#UAE Warriors 13
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Wang Cong vs Amena Hadaya - UAE Warriors 45
Former kickboxing champion Cong Wang (3-0) continues on her run as a MMA fighter. Cong is probably most known amongst western fans for having a win over future UFC champion Valentina Shevchenko, as well as fighting an early career Tiffany Van Soest to a draw. Cong has started her MMA career strong, rattling off 3 wins since mid-2022.
She'll start 2024 off this Saturday (Jan. 20) as part of Kunlun Fight World Championship 95 in Thailand. She's got a step up in competition as she'll face UFC alum and fellow Chinese fighter Yanan Wu (13-6). An impressive win over a UFC vet could see Cong getting picked up by the promotion as they look to sign more talent out of Asia for their eventual return to the region.
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AFC World Cup Qualifiers recap: Round 3
Australia 3:1 China PR
Following a recent managerial change, the Socceroos have returned to winning form. Under Tony Popovic’s leadership, the team entered the match as clear favourites despite their recent challenges. Although they conceded an early goal against the run of play, Australia maintained their pressure and secured a 3-1 victory over the Red Dragons. This result provides much-needed relief and lifts them to second place in the standings, with four points from three matches. Goal scorers for Australia: Lewis Miller, Craig Goodwin, Nishan Velupillay Goal scorer for China PR: Wenneng Xie
Jordan 0:2 South Korea
The Asian Cup runners-up faced a setback in their latest World Cup qualifier, falling to the Taeguk Warriors. South Korea dominated the match, maintaining control of possession and limiting Jordan’s opportunities to hold onto the ball. Despite having just 25% possession, Jordan managed to take more shots (13) than their opponents (12). However, their efforts fell short as they succumbed to a 2-0 defeat against the clearly superior South Korean side. With this victory, South Korea solidified their position as table toppers, while Jordan remains in 3rd place. Goal scorers for Korea Republic: Young-woo Seol, Hyun-gyu Oh
Uzbekistan 0:0 IR Iran
Team Melli played to a draw against the White Wolves of Central Asia, with both sides proving evenly matched—each recording 10 shots throughout the game. Despite their parity in statistics, Team Melli showed greater attacking intent and might have secured all three points if not for the heroics of Utkir Yusupov, Uzbekistan’s goalkeeper, who made four crucial saves. In contrast, Uzbekistan struggled in front of goal, managing only one shot on target. Due credit must be given to Team Melli for maintaining the scoreline after being reduced to 10 men in the 57th minute, following Saleh Hardani's dismissal by the referee. Their resilience and determination in the face of adversity played a crucial role in securing the draw against a competitive opponent. Following this match, both teams remain level with 7 points each, but Uzbekistan holds the top spot in the standings due to a superior goal difference.
Bahrain 2:2 Indonesia
The Red Devils of Asia played to a draw against Team Garuda on October 10, 2024. Talajic's side showcased their dynamic attacking style, keeping Indonesia on the defensive for much of the match. Their efforts paid off early, with Mohamed Jasim Marhoom netting a stunning long-range goal in the first half, shaking Team Garuda. However, Indonesia quickly responded just before halftime, with Ragnar Oratmangoen levelling the score. The match remained tightly contested, and although Indonesia came close to victory, Marhoom struck again in the final minutes to equalize, neutralizing the lead that had been established by Rafael Struick. This result marks Indonesia's third consecutive draw, leaving them still in search of their first win, while Bahrain holds 4th place with 4 points. Goal scorer for Bahrain: Mohamen J Marhoom Goal scorers for Indonesia: Ragnar Oratmangoen, Rafael Struick
Oman 4:0 Kuwait
Oman delivered a dominant performance against Kuwait in their latest FIFA World Cup qualifier, securing a resounding victory in Muscat. From the outset, Oman took control of the match, consistently pressing forward while Kuwait's defence struggled to keep up. Oman registered 17 shots compared to Kuwait's 8, highlighting their offensive superiority. Abdulrahman Al Mushaifri earned the Man of the Match award with a well-deserved brace. This much-needed win propels Oman to 4th place in the standings, while Kuwait remains winless, with two draws and one loss. Goal scorers for Oman: Abdulrahman Al Mushaifri, Abdullah Fawaz, Muhsen Al Ghasani
UAE 1:1 DPR Korea
In what can be termed a shocking result, the UAE dropped points against North Korea in a nail-biting game of football. North Korea turned out to be a surprisingly tough team to compete against for UAE, as they struggled to find the back of the net against the east asian team. Despite clearly being the better side, North Korea conceded first and had to work hard to restore the scoreline. Their efforts paid off as they were presented with the opportunity to level the score from the spot but Khalid Elsa stood tall and made a crucial save which allowed UAE to hold onto their lead. The lead didn't last long as Il Gwan Jong scored in the 88th minute to draw level allowing North Korea to salvage a point from this game. The UAE currently holds 3rd place in the standings with 4 points, while DPR Korea is positioned second last with 2 points from three matches. Despite their recent draw, the UAE remains ahead in the race, while North Korea is still searching for their first win of the campaign. Goal scorer for UAE: Yahya Alghassani Goal scorer for DPR Korea: Il Gwan Jong
Qatar 3:1 Kyrgyzstan
Qatar secured a crucial victory over Kyrgyzstan in their FIFA World Cup qualifier, living up to their pre-match billing as clear favorites. Tintin Marquez's side demonstrated their attacking prowess, preventing Kyrgyzstan from settling into their usual rhythm. Akram Afif delivered another standout performance, while Almoez Ali made his mark with a goal. This win propels Qatar to 4th place in the standings with 4 points from three games, while Kyrgyzstan's winless run continues in their pursuit of the World Cup 2026 qualification. Goal scorers for Qatar: Almoez Ali, Ibrahim Al Hassan, Tamirlan Kozubaev (OG) Goal scorers for Kyrgyzstan: Alimardon Shukurov
Saudi Arabia 0:2 Japan
The Samurai Blue continued their flawless performance in the World Cup qualifier on Thursday with a decisive victory over the Green Falcons of Arabia. Despite the valiant efforts of Roberto Mancini's squad, they proved no match for the Japanese, who showcased their dominance as the leading team in Asian football. Although Saudi Arabia enjoyed higher possession and took more shots than Japan, their efforts were rendered ineffective as the Japanese displayed greater efficiency in front of the goal. This victory keeps Japan at the top of the standings with a perfect record, while Saudi Arabia sits in 3rd place with 4 points. Goal scorers for Japan: Daichi Kamada, Koki Ogawa
Iraq 1:0 Palestine
The Lions of Mesopotamia secured a vital victory against a resilient Palestine in their latest World Cup qualifier. The Iraqi side, managed by Jesus Garcia, entered the match as clear favourites, demonstrating both physical and technical superiority. Aymen Hussein's decisive goal in the 31st minute proved to be the match-winner, allowing Iraq to claim all three points. Despite Palestine's determined efforts in the closing minutes, the Iraqi defense held firm, ensuring a clean sheet. With two wins from three matches, Iraq remains undefeated and sits in 2nd place in the standings, level on points with group leaders South Korea, while Palestine occupies the bottom position with 2 draws and 1 loss from three games. Goal scorer for Iraq: Aymen Hussein
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ILT20 2023 Squads: Players list and Captains of all six teams
ILT20 2023 Squads: Players list and Captains of all six teams
The inaugural edition of the International League T20 (ILT20) is set to be held across Dubai, Abu Dhabi and Sharjah from January 13 to February 12, 2023. Six teams, namely MI Emirates, Dubai Capitals, Abu Dhabi Knight Riders, Desert Vipers, Sharjah Warriors and Gulf Giants, will compete in the UAE’s franchise-based T20 tournament. The International League T20 2023 will have 34 matches in…
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Marcus Stoinis signs with Sharjah Warriors, joins Moeen Ali, Chris Woakes, Mohammad Nabi
Marcus Stoinis signs with Sharjah Warriors, joins Moeen Ali, Chris Woakes, Mohammad Nabi
Marcus Stoinis has become the latest big-ticket T20 player to join the UAE’s ILT20, signing with Sharjah Warriors for the month-long tournament starting on January 13. He is the second Australian cricketer in the inaugural edition of the tournament after Chris Lynn, who will link up with Gulf Giants after playing 11 games for Adelaide Strikers in the ongoing BBL. Whether Stoinis’ arrangement…
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ILT20 2023 Live Score and Scorecard
The inaugural season of the United Arab Emirates' T20 league, International League T20 (ILT20) has been scheduled to take place from January 13 to February 12, 2023. The ILT20 will be played in a 34-match format across the UAE’s exemplary, world-class Cricket facilities in Dubai, Abu Dhabi and Sharjah.
A total of six teams will face each other in the round robin stage to qualify for the playoffs. Franchises owners from the Indian Premier League (IPL), such as Knight Riders Group, Reliance Industries, GMR Group along with Lancer Capitals, Adani Group and Capri Global Capital Limited were announced as owners of the teams.
The six teams are - Abu Dhabi Knight Riders, Desert Vipers, Dubai Capitals, Gulf Giants, MI Emirates and Sharjah Warriors. Nine out of eleven players on each team can be overseas players while two players must be a UAE player and a player from an Associate Member nation respectively.
Follow SportsTiger to catch the live scores and updates from the ILT20: ILT20 2023 Live Score and Live Scorecard
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Christina Stelliou vs Casey O'Neill at 'UAE Warriors 13' in Abu Dhabi, UAE
Christina Stelliou vs Casey O’Neill at ‘UAE Warriors 13’ in Abu Dhabi, UAE
Christina Stelliou
Christina “Charis” Stelliou, 24, of Athens, Greece and Casey “King” O’Neill, 22, of Queensland, Australia will battle it out at “UAE Warriors 13” in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates on September 25, 2020. Both mixed martial artists are UAE Warriors debutantes.
Born in Scotland on October 7, 1997, O’Neill stands 5’6″ and competes in the flyweight division. As an amateur fighter,…
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Athens, Greece’s Christina Stelliou to face Casey O'Neill at 'UAE Warriors 13'
Athens, Greece’s Christina Stelliou to face Casey O’Neill at ‘UAE Warriors 13’
Christina Stelliou
Christina “Charis” Stelliou, 24, of Athens, Greece will make her UAE Warriors debut at “UAE Warriors 13” in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates on September 25, 2020. The Greek mixed martial artist will fight Casey “King” O’Neill, 22, of Queensland, Australia.
O’Neill was born in Scotland on October 7, 1997. She stands 5’6″ and competes in the flyweight division.
As an amateur…
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Ислам Мамедов (18-1-1) выступит на турнире UAE Warriors 13, 25 сентября 🇦🇪 #dagfighters #UFC #Box #Wrestling #Dagestan #Дагестан https://www.instagram.com/p/CEV_HRghYko/?igshid=b74gcastyei7
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FIFA World Cup: South Korea's limited attacking options could be cause for real concern
It may seem strange to cast doubt on the strength of South Korea's attack, especially if there is a certain Son Heung-min they can call. As the Taegeuk Warriors re-launch their FIFA World Cup 2022 qualifier against the United Arab Emirates and Iraq a closer look at coach Paulo Bento's available options raises concerns
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As Bordeaux man Hwang Ui-jo has ruled out a possible injury, two foreign strikers named Bentohase are Cho Gue-sung, a 23-year-old who has played twice and spent the season playing in South Korea's second-tier match - tier K League 2, and Kim Gun - hee, who has scored just six league goals in 2021 and is yet to play worldwide. It remains to be seen whether one or more of them will be thrown in as deep as Hwang's replacement, and it would be wrong to expect to easily fill the void left by South Korea's top 13-goal scorer with Bento's 13 goals appointment in 2018.
However, the fact that the two appear to be Bento's best performers in the crucial stage of qualifying for the rest of the year only suggests a lack of selection, or Bento's reluctance to explore the rest. -Page options. For example, Jeju United's Joo Min-kyu, who has 21 goals this season and is on his way to becoming the top scorer in K League 1 in five years, has to ask himself what else he needs to do to make it. Admittedly, there is an option for Bento to use Son as an attacking midfielder, although that role has greatly reduced Tottenham star's influence in the past.
Son's ability to grow in the invading third place is often enhanced by dismissing his colleagues who serve as a base. At Spurs, that man has been Harry Kane but all over the world, the man who wins that role is Hwang who is always inferior. For that reason, it is also gratifying that Bento has not yet turned to someone like Oh Se-hun, who has performed well since being offered the leadership position at last year's Ulsan Hyundai clubs at the start of the season.
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Like Hwang, Oh is probably not the best striker but he is working hard to carry other players as a goal scorer standing 1.93 meters and it would be a great foil for Son, for the amount he brings to the team just beyond his own. the capacity to find the back of the net. Redesigning the package could work for Bento next week as he has a quality that should be good enough to defeat the UAE and Iraq. Aside from Son, the Wolves striker, Hwang Hee-chan is another one who could be given the job of leading the line and has expressed a willingness to play a role. But with the World Cup so far away, South Korea has at least one-third of the questions that need to be answered.
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Cellular Epigenetics Research Report 2021-2028
Market segmentation Cellular Epigenetics market is split by Type and by Application. For the period 2016-2026, the growth among segments provide accurate calculations and forecasts for sales by Type and by Application in terms of volume and value. This analysis can help you expand your business by targeting qualified niche markets.
Also Read: http://www.marketwatch.com/story/june-2021-report-on-global-vape-cartridge-market-statistics-cagr-outlook-and-covid-19-impact-2021---2023-2021-06-02
Market segment by Type, covers Low End Middle End High End
Market segment by Application can be divided into Retail Shoe Store Hypermarket E-Commerce Other
Also Read: http://www.marketwatch.com/story/june-2021-report-on-global-infant-radiant-warmer-united-states-market-overview-size-share-and-trends-2021-2026-2021-06-03
The key market players for global Cellular Epigenetics market are listed below: Converse Nike Levis Adidas Keds PONY HOZ Zosdon Puma Kappa Crocs Vans Senma Toms Shoes XTEP Warrior Anta NOVESTA
Market segment by Region, regional analysis covers North America (United States, Canada and Mexico) Europe (Germany, France, United Kingdom, Russia, Italy, and Rest of Europe) Asia-Pacific (China, Japan, Korea, India, Southeast Asia, and Australia) South America (Brazil, Argentina, Colombia, and Rest of South America) Middle East & Africa (Saudi Arabia, UAE, Egypt, South Africa, and Rest of Middle East & Africa)
Also Read: http://www.marketwatch.com/story/june-2021-report-on-global-foundation-primer-industry-supply-and-demand-markets-and-prices-2021-2027-2021-06-04
The content of the study subjects, includes a total of 14 chapters: Chapter 1, to describe Cellular Epigenetics product scope, market overview, market opportunities, market driving force and market risks. Chapter 2, to profile the top manufacturers of Cellular Epigenetics, with price, sales, revenue and global market share of Cellular Epigenetics in 2018 and 2019. Chapter 3, the Cellular Epigenetics competitive situation, sales, revenue and global market share of top manufacturers are analyzed emphatically by landscape contrast. Chapter 4, the Cellular Epigenetics breakdown data are shown at the regional level, to show the sales, revenue and growth by regions, from 2015 to 2020. Chapter 5 and 6, to segment the sales by type and application, with sales market share and growth rate by type, application, from 2015 to 2020. Chapter 7, 8, 9, 10 and 11, to break the sales data at the country level, with sales, revenue and market share for key countries in the world, from 2016 to 2021.and Cellular Epigenetics market forecast, by regions, type and application, with sales and revenue, from 2021 to 2026. Chapter 12, 13 and 14, to describe Cellular Epigenetics sales channel, distributors, customers, research findings and conclusion, appendix and data source.
Also Read: http://www.marketwatch.com/story/june-2021-report-on-global-bbq-wood-pellets-industry-market-overview-size-share-and-trends-2021-2026-2021-06-08
List OF CONTENTS AND TABLES:
1 Market Overview
1.1 Cellular Epigenetics Introduction
1.2 Market Analysis by Type
1.2.1 Overview: Global Cellular Epigenetics Revenue by Type: 2019 Versus 2021 Versus 2026
1.2.2 Plastic Cellular Epigenetics
1.2.3 Glass Cellular Epigenetics
1.2.4 Metal Cellular Epigenetics
1.3 Market Analysis by Application
1.3.1 Overview: Global Cellular Epigenetics Revenue by Application: 2019 Versus 2021 Versus 2026
1.3.2 Supermarkets and Hypermarkets
1.3.3 Convenience Stores
1.3.4 Drug Stores
1.3.5 Online Stores
1.4 Global Cellular Epigenetics Market Size & Forecast
1.4.1 Global Cellular Epigenetics Sales in Value (2016-2026))
1.4.2 Global Cellular Epigenetics Sales in Volume (2016-2026)
1.4.3 Global Cellular Epigenetics Price by Type (2016-2026) & (USD/Unit)
1.5 Global Cellular Epigenetics Production Capacity Analysis
1.5.1 Global Cellular Epigenetics Total Production Capacity (2016-2026)
1.5.2 Global Cellular Epigenetics Production Capacity by Geographic Region
1.6 Market Drivers, Restraints and Trends
1.6.1 Cellular Epigenetics Market Drivers
1.6.2 Cellular Epigenetics Market Restraints
1.6.3 Cellular Epigenetics Trends Analysis
2 Manufacturers Profiles
2.1 The Bloom Brand
2.1.1 The Bloom Brand Details
2.1.2 The Bloom Brand Major Business
2.1.3 The Bloom Brand Cellular Epigenetics Product and Services
2.1.4 The Bloom Brand Cellular Epigenetics Sales, Price, Revenue, Gross Margin and Market Share (2019-2021)
2.2 Honey Vape
2.2.1 Honey Vape Details
2.2.2 Honey Vape Major Business
2.2.3 Honey Vape Cellular Epigenetics Product and Services
2.2.4 Honey Vape Cellular Epigenetics Sales, Price, Revenue, Gross Margin and Market Share (2019-2021)
2.3 Brite Labs
2.3.1 Brite Labs Details
2.3.2 Brite Labs Major Business
2.3.3 Brite Labs Cellular Epigenetics Product and Services
2.3.4 Brite Labs Cellular Epigenetics Sales, Price, Revenue, Gross Margin and Market Share (2019-2021)
2.4 Select Oil
2.4.1 Select Oil Details
2.4.2 Select Oil Major Business
2.4.3 Select Oil Cellular Epigenetics Product and Services
2.4.4 Select Oil Cellular Epigenetics Sales, Price, Revenue, Gross Margin and Market Share (2019-2021)
2.5 EEL River Organics
2.5.1 EEL River Organics Details
2.5.2 EEL River Organics Major Business
2.5.3 EEL River Organics Cellular Epigenetics Product and Services
2.5.4 EEL River Organics Cellular Epigenetics Sales, Price, Revenue, Gross Margin and Market Share (2019-2021)
2.6 Avitas Natural
2.6.1 Avitas Natural Details
2.6.2 Avitas Natural Major Business
2.6.3 Avitas Natural Cellular Epigenetics Product and Services
2.6.4 Avitas Natural Cellular Epigenetics Sales, Price, Revenue, Gross Margin and Market Share (2019-2021)
2.7 Airo Vapour
2.7.1 Airo Vapour Details
2.7.2 Airo Vapour Major Business
2.7.3 Airo Vapour Cellular Epigenetics Product and Services
2.7.4 Airo Vapour Cellular Epigenetics Sales, Price, Revenue, Gross Margin and Market Share (2019-2021)
2.8 Kingpen
2.8.1 Kingpen Details
2.8.2 Kingpen Major Business
2.8.3 Kingpen Cellular Epigenetics Product and Services
2.8.4 Kingpen Cellular Epigenetics Sales, Price, Revenue, Gross Margin and Market Share (2019-2021)
2.9 Evolab Chroma
2.9.1 Evolab Chroma Details
2.9.2 Evolab Chroma Major Business
2.9.3 Evolab Chroma Cellular Epigenetics Product and Services
2.9.4 Evolab Chroma Cellular Epigenetics Sales, Price, Revenue, Gross Margin and Market Share (2019-2021)
2.10 Orchid Essentials
2.10.1 Orchid Essentials Details
2.10.2 Orchid Essentials Major Business
2.10.3 Orchid Essentials Cellular Epigenetics Product and Services
2.10.4 Orchid Essentials Cellular Epigenetics Sales, Price, Revenue, Gross Margin and Market Share (2019-2021)
2.11 Absolute Extracts
2.11.1 Absolute Extracts Details
2.11.2 Absolute Extracts Major Business
2.11.3 Absolute Extracts Cellular Epigenetics Product and Services
2.11.4 Absolute Extracts Cellular Epigenetics Sales, Price, Revenue, Gross Margin and Market Share (2019-2021)
2.12 Dutchy
2.12.1 Dutchy Details
2.12.2 Dutchy Major Business
2.12.3 Dutchy Cellular Epigenetics Product and Services
2.12.4 Dutchy Cellular Epigenetics Sales, Price, Revenue, Gross Margin and Market Share (2019-2021)
2.13 LEVEL
2.13.1 LEVEL Details
2.13.2 LEVEL Major Business
2.13.3 LEVEL Cellular Epigenetics Product and Services
2.13.4 LEVEL Cellular Epigenetics Sales, Price, Revenue, Gross Margin and Market Share (2019-2021)
3 Cellular Epigenetics Sales by Manufacturer
3.1 Global Cellular Epigenetics Sales in Volume by Manufacturer (2019-2021e)
3.2 Global Cellular Epigenetics Revenue by Manufacturer (2019-2021e)
3.3 Key Manufacturer Market Position in Cellular Epigenetics
3.4 Market Concentration Rate
3.4.1 Top 3 Cellular Epigenetics Manufacturer Market Share
3.4.2 Top 6 Cellular Epigenetics Manufacturer Market Share
3.5 Global Cellular Epigenetics Production Capacity by Company
3.6 Manufacturer by Geography: Head Office and Cellular Epigenetics Production Site
3.7 New Entrant and Capacity Expansion Plans
3.8 Mergers & Acquisitions
Also Read: http://www.marketwatch.com/story/june-2021-report-on-global-probe-system-market-size-share-value-and-competitive-landscape-2020-2021-06-07
4 Market Analysis by Region
4.1 Global Cellular Epigenetics Market Size by Region
4.1.1 Global Cellular Epigenetics Sales in Volume by Region (2016-2026)
4.1.2 Global Cellular Epigenetics Revenue by Region (2016-2026)
4.2 North America Cellular Epigenetics Revenue (2016-2026)
4.3 Europe Cellular Epigenetics Revenue (2016-2026)
4.4 Asia-Pacific Cellular Epigenetics Revenue (2016-2026)
4.5 South America Cellular Epigenetics Revenue (2016-2026)
4.6 Middle East and Africa Cellular Epigenetics Revenue (2016-2026)
5 Market Segment by Type
5.1 Global Cellular Epigenetics Sales in Volume by Type (2016-2026)
5.2 Global Cellular Epigenetics Revenue by Type (2016-2026)
5.3 Global Cellular Epigenetics Price by Type (2016-2026)
….….continued
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Questions Time
I’ve never been tagged for one of these! Thanks @lena-in-a-red-dress!
Rules: Answer 30 questions about yourself and tag 20 others you wanna know more about.
1. Name/Nickname: Technically, my name’s Shireen, but I’m going by Jack right now.
2. Gender: Who knows, what is gender, what even is life or reality (I think of myself as a woman)
3. Star sign: the dreaded Gemini
4. Height: 1.51m and no I will not tell you what that is in feet
5. Time: 12:28 pm
6: Birthday: June
7: Favorite Bands/Groups: Good question. The only band I can see repeated a few times in my music is Bon Jovi, so that?
8. Favorite Solo: Easily Hozier. Adele’s up there too.
9. Song Stuck in my head: the Xena Warrior Princess theme song, but not the lyrics (RIP Xena :( )
10. Last Movie: I have no idea omg.... the only one I can think of is the new Mortal Kombat (which was great see it!) in cinema but that was a few weeks ago, I’ve definitely seen movies since.
11. Last Show: Xena Warrior Princess but also Hell’s Kitchen
12. When did I create this blog: I- have no idea
13. What do I post: My own nonsense about whatever show/movie I’m into, plus I love art (would love to be a part of an art someday) and I’m always fascinated/awed by everyone’s talent all the time so I’ll reblog a lot of fanart
14. Last thing I googled: Simon from Zoey’s Extraordinary Playlist (SCREW MAX I HATE HIM TEAM SIMON ALL THE WAY shame on you Zoey.)
15. Other Blogs: Like, twitter? Instagram? I can barely operate tumblr tbh
16. Do I get asks: Sadly not please talk to me
17. Why I chose my URL: Lol struggling with university and making jokes about bringing shame to my family
18. Following: 193
19: Followers: 227
20: Average hours of sleep: I don’t even know anymore but whatever it is, it’s choppy and irregular and not enough I am TIRED
21: Lucky number: Is there such a thing? I guess 6?
22. Instruments: I watched School of Rock and was desperate for an electric guitar. I got an acoustic one instead and lost interest.
23. What am I wearing: An orange giraffe onsie
24. Dream Job: filthy rich. (but really anything that pays the bills that allows me to have time to write)
25. Dream Trip: I don’t know about “dream” trip, but I’d love to go to Japan! Italy too, and back to the US for another trip would be nice if things weren’t such a shitshow lol
26. Favorite food: I think French fries and ice cream but not at the same time.
27. Nationality: UAE.
28. Favorite song: I think it might be a three-way tie between From Eden, Movement, and Work Song by Hozier
29. Last book I read: The Black Book of Arabia
30. Top three fictional Universes I'd like to live in: Harry Potter (even though R****** is trying her absolute hardest to completely destroy it), SG because I want to be Lena Luthor’s and/or Sam Arias’ personal assistant and also to give them both a hug and also to kick Alex in the shin every time she’s being OOC, and Marvel’s Runaways because Nico and I would be great friends (lol everyone I want has mommy issues do I have a type??)
Well, this was fun! I’m not gonna tag anyone because sadly I don’t know anyone like that but it’s a free for all!
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Watch: UAE'S Waseem Muhammad slams 7 sixes in 13 balls to equal Gayle, Shahzad for fastest T10 fifty
Watch: UAE’S Waseem Muhammad slams 7 sixes in 13 balls to equal Gayle, Shahzad for fastest T10 fifty
Image Source : YOUTUBE/T10 LEAGUE Waseem Muhammad remained unbeaten on 56 off just 13 balls as his side, Northern Warriors chased the 98-run target in merely 4.3 overs. The ongoing Abu Dhabi T10 League has seen some extraordinary performances so far. Be it Nicholas Pooran’s fireworks in 26-ball 89 against Bangla Tigers, or Chris Gayle scoring a 12-ball-fifty for his side, Team Abu Dhabi. On…
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Watch: UAE'S Waseem Muhammad slams 7 sixes in 13 balls to equal Gayle, Shahzad for fastest T10 fifty
Watch: UAE’S Waseem Muhammad slams 7 sixes in 13 balls to equal Gayle, Shahzad for fastest T10 fifty
Image Source : YOUTUBE/T10 LEAGUE Waseem Muhammad remained unbeaten on 56 off just 13 balls as his side, Northern Warriors chased the 98-run target in merely 4.3 overs. The ongoing Abu Dhabi T10 League has seen some extraordinary performances so far. Be it Nicholas Pooran’s fireworks in 26-ball 89 against Bangla Tigers, or Chris Gayle scoring a 12-ball-fifty for his side, Team Abu Dhabi. On…
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The UFC Has Signed Dean Barry
Multiple time kickboxing champion and Irish MMA prospect Dean Barry has been signed by the UFC. SuckerPunch Entertainment, which is Barry’s management team announced the signing on Instagram earlier in the week.
Dean Barry made the switch over to MMA back in 2017 by getting a first round TKO victory over Thomas Thatcher at a Shamrock FC show. So far Barry is 3-1-0 in MMA and is coming off a spectacular first round KO finish against Abdulla Al Bousheiri at UAE Warriors 13 back in September. He’s currently training Owen Roddy at Straight Blast Gym Charleston who is well known for training the infamous Conor McGregor.
It’s not currently known what weight class he’ll be fighting at, but his most recent bouts have been at lightweight. These recent fights at lightweight makes it safe for us to assume he’ll fight at 155. At 28 years old Barry is looking to make waves in the UFC and prove himself to be a legitimate contender.
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Bibi’s Figital Warriors Take on Arabia: How Israel Won Over the Gulf States
Israel has been using a web of social media accounts to produce a more favorable image among Arabs in the Gulf. With the UAE agreement, it seems these efforts are bearing fruit.
— 972 Magazine | August 14, 2020 | Dr. Norman Gary Finkelstein | By Katie Wachsberger
A man takes a selfie in front of the Tel Aviv Municipality on Rabin Square, which was lit up with the flag of United Arab Emirates after U.S. President Donald Trump announced the normalization of relations between Israel and the UAE, on August 13, 2020. (Oren Ziv)
In 2009, Netanyahu hired a group of young, ex-soldiers from the IDF’s communications unit including his eldest son, Yair — to lead the administration’s efforts in creating a strong social media presence. Equipped with an elite unit of tech-savvy digital warriors, the Israeli government was ready to take on the Arab blogosphere and begin producing a more favorable image of Israel
Following the Arab Spring, the Israeli government established several more Arabic-language accounts — such as “Israel in Arabic” on Twitter and “Israel Speaks Arabic” on Facebook, which has nearly two million followers from the region
Even Netanyahu himself began posting in Arabic between 2011 and 2012.
These accounts work together, retweeting one another’s posts, sharing information and followers, and engaging extensively with people throughout the region. They post discussions and polls, videos that directly address the people of the region, and references to Arab culture and Islam. They portray Israel as a progressive, tolerant, resourceful, and peaceful nation. Over the past several years they have come to focus more on technological advancement in realms that interest the Arab world, such as in agritech and medicine.
There is also a significant focus on women’s rights and gender representation in the Israeli government and military, creating an image that marginalizes the violence of the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza. — Dr. Norman Gary Finkelstein
On August 13, Israel and the United Arab Emirates signed a historic deal to normalize relations between the two countries. Under the agreement, which was brokered by U.S. President Donald Trump, Israel will suspend its annexation of parts of the West Bank. On Twitter, Trump called the agreement a “HUGE breakthrough,” and a “historic peace agreement between our two GREAT friends.”
The peace deal is the culmination of years of warming ties between Israel and the Gulf (or Khaleej in Arabic) countries, buttressed by a demonstrable shift in Arab public opinion. While the deal immediately came under attack for disregarding Palestinians’ aspirations for self-determination, it was also welcomed enthusiastically by many social media influencers from around the GCC.
Over the past decade, as the rise of Iran’s regional influence has been countered by the growing power of the Gulf states, Israel has been using a web of Arabic-speaking social media accounts to spread pro-Israel propaganda in order to win over the hearts and minds of Khaleejis and neutralize the perceived threat of the Islamic Republic. Now, with a peace deal on the horizon, it seems those efforts have borne fruit.
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has historically played a significant role in Israel’s relations with the Khaleej. Initiated in the 1990s following the Oslo Accords, annulled in the early 2000s during the Second Intifada (partly as a result of mass popular protests in some Khaleeji countries), recalled in the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative, and covertly re-established throughout the 2000s and 2010s, Netanyahu’s government has recently been successful in warming ties with the nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council — specifically the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and to a lesser extent, Oman and Qatar.
Already in the late 2000s, the Israeli government began utilizing social media to spread hasbara, its national propaganda efforts. Since 2008, for example, Israel’s Foreign Affairs Ministry has been promoting short “informational” videos on YouTube. Two years later, it established virtual Egyptian and Jordanian embassies on Twitter, “dedicated to strengthening diplomatic relations, economic growth and friendship” between Israel and the two nations. These accounts focus exclusively on social, cultural, technological, and economic content, steering clear of sensitive political issues such as Palestinian rights, which are known to foster discontent among the Jordanian and Egyptian populations.
Similar tactics and social media tools have since been adopted by internal security entities, attempting to influence the Palestinian population’s negative perception of military occupation to one of partnership and closeness.
In the years following his return to the premiership in 2009, Netanyahu hired a group of young, ex-soldiers from the IDF’s communications unit, “Dover Tzahal” — including his eldest son, Yair — to lead the administration’s efforts in creating a strong social media presence. Equipped with an elite unit of tech-savvy digital warriors, the Israeli government was ready to take on the Arab blogosphere and begin producing a more favorable image of Israel.
Following the Arab Spring, the Israeli government established several more Arabic-language accounts — such as “Israel in Arabic” on Twitter and “Israel Speaks Arabic” on Facebook, which has nearly two million followers from the region — reaching beyond Israel’s formal allies. Officials such as IDF Spokesperson Avichay Adraee, the prime minister’s Arabic media spokesperson Ofir Gendleman, and even Netanyahu himself, began posting in Arabic between 2011 and 2012.
These accounts work together, retweeting one another’s posts, sharing information and followers, and engaging extensively with people throughout the region. They post discussions and polls, videos that directly address the people of the region, and references to Arab culture and Islam. They portray Israel as a progressive, tolerant, resourceful, and peaceful nation. Over the past several years they have come to focus more on technological advancement in realms that interest the Arab world, such as in agritech and medicine. There is also a significant focus on women’s rights and gender representation in the Israeli government and military, creating an image that marginalizes the violence of the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza.
The seemingly benign facade of Israel’s cultural, technological, and social achievements can be intriguing for some Arabic-speaking social media users, many of whom have had little to no insight into the nature of Israeli society.
President Donald Trump, joined by White House senior staff members, delivers a statement announcing the agreement of full normalization of relations between Israel and the United Arab Emirates Thursday, Aug. 13, 2020, in the Oval Office of the White House. (Joyce N. Boghosian/White House)
“Sometimes it’s just about curiosity,” explained Kareem Abdulaziz, a Lebanese consultant born and raised in the UAE who has been following Netanyahu’s Arabic account on Twitter for several years. “My whole life I’ve heard these shadowy explanations of what Israel has done to the Arabs, how Israel is the devil, why we should never talk to Israelis. The whole topic is so taboo that suddenly the opportunity to peak into the black box is impossible to resist.”
Another popular tool is the portrayal of Arabic culture in different Israeli contexts, seeking to foster familiarity and the appearance of sympathy and interest among Israelis toward Arabic music, language, and art. This also includes the manipulation of the Mizrahi narrative, erasing the establishment’s history of oppressing Jews who arrived to Israel from Middle Eastern and Muslim countries due to their Arabic identity and culture, while focusing exclusively on the fraternity and shared experiences of Mizrahi Jews and Arabs in the region.
“They think that I will be more sympathetic to Israel if I see that many Israelis are actually from an Arab background or from Islamic countries,” explained Mansour Benani, a student at Penn State originally from Rabat who follows several official Israeli Arabic accounts on Twitter. “But the truth is this can actually fuel antisemitic tendencies toward Jewish communities that have remained [in Arab and Muslim countries]. We have several such communities in Morocco who often try to disassociate themselves from Zionism.”
By demonstrating the Zionist sentiments of Jews who remained in these countries — which Benani claims is commonly believed among Moroccan residents to be the reason for their discrimination in Muslim countries following the 1967 war — these accounts further alienate Arab audiences. “They are saying, there is no difference between Judaism and Israel, and that even Jews from the Middle East have typically supported Israel. It justifies disdain for the Jews, which often originates from the rejection of Israel’s violent treatment of Palestinians.”
As Israel tightens its control over Palestinians in the occupied territories, and as Arab leaders’ strategic interests increasingly marginalize the occupation’s significance, some of these social media accounts have increasingly adopted overtly political messaging. This increasingly aggressive discourse attacks the Palestinians’ handling of the conflict, claims they have repeatedly rejected any peace initiative offered by Israel, portrays resistance as illegitimate terrorism, and exaggerates Palestinian ties with Iran and Qatar. This more recent addition to the accounts’ repertoire — specifically as it pertains to the portrayal of Iran as a malicious regional influencer — signifies shifting attention toward the Gulf.
As such, the government established the “Israel in the Khaleej” account in 2013. The Khaleeji social and cultural environment has been immensely impacted by social media’s facilitation of exposure to global communities, discourse, and trends, all of which led to the account’s rapid growth. Israel in the Khaleej is deemed by Israeli officials one of the MFA’s most successful social media outreach campaigns, and was branded a “virtual embassy” in 2018. “We can see more and more of our followers who credit our content with having changed their perceptions and attitudes towards Israel,” claims the account’s founder, Yonatan Gonen.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu presents files on Iran’s nuclear program in a press conference at the Kirya government headquarters in Tel Aviv, on April 30, 2018. (Miriam Alster/Flash90)
In recent years, there has been a notable increase in engagement on all of Israel’s official Arabic accounts’ with the Gulf. The Israeli government’s Twitter and YouTube channels have published videos of Gulf citizens speaking favorably about Israel, news of visits by GCC nationals, official Khaleeji statements regarding normalization of relations (which are often neglected in mainstream Gulf media), and messages from Israeli citizens to different Gulf states.
The political posts also often touch on shared strategic concerns or interests, specifically as they pertain to Khaleeji foreign policy, such as combating Iran’s nuclear advancements and curbing the spread of Islamic extremism (often equated with Palestinian resistance movements). They also highlight Netanyahu’s access to and cooperation with U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration, which is attractive to many Gulfies who favor Trump’s aggressive policies regarding Iran.
While the perceived Iranian threat was the catalyst and leading cause of Israel’s diplomatic ambitions in the Gulf, it is not the only uniting factor. In 2011, the Arab Spring brought Israel and the Gulf countries closer, as uprisings demonstrated the power of popular sentiments and their ability to topple authoritarian regimes.
The protests were equally threatening to Israel’s government — primarily interested in maintaining the status quo in which regional threats are neutralized — and to the Gulf regimes, which found the prospects of mass political movements to be both directly and indirectly threatening. The shared perceived threat of Islamist movements developing out of popular resistance is utilized by these official accounts to portray Palestinian national aspirations as dangerous, corrupt, and radical.
As such, posts often attack radical Islamic ideology, drawing a distinction between so-called “good Arabs” and “bad Arabs,” the former referring to compliant and productive citizens, while the latter to supporters of Islamist movements or “terror” organizations (including Palestinian militant groups).
In one Tweet, for example, Israel’s army spokesperson Adraee asks followers how they would want to be remembered: as “respected and successful” like Egyptian football star Mohammed Salah and Syrian sports journalist Mustafa Agha, or “as the cowardly terrorist Ahmad Jarrar,” who was accused of killing an Israeli settler and was shot dead by the Israeli army. These statements echo a common discourse heard in the UAE and Saudi Arabic, which expresses caution regarding radical Islamist trends.
Additionally, these accounts criticize Palestinian resistance, demonize efforts to fight against the occupation, and play into authoritarian regimes’ fear of popular movements that challenge the political status quo or support radical ideological currents. Using hashtags such as “Hamas is your Nakba” and “Not Awda (return) but Fawda (chaos),” official Israeli accounts portray uprisings and protests as violent and goaded by Hamas or supported by Iran.
U.S. President Donald Trump delivers remarks with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu Tuesday, Jan. 28, 2020, in the East Room of the White House to unveil details of the Trump administration’s Middle East plan. (Shealah Craighead/White House)
In the late 2010s, prominent international Jewish organizations aligned with Netanyahu’s pro-occupation policies also jumped on the bandwagon. The American Jewish Committee’s Arabic Twitter account, created less than a year ago, now enjoys nearly 60,000 followers. Generally less political in their messaging than the Israeli accounts, the popularity of these organizations in many Arab countries demonstrates a growing interest in Judaism. It also highlights their role as a bridge for Arab nations interested in developing ties with Israel. The AJC, for example, has been a significant facilitator of relations between the UAE and Israel, using its alleged political neutrality as to connect UAE officials with Zionist communities that support the current Israeli administration in the West and in Israel.
Alongside official accounts, individual supporters of Israel’s pro-occupation policies who post in Arabic have also amassed significant following on Twitter. Edy Cohen, an academic specializing in the Arab world and former advisor to the Prime Minister’s Office, has a significant media presence with over 260,000 followers on Twitter. Cohen has become an extremely popular source of information about Israeli politics, and his persona has become a topic of criticism and debate among Arabic social media users region-wide.
Guy Maayan, a Likud member and journalist with the Israeli Public Broadcasting Corporation who regulalry posts in Arabic on his Twitter account, is especially vocal on Palestinian issues. He features Palestinians who reject the prospects of living under Palestinian sovereignty, while defending the Israeli government’s policies in the occupied territories. Mordechai Kedar, a right-wing academic and commentator, uses his account almost exclusively for engaging with the Palestinian issue, often claiming that popular support for Palestinian rights is an emotional trend that lacks logic and reason.
These independent accounts cooperate with official Israeli social media posts by retweeting and spreading explicitly political content. Many of them reach out to Khaleeji audiences, emphasizing issues that unite Israeli and Gulf political interests. There has also been an increase in posts about alleged animosity that Palestinians harbor toward the Khaleej, claiming that Palestinians have been irresponsible and ungrateful, manipulating the region (and especially the Gulf) through their claims of being victims of occupation. Such statements are often reposted enthusiastically by the Israeli accounts mentioned above.
Accordingly, there has been a steady increase of pro-Israel accounts in the GCC, particularly in Saudi Arabia, which simultaneously praise Israeli achievements and policies while condemning Palestinian efforts to resist the occupation. The arguments used by pro-Zionist Arabic social media accounts to justify their dwindling support for Palestine include Israel’s success in technological advancements and combatting terror, the corrupt and impotent nature of Palestinian resistance, and the Palestinians’ failure to accept previous peace agreements.
These classic hasbara arguments demonstrate the effectiveness of Israel’s outreach campaigns in the region and their success in adapting these tactics to the Arabic-speaking target audience. Such accounts, especially in the UAE and Saudi Arabia, use hashtags such as “Palestine is not my problem” or “yes to normalization,” and have run various campaigns over recent months that rally anti-Palestinian sentiments among Gulf citizens. This is done by showing Palestinians living in luxury or highlighting ordinary aspects of Palestinian life in an attempt to discredit claims of oppression and injustice.
Nadim Nashif, the executive director of 7amleh, The Arab Center for the Advancement of Social Media, explained that the rise of Israel’s Arabic social media presence seeks to show the high quality of life in Israel and the opportunities that await the Arab world once relations are completely normalized. “This phenomenon goes to show that relations with the Arab world are becoming stronger and that interest in the Palestinian cause is decreasing,” explained Nashif.
Saudi prince Al-Walid bin Talal seen upon his arrival at the Muqata’a Compound during an official visit to the West Bank city of Ramallah on March 4, 2014. (Issam Rimawi/Flash90)
Indeed, this anti-Palestinian rhetoric is gradually taking hold in popular discourse outside of social media, with more Khaleejis posting uninhibitedly about their support for Israel as well as their wariness of the conflict with the Palestinians. Known popularly as “Arab Zionists,” they are gaining more legitimacy to speak freely about their pro-Israel views.
These voices are not exempt from internal criticism, and in some countries support for engaging with Israel still leads to ostracization (as is the case in Kuwait, for example). But in countries where official engagement with Israel is becoming increasingly visible, such as in the UAE, popular discourse is following suit.
“This is not only because of the fact that people here maintain a herd mentality, supporting what the government supports,” explained a social entrepreneur from Dubai who asked to remain anonymous given the critical nature of his statements regarding Emirati social norms, which could hurt his reputation among colleagues and peers. “It’s also because this has become an accepted way of speaking among Emiratis. Supporting Israel is no longer considered strange, it has become something you hear from time to time.” Indeed, as the interviewee suggested, the increased popularity of pro-Israel discourse can be traced to tendencies among citizens to adopt their government’s stances, as well as the official decision to remove education about the Palestinian issue from school curricula. Social media allows these sentiments to spread and become normalized.
Additionally, the Qatar embargo (enforced by the Saudi, UAE, Bahrain, Egyptian bloc in 2017 as a rejection of Qatari support for Islamic movements) has influenced the decline of pro-Palestine awareness and discourse, as Al-Jazeera (currently blocked in the UAE and Saudi Arabic) used to present the harsh reality of the Israeli occupation in a way that is no longer widely available to Khaleejis.
As such, few prominent Emirati intellectuals who vocally reject normalization with Israel are often subjected to criticism by other UAE nationals, facing resistance when advocating for a solution to the Palestinian issue before the establishment of diplomatic ties.
Expressing resistance to normalization is becoming increasingly dangerous in countries like the UAE, where the government may detain or even torture citizens who criticize authorities. Since the agreement was announced on Thursday, UAE authorities have made it clear that rejecting the government’s new policy on Israel will bring trouble to objectors. The Gulf nations have restrictions on residents’ ability to critique political entities and decisions, which has allowed pro-Israel discourse among Khaleejis to grow with little scrutiny.
As a result, Palestinian social media users are posting more frequently about Khaleeji relations with Israel, condemning their neighbors for abandoning the cause. “This normalization between Netanyahu and the Gulf has been attempted for years, and one of the methods used is incitement against Palestinians and fueling of tensions between Palestinians and Gulfies,” explained Sulaiman Khatib, a Palestinian social activist and co-founder of Combatants for Peace, an anti-occupation organization founded by ex- Israeli soldiers and former Palestinian armed fighters. “They definitely use Gulf voices to play up this conflict. However, I do trust the people of the Gulf that they will stand, as they have historically, with Palestine at the end of the day.”
Thousands of Israeli and Palestinian protesters take part in a demonstration in Rabin Square against the government’s annexation plan, Tel Aviv, June 6, 2020. (Oren Ziv)
As the pro-occupation camp achieves success in fostering popular support for normalization with Israel, Israeli voices that reject the status quo and struggle to end the occupation have been slow to catch up in the struggle for influence over the Arab blogosphere, and have yet to establish a presence in Khaleeji discourse on both official and popular levels. Peace organizations and people-to-people initiatives in Israel have translated few of their materials to Arabic, let alone created an active presence in Arabic conventional media or social media.
“Khaleeji nationals have no idea that there are Israelis and Palestinians working together,” asserted Aisha al-Ghamdi, a Riyadh-based advocate for Saudi women’s rights. “People are convinced that showing interest in Israel inherently requires them to abandon the Palestinian cause, or to look down on Palestinians. This is the case on the web, it is very black and white.”
“The Israeli left has focused its outreach in the U.S. and Europe for several reasons,” explains Achiya Schatz, former director of communications at Breaking the Silence, an Israeli organization of veteran IDF soldiers working to expose the everyday reality of the occupation. “The Palestinians are doing advocacy work in the Arab world, they know the playing field much better than us, and can make their own strategic decisions about what is needed to influence public opinion there. Secondly, the lack of diplomatic ties has made such a task challenging and seemingly irrelevant. Thirdly, the authoritarian nature of the Gulf regimes create obvious challenges for us, a camp that focuses on the importance of human rights.”
It is true that public sentiment and policies in Europe and the U.S. have historically had the most significant influence on the conflict in terms of foreign intervention. However, the incentive of commercial and political cooperation with the GCC is becoming increasingly desirable for Israeli leadership. Netanyahu’s administration has been adamantly striving toward partnership with Khaleeji nations, and has now proven that the realization of these ties is not conditional on a peace agreement with the Palestinians. These nations’ diplomatic decisions have an increasingly significant effect on the conflict’s development, and will continue to play a role determining the nature of any future agreement with the Palestinians, as the normalization of ties becomes a reality.
Meanwhile, the anti-occupation camp is beginning to understand that in order to convince Khaleejis that ties with Israel should not come at the expense of Palestinian rights, it will have to start speaking directly to them. In June, three former Israeli diplomats published an article in The National, expressing their appreciation for Emirati Ambassador to the U.S., Youssef Al Otaiba, after he penned an article in Israel’s Yedioth Ahronoth, warning that annexation will “be a serious setback for relations with the Arab world.”
Similarly, a new Twitter account, “A New Voice from Israel,” recently published a short video featuring former members of Knesset speaking in Arabic and rejecting annexation and occupation. This video received widespread attention from young Khaleeji social media users, many of whom expressed surprise at the fact that some Israelis are more interested in realizing the establishment of a Palestinian state than Arab leaders. “It is unfortunate to find Arab voices denouncing normalization under the pretext of cooperation, while we see Israeli voices inside Israel who refuse to annex the West Bank and stand against Zionist racism and promote the establishment of an independent Palestinian state,” tweeted Talal Alkhanfar from Kuwait.
These initiatives are not only young, they are at a disadvantage because they lack the support of official institutions in Israel and the GCC. Yet they engage the silent majority of young Khaleejis who are interested in the potential benefits of relations with Israel and Israelis while remaining adamantly opposed to the violation of Palestinians’ basic human rights. If fostered and expanded, such efforts have the potential to engage many voices in the Gulf looking to move forward and create a truly interconnected region that offers opportunities to all of its residents.
— Katie Wachsberger is a research associate at the Forum for Regional Thinking specializing in the GCC, with a focus on Israel-Gulf relations and reform-oriented discourse in Oman, the UAE, and Saudi Arabia. She works as a consultant with private sector entities and NGOs looking to explore larger GCC networks through engaging with the Palestinian issue, and leads various regional environmental initiatives. Katie has an MA from Ben Gurion University about social contract reform among Omani intellectuals.
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