abiertos, por lo que me perdí en él el resto del día.
Y así lo haría siempre.
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delphinedang · 18 days ago
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Is neoliberalism a worldwide "Leviathan" that bludgeons everything in its path?
Introduction: 
The term “Leviathan” often connotes a “totalitarian monster” (Cetina & Cicourel, 2014, p. 278), a macro-structure where dominant actors consolidate collective will into a singular, imposing force (Cetina & Cicourel, 2014, p. 277). This essay addresses the question: Is neoliberalism a worldwide "Leviathan" that bludgeons everything in its path? In other words, does neoliberalism operate as a repressive, worldwide force that enforces its economic tenets, including deregulation, privatisation, austerity, and free markets, on societies across the world, suppressing local resistance and alternative economic models? While neoliberalism is often perceived as a monolithic, aggressive entity, it does not always function as a "Leviathan." In many cases, neoliberalism is challenged and adapted through competing ideologies, including Keynesianism, Monetarism, Economic Naturalism, and classical liberalism.
The essay is structured as follows. Section 1 defines Neoliberalism and explores challenges it faces from diverse theories including classical liberalism, economic nationalism and programs, such as IMF loan programs, the Washington Consensus, European socialism, Nordic Keynesianism, socialism with Keynesian elements in China and Vietnam. Alternative economic models and different programs and policies from different areas over the world will be used to prove the answer to the question. Section 2 presents Chile and Argentina as case studies, chosen for their shared histories of free-market reforms under authoritarian regimes and their position in the 1990s as "poster children" of the Washington Consensus (Undurraga, 2015). Through these case studies, the essay highlights neoliberalism’s varied impact and the adaptability of alternative models to support the answer. 
The theory: Neoliberalism and its birth 
The word "neoliberalism" has lost its analytical significance since it has become a very difficult and incoherent concept with contradictory interpretations (Venugopal, 2015). Neoliberalism is not laissez-faire, but a new form of liberalism beyond laissez faire that takes in these sets of principles privatisation, marketization and deregulation. In this essay, Neoliberalism will be used as its definition which according to Davidson, Burchell, Foucault (2008, p. 132), it is “permanent vigilance, activity and intervention”, that is about the government defending the market and pushing the market into all spheres of life (Maher, 2024). 
The alleged shortcomings of classical liberalism gave rise to neoliberalism, as thinkers sought a balance between laissez-faire and extreme state control by exploring alternatives like socialism, fascism, and Keynesianism. In 1947, classical liberal thinkers founded the Mont Pelerin Society to develop this "new" liberalism, later known as neoliberalism. World War II arguably ended the Great Depression through massive government spending on armaments, which redistributed wealth, created jobs, and stimulated the economy (Maher, 2024). Classical liberalism declined and state intervention increased during World Wars I, II, and the Great Depression collectively.
The debate: most determinative economic programs in the 20th century.  
Several countries and programs including IMF loan programs, the Washington Consensus, European socialism, Nordic Keynesianism, socialism with Keynesian elements in China and Vietnam, classical liberalism, and economic nationalism illustrates that neoliberalism has not been a universally dominant or unchallenged "Leviathan." Each of these systems represents different ways in which neoliberalism has either been limited, adapted, or actively opposed by alternative economic frameworks.
Neoliberalism grew from a niche ideology to a dominant framework, rising during the 1970s stagflation and oil crisis with substantial support from big business (Maher, 2024). The Mont Pelerin Society received corporate funding to promote its ideas, driving neoliberalism into the public eye during the crisis (Keulen & Kroeze, 2021; Maher, 2024).  
Although the start of neoliberalism was also a rejection of laissez faire, the businesses who were funding these institutes resembled laissez faire again (Maher, 2024). They argued that large corporations, like trade unions and government intervention, hinder competition, especially in the 1970s and 1980s, these ideas were supported by big business. This led to calls for cutting welfare and privatising industries, placing them under business control (Maher, 2024). Similarly, Keulen and Kroeze (2021) suggest that neoliberalism is also influenced by the economic philosophy of monetarism, which prioritises managing the money supply over government expenditure, viewing inflation as a result of overspending and best addressed by ending subsidies and privatising state assets.
While neoliberalism was meant to be a new form of market liberalism, the influence of business interests caused it to adopt many of the hands-off characteristics of laissez-faire, especially in areas where reduced government intervention benefited corporations. Under President Ronald Reagan, the U.S. implemented neoliberal policies such as business tax cuts, industry deregulation (in finance, energy, and telecommunications), and public service privatisation, heavily supported by corporate interests benefiting from reduced government oversight (Arestis & Marshall, 1990; Coker, 1983, p. 68, 69). Similarly, Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher's neoliberal policies, which formerly supported state-led economic activities, included deregulating the labour market, privatising British Airways, British Gas, and British Telecom, as well as reducing union influence (Jessop, 2015; King & Wood, 1999, p. 374). Structural adjustment programs (SAPs) implemented by the IMF and World Bank in developing countries often reflected neoliberal principles. These programs required borrowing countries to privatise state-owned enterprises, liberalise trade, and reduce government spending (Chorev & Babb, 2009). Chile became the first non-Western country to adopt neoliberalism. Following the 1973 coup, the Chilean government, guided by the "Chicago Boys" (economists trained under Milton Friedman), implemented extensive neoliberal reforms, significantly reducing government intervention (Maher, 2024; Undurraga, 2015; Venugopal, 2015). This justifies the choice of Chile and Argentina as case studies in this essay.
On the other hand, laissez-faire declined as the Great Depression and government responses weakened classical liberalism, which valued individual liberty and posited that free markets foster prosperity and peace through mutual trade benefits (Doyle, 1986, p. 1153, cited in Schumpeter, 1955, p. 75; Maher, 2024; Lefebvre, 2024). World War I marked a major crisis for classical liberalism (Maher, 2024). Initial government responses adhered to Adam Smith's laissez-faire and invisible hand theory, believing the economy thrived without state intervention (Doyle, 1986, p. 1153; Harrison, 2011; Lefebvre, 2024; Maher, 2024; Rosenblatt, 2018, p. 106).
The Great Depression’s hardships led people to seek alternatives to classical liberalism, such as Keynesianism. Keynesian doctrine advocated for countercyclical fiscal spending, meaning the government should reduce spending during economic booms and increase it during downturns (Hall, 1989, p. 33). Keynes also emphasised wealth redistribution from the richest to the poorest (Maher, 2024). Roosevelt's 1937 policy in the U.S. exemplified this, using progressive taxation and welfare programs to support lower-income groups (Hall, 1989, p. 36).
Globally, countries adopted Keynesianism in varied ways. China and Vietnam established "socialist market economies," where the state maintains substantial control while implementing market reforms. Since the late 1970s, China has combined market principles with centralised state control, with the government actively intervening in infrastructure, strategic industries, and poverty alleviation—fueling rapid growth (Virmani, 2005, p. 3, 18, 23). Vietnam’s "Doi Moi" reforms in the 1980s similarly combined state-led development with market reforms, allowing market forces within certain sectors while central planning remained essential (Montes, 1997, p. 6, 9, 16).
After World War II, many European nations adopted welfare-state models rooted in Keynesian economics, emphasising state intervention for stability and equity (Kamali & Jönsson, 2018, p. 6, 7). Nordic countries, such as Denmark, Sweden, Norway, and Finland, developed "Nordic Keynesianism," which combines socialism and capitalism through high public spending, welfare programs, and collective bargaining. This model has supported high living standards, social equality, and economic stability (Kamali & Jönsson, 2018, p. 5).
The International Monetary Fund's (IMF) finances were surprisingly improved by the crisis, known for attaching neoliberal conditions to its loans (Chorev & Babb, 2009). Although IMF programs and the Washington Consensus emphasise privatisation and deregulation, these policies have been adjusted, especially in developing nations. Shifting from strict neoliberalism, the IMF now incorporates Keynesian flexibility, allowing tailored economic approaches (Lütz, 2015, p. 86, 87). Low-income nations receive concessional loans with minimal conditions, showing the IMF’s shift toward local economic needs. This flexible approach allows budget-focused countries like Germany, Finland, and the Netherlands to invest in growth and job creation (Lütz, 2015, p. 86, 87). Although these programs align with the U.S. led-post WWII hegemonic project, their unique features have led them down different paths (Chorev & Babb, 2009).
The final point to consider is economic nationalism, which prioritises protecting domestic industries and jobs, has surged globally as a response to perceived downsides of neoliberal globalisation, such as inequality and loss of local industries. This rise in protectionist policies, seen in the U.S. ("America First"), the U.K. (Brexit), and parts of Europe, directly opposes neoliberal values of free trade and open markets (Dufour, & Ducasse, 2020; McCorriston & Sheldon 2020, p. 67, 68). The resurgence of economic nationalism shows how neoliberalism is continually contested, especially in times of economic instability. The recent resurgence in the U.S. (e.g., "America First" policies) and parts of Europe reflect a significant challenge to neoliberalism’s globalist agenda. (McCorriston & Sheldon 2020, p. 65)
Case study: the neoliberal paths, Keynesianism and economic nationalism taken by Chile and Argentina
Neoliberal experiments in Chile and Argentina began under similar circumstances but later diverged, despite many shared elements over the past four decades. The U.S. encouraged Latin American elites to adopt neoliberalism as part of an anti-communist strategy. Milton Friedman sent his "Chicago Boys" to boost monetarist views through radical critiques of Keynesian interventionism (Undurraga, 2015; Keulen & Kroeze, 2021). In Chile, Pinochet’s ministers, influenced by the Chicago Boys, implemented neoliberal reforms in a top-down manner, experimenting with new market structures and enforcing a retreat from previous policies (Saad-Filho & Johnston, 2005, p. 62; Undurraga, 2015 as cited in Farías 2014).
Chicago economists became the new reference point for the growing corporate class, leading privatisations and shifting the economic profession toward a monetarist perspective. Sectors like education, housing, health, and pensions were privatised. They also reshaped university economics departments, replacing traditional economists and suppressing local opposition (Undurraga, 2015). The 1980 constitution aimed to create a depoliticized, market-driven society in Chile (Undurraga, 2015, as cited in Taylor, 1998). Pinochet’s legacy endures, making Chile one of the world’s most privatised economies (Maher, 2024). Venugopal (2015) describes this as "authoritarian capital," where Pinochet’s authoritarian rule enabled neoliberal reforms with little opposition, establishing neoliberalism as hegemonic and reshaping Chilean society.
Extreme free-market reforms were coupled with widespread persecution under the military governments in Chile (1973–1990) and Argentina (1976–1983), a practice known as "ideological cleansing" (Undurraga, 2015). However, unlike Chile, which achieved concentrated power through a pyramidal loyalty structure, Argentina’s power remained fragmented. Monetarist Martínez de Hoz was named Finance Minister by the Argentinian Junta in 1976, whose liberal proposals were embraced by bankers but ultimately hindered by persistent divisions within the army and corporate sector, limiting full implementation (Novaro, 2006). Both regimes exhibited repression and radical free-market reforms, but Chile’s concentrated power structure distinguished its approach (Undurraga, 2015).
Strong industrial sectors opposed changes following Argentina's 1976 military takeover, obtaining compensation and special treatment from the government (Etchemendy, 2011). Argentina's economics profession remained dedicated to structuralism in the 1970s and 1980s, in contrast to Chile, where Pinochet's 17-year reign and control over colleges switched business organisations to neoliberalism (Biglaiser, 2009). In Argentine colleges, monetarist concepts encountered ideological opposition and were unable to sway the country's economics faculties (Fridman, 2010). 
Both Chile's 1982 financial collapse and Argentina's 1980 catastrophic bank run were viewed as neoliberal crisis. Both nations ultimately rejected monetarist measures as a response to the crisis (Undurraga, 2015).
On the other hand, neoliberalism did not always succeed in bludgeoning everything in its path. Keynesian policies were vital in boosting employment during the crisis in Chile (Twomey, 1983, p. 321, cited in Fetter, 1931). Chile’s dependence on the external market and nitrate production created unique economic vulnerabilities, making Keynesian policies like public spending essential (Drinot & Knight, 2014, p. 53). To stabilise the economy and counter the downturn, the Chilean government implemented interventionist measures, aligning with Keynesian objectives by creating jobs and providing social welfare to address unemployment and support affected populations (Drinot & Knight, 2014, pp. 53, 55). These actions, reflecting Keynesian principles of public spending and infrastructure projects to stimulate demand, left a lasting impact on Chile’s leftist movements and marked a shift toward labour-focused ideologies (Drinot & Knight, 2014, pp. 53, 72).
The Great Depression impacted Argentina less severely than Chile (Drinot & Knight, 2014, p. 26). Unlike typical expansionary fiscal policies, Argentina saw significant tax increases (Twomey, 1983, p. 321). After the Depression’s peak, the Concordancia government focused on economic recovery through infrastructure spending and increased tax collection, prioritising domestic market revitalization over welfare or social reforms, partially aligning with Keynesian doctrine. However, its lack of social reforms diverged from Keynesian principles, which typically support consumer demand and social stability during crises (Drinot & Knight, 2014, p. 44). Unlike Chile, which shifted left in response to the Depression, Argentina veered right, influenced by Concordancia’s fraudulent regime and a social base of elite and middle-class groups (Drinot & Knight, 2014, p. 44).
Additionally, Argentina's economic history illustrates economic nationalism, particularly during the Perón era, which opposed neoliberal policies. Driven by political pressures, Argentina developed a "national character" by the early 20th century that supported extensive economic nationalism (Carlson, 1965, pp. 1-2). The 1930s world depression fostered a desire for economic independence, paving the way for Juan Perón’s rise to power, where he formalised economic autonomy as a core policy (Carlson, 1965, pp. 36, 45). His nationalisation policies aimed to support local industries and establish independence.
Similarly, Chile faced challenges from foreign dependence and resource exploitation. After World War I, economic setbacks underscored Chile's vulnerability, prompting a turn to economic nationalism as a solution (Burr, 1953, p. 167). The 1939 creation of the Chilean Development Corporation marked a shift toward economic independence, with initiatives to reduce inequality and support domestic industries (Burr, 1953, p. 168).
The experiences of Argentina and Chile illustrate that countries can choose interventionist models over neoliberalism to address issues like inequality, sovereignty, and industrial growth (Carlson, 1965, pp. 45-48; Pryke, 2012).
Conclusion: 
Neoliberalism is not always all-encompassing or uncontested "Leviathan." Instead, it faces continual challenges and adaptations. Alternative economic models like Keynesianism, economic nationalism, and classical liberalism with different programs and policies from different areas over the world provide competing frameworks that are adapted based on historical and regional circumstances, political priorities, and responses to economic crises. This diversity of approaches shows that neoliberalism, while influential, is often tempered, modified, or outright replaced by other economic systems, proving that it does not always hold unchallenged dominance globally.
References: 
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Carlson, D.R., 1965. Economic Nationalism and the Argentine National Character. Wayne State University.
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Drinot, P. & Knight, A., 2014. The Great Depression in Latin America. Duke University Press, London.
Dufour, G. & Ducasse, D., 2020. “America First” and the Return of Economic Isolationism and Nationalism to the United States: A Historic Turning Point for International Trade Law. Canadian Yearbook of International Law/Annuaire canadien de droit international, 57, pp.223–255.
Etchemendy, S., 2011. Models of Economic Liberalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Foucault, M., 2008. The Birth of Biopolitics. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
Hall, P., 1989. The Political Power of Economic Ideas: Keynesianism across Nations. Princeton: Princeton University Press. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1515/9780691221380.
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Jessop, B., 2015. Margaret Thatcher and Thatcherism: Dead but not buried. British Politics, 10, pp.16–30.
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Keulen, S. & Kroeze, R., 2021. The rise of neoliberalism and the termination of Keynesian policies: A multilevel governance analysis of the closure of the Amsterdam Shipyards, 1968–1986. Enterprise & Society, 22(1), pp.212–246. DOI: 10.1017/eso.2019.65.
King, D. & Wood, S., 1999. The political economy of neoliberalism: Britain and the United States in the 1980s. In Continuity and Change in Contemporary Capitalism, pp.371–399.
Lefebvre, A., 2024. Lecture week 2: Introduction to Politics: Liberalism, legitimacy, and Locke. Lecture notes, Introduction to Politics GOVT1641, University of Sydney, delivered on 21 August 2024.
Lütz, S., 2015. From Washington Consensus to Flexible Keynesianism? The International Monetary Fund after the Financial Crisis. Journal of International Organization Studies, 6(2), pp.85–98.
Maher, H., 2024. Lecture week 11: The era of neoliberalism. Lecture slides, Introduction to Politics GOVT1641, University of Sydney, delivered on 15 October 2024.
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Pryke, S., 2012. Economic nationalism: Theory, history, and prospects. Global Policy, 3(3), pp.281–291.
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Twomey, M.J., 1983. The 1930s depression in Latin America: A macro analysis.
Undurraga, T., 2015. Neoliberalism in Argentina and Chile: Common antecedents, divergent paths. Revista de Sociologia e Política, 23(55), pp.11–34.
Venugopal, R., 2015. Neoliberalism as concept. Economy and Society, 44(2), pp.165–187. DOI: 10.1080/03085147.2015.1013356.
Vines, D., Maciejowski, J. & Meade, J.E., 2011. Stagflation (2 Volumes) (Routledge Revivals). 1st ed. Routledge. DOI: https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203814628.
Virmani, A., 2005. China's socialist market economy: Lessons of success. Working Paper No. 178.
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necht · 1 month ago
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#ChilePuede Alberto Undurraga proclamado candidato presidencial DC
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ruou-tot · 8 months ago
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Ruou Vang Sibaris Cabernet Sauvignon
Khám Phá Rượu Vang Sibaris Cabernet Sauvignon: Một Trải Nghiệm Tuyệt Vời Từ Chile
Rượu vang Sibaris Cabernet Sauvignon là một sản phẩm cao cấp của thương hiệu Undurraga, nổi tiếng với chất lượng ổn định và mức giá hợp lý, đã chiếm được cảm tình của nhiều người yêu thích rượu vang tại Việt Nam. Hãy cùng Rượu Tốt khám phá những đặc điểm nổi bật của chai rượu này nhé!
Đặc Điểm Nổi Bật Của Rượu Vang Sibaris Cabernet Sauvignon
Rượu vang Sibaris Cabernet Sauvignon được pha trộn từ ba giống nho đỏ danh tiếng: Shiraz, Grenache và Carignan. Nguyên liệu nho được chọn lọc từ những vườn nho chất lượng tại Maule Valley, một trong những khu vực sản xuất rượu vang hàng đầu của Chile. Chai rượu Sibaris Black Series không chỉ gây ấn tượng với màu đỏ mận đẹp mắt mà còn đánh thức các giác quan của thực khách với sự phức hợp hương thơm đa dạng.
Với phân hạng Gran Reserva, rượu vang này trải qua quá trình ngâm ủ kéo dài từ 12 đến 18 tháng trong thùng gỗ sồi. Chính điều này giúp cho từng nốt hương bung tỏa mạnh mẽ, với mùi gỗ sồi chiếm ưu thế, xen lẫn chút cacao và vani ngậy béo.
Hương Vị Đặc Trưng Của Sibaris Cabernet Sauvignon
Khi thưởng thức, bạn sẽ dễ dàng cảm nhận được bouquet hương thơm điển hình của các chai rượu vang chát trưởng thành, với các nốt hương như anh đào, mâm xôi, và mứt dâu. Hương thơm của thảo mộc khô cũng xuất hiện nhẹ nhàng, tạo nên một trải nghiệm vị giác thú vị. Hậu vị kéo dài êm ái, ít ngọt và có hàm lượng tannin mềm mại ôm trọn cuống họng. Kết thúc với những nốt hương bạc hà, quả lý chua đen và mùi đ��t ẩm, Sibaris Cabernet Sauvignon thật sự để lại ấn tượng khó quên.
Nếu bạn đang tìm kiếm một rượu vang Sibaris Cabernet Sauvignon để thưởng thức trong những dịp đặc biệt hoặc những bữa tiệc cùng gia đình và bạn bè, đây chính là lựa chọn lý tưởng!
Cách Phục Vụ và Thưởng Thức Rượu Vang
Để tận hưởng trọn vẹn hương vị của rượu vang Sibaris Cabernet Sauvignon, bạn nên kết hợp nó với các món ăn từ thịt đỏ, thịt thú rừng hoặc thịt gia cầm giàu vị cay. Một số món ăn gợi ý cho thực đơn bữa tối của bạn bao gồm: Beefsteak sốt tiêu đen, sườn cừu nướng sốt BBQ, bò Wagyu sốt vang đỏ, và gà nướng tiêu xanh.
Ngoài ra, bạn nên làm lạnh rượu ở nhiệt độ từ 15 - 17 độ C bằng cách để trong tủ đá hoặc ngâm vào xô nước lạnh khoảng 15-20 phút trước khi thưởng thức. Rượu nên được phục vụ trong ly tiêu chuẩn bầu lớn. Chai rượu này có thể sử dụng khi còn trẻ và nên decant trước từ 1 - 2 tiếng để làm mềm nước rượu, giúp hương vị phát triển hoàn hảo hơn.
Mua Rượu Vang Sibaris Cabernet Sauvignon Ở Đâu?
Nếu bạn đang tìm kiếm địa chỉ mua rượu vang Sibaris Cabernet Sauvignon với giá tốt, Rượu Tốt là lựa chọn hoàn hảo cho bạn. Chúng tôi cung cấp nhiều ưu đãi hấp dẫn cho khách hàng khi mua số lượng lớn, với chiết khấu cao và giá cả hợp lý. Tại Rượu Tốt, bạn sẽ tìm thấy rượu bia ngoại chính hãng với đầy đủ tem phiếu và xuất xứ rõ ràng.
Đừng bỏ lỡ cơ hội sở hữu chai rượu vang Sibaris Cabernet Sauvignon tuyệt vời này! Hãy cập nhật ngay chương trình ưu đãi 24/7 tại website hoặc fanpage chính thức của chúng tôi. Đặt hàng ngay qua Hotline hoặc ghé thăm hệ thống cửa hàng vang nhập khẩu với nhiều ưu đãi hot trong mùa hè này.
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chezcarlita · 10 months ago
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Avances en Certificación Electrónica en Exportación de Vinos entre Chile y Brasil
Transacciones más ágiles y evitar posibles fraudes son el principal objetivo de la  firma de acuerdo de entendimiento entre Gobierno de Chile y Brasil para implementación de certificación electrónica. El Presidente de Vinos de Chile, Alfonso Undurraga, fue invitado por el Presidente de la República, Gabriel Boric, para ser parte de un almuerzo en el marco de la visita de su par brasileño, Luiz…
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dos65 · 11 months ago
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Palacio Undurraga
1915/1975
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ux-jobs · 11 months ago
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New Patron
Shout-Out: Raimundo Undurraga --- Thank You! --- #portfolio #jobhunting #ux #userexperience #uxjobs #patreon --- 🔥 Get portfolio boosts, job hunting tools & support our efforts : https://bit.ly/3wWT7t1
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norteenlinea · 1 year ago
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Doña Paula y Cristóbal Undurraga, juntos en Argentina
http://dlvr.it/T00xw1
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wine-picks · 2 years ago
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🇨🇱 🍷 It's Saturday night and I'm enjoying this excellent 2019 Undurraga Terroir Hunter Cauquenes Cabernet Sauvignon (92 pts, $27) from Chile tonight. Arrived in LCBO VINTAGES today! Full review: https://rebrand.ly/qc4etm3
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