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#U.S.-Japan-Australia cooperation
mariacallous · 5 months
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On the same day U.S. President Joe Biden hosted the first-ever United States-Japan-Philippines summit at the White House, a much less conspicuous meeting to strengthen the U.S. alliance network in the Indo-Pacific took place a few blocks away.
On April 11, New Zealand Foreign Minister Winston Peters and U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken convened for talks at the State Department, declaring in a joint statement that their two countries are “working more closely than ever.” In almost any other case, this could be dismissed as meaningless diplomatic boilerplate. But in this case, it was a clear sign that a new era in New Zealand’s foreign policy was underway. Given that U.S.-New Zealand relations have long been strained—in part because Wellington charted a China-friendly course—the meeting was the latest example of Beijing’s behavior in the region driving countries into Washington’s welcoming arms.
The frostiness between New Zealand and the United States dates back to the 1980s, when a Labour government in Wellington declared its part of the Pacific a nuclear-free, disarmed zone and refused to allow port visits by U.S. nuclear-powered submarines. The Reagan administration, in turn, suspended U.S. obligations to New Zealand under the Australia-New Zealand-United States security treaty. The estrangement lasted many decades as New Zealand parted ways not only with the United States but also neighboring Australia to pursue a nonaligned foreign policy.
Relations began to thaw in 2010, when New Zealand Prime Minister John Key’s government signed the Wellington Declaration, which called for elevated strategic engagement and practical cooperation with the United States in the Pacific. Two years later, the two countries followed up with the Washington Declaration, which specifically strengthened defense cooperation and lifted a Reagan-era ban on New Zealand warships in U.S. ports—while leaving Wellington’s nuclear-free zone intact.
The rapprochement also survived the transition back to a Labour Party prime minister, Jacinda Ardern. In fact, the Ardern administration doubled down on the new policy. In 2022, Ardern became the first New Zealand prime minister to attend a NATO summit. Her Labour successor, Chris Hipkins, did so again in 2023. At these summits, New Zealand’s leaders expressed serious concerns about not only Russia but China as well, with Ardern in 2022 stating: “China has in recent times also become more assertive and more willing to challenge international rules and norms. Here, we must respond to the actions we see.”
Criticizing Beijing is a new tactic in New Zealand’s playbook. In 2008, the two countries signed a free trade agreement—Beijing’s first with a Western state. Since then, New Zealand has generally focused on business ties while ignoring or minimizing China’s worsening repression at home and rising assertiveness abroad. To its ostensible Western allies, Wellington’s “supine” attitude toward China was unnerving. In 2018, a Canadian government report called New Zealand the “soft underbelly” of the Five Eyes intelligence-sharing network, which also includes Australia, Britain, Canada, and the United States.
Wellington might have continued on this course, were it not for Beijing’s own actions that made it think twice about engaging—a clear trend that most recently pushed the Philippines to seek closer military relations with Japan and the United States. In New Zealand, it was the discovery of widespread Chinese political interference in the 2017 national elections that began to shift the China narrative from opportunity to concern. It also turned out that a Chinese-born member of the New Zealand Parliament until 2020, Jian Yang, who sat on the foreign affairs, defense, and trade committee, was not only once a member of the Chinese Communist Party but also worked as a trainer of People’s Liberation Army spies. These incidents, as well as Beijing’s turn to bullying smaller countries in the region, awakened New Zealand to the potential geostrategic threat posed by China, including in its own neighborhood.
These developments prompted Ardern to go against the grain of her country’s dovish China policy. In May 2022, New Zealand became a founding member of the Biden administration’s Indo-Pacific Economic Framework—a limited policy that seeks to enhance trade and investment relations among friendly countries, not including China, while stopping short of being an actual free trade agreement. Addressing China directly, Ardern and Biden agreed in Washington that “the United States and New Zealand share a concern that the establishment of a persistent military presence in the Pacific by a state that does not share our values or security interests would fundamentally alter the strategic balance of the region and pose national-security concerns to both our countries.” A month later, New Zealand also joined the Biden administration’s Partners in the Blue Pacific—a group of countries coordinating on Pacific islands strategy, including Australia, Britain, and Japan.
Wellington’s harder line on China now permeates the government. In July 2023, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade issued a new strategic foreign-policy assessment that cited Beijing’s growing assertiveness throughout the Indo-Pacific region as the “primary driver of strategic competition,” adding that the “risk of a shift in the strategic balance in the Pacific is now a present and serious concern in the region.” One month later, Wellington released a first-ever National Security Strategy, arguing that Beijing has become “more assertive and more willing to challenge existing international rules and norms.” A simultaneously released defense strategy implied increased defense spending to meet the emerging China threat.
More recently, Prime Minister Christopher Luxon and his conservative coalition government, elected in October 2023, are sending strong signals that they plan to stay on this track, in spite of previously promoting China-friendly policies. The appointment of Peters as foreign minister, for example, does not bode well for Beijing. In 2018, Peters was the mastermind behind Wellington’s Pacific reset strategy designed to counter Beijing’s growing clout in the Pacific islands region. In a recent speech, Peters questioned the very basis of Wellington’s foreign policy: progressivism and nonalignment. While this policy has played especially well in the postcolonial, post-Cold War Pacific islands region, Peters seems intent on trading it in for aligning New Zealand in great-power competition against China.
Specifically, Peters has called for Wellington to elevate its role in Five Eyes, the Australia-United Kingdom-United States (AUKUS) security pact, and NATO. AUKUS could soon see New Zealand cooperating on nonnuclear security topics, including cyberwar, hypersonic weapons, artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, undersea capabilities, and others. On his first overseas visit in Australia, Luxon strongly suggested that Wellington was moving forward on AUKUS cooperation. Defense Minister Judith Collins has been more circumspect on AUKUS, but her recent contacts with U.S. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin and Deputy Secretary of State Kurt Campbell have deepened the intrigue.
Peters also confirmed this month that New Zealand is pursuing a formal partnership program with NATO. If the agreement is concluded before Luxon’s participation in the NATO summit this summer, it would be another monumental shift in Wellington’s foreign policy away from nonalignment and toward integration with other democratic nations.
From a U.S. perspective, it is easy to get overly excited by these developments and conclude that a restored ANZUS alliance is near. But New Zealand and the United States still seem far apart on restoring a formal alliance, and there have been no public indications that any such step is afoot. A signal of this magnitude to China that New Zealand is siding against it is probably a bridge too far for Wellington, which still seeks to maintain a healthy economic relationship with Beijing and not endanger economic growth.
Still, Wellington’s strategic pivot is good news for Washington and its allies—even if it is still unclear how, exactly, New Zealand’s pivot will support concrete U.S. objectives in the Indo-Pacific and beyond. However, the United States should temper its expectations: New Zealand is likely to continue to preserve productive relations with China while it emphasizes the importance of stronger security ties with Washington.
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zvaigzdelasas · 11 months
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NATO is seeking to expand its cooperation structures globally and also intensify its cooperation with Jordan, Indonesia and India. A “NATO-Indonesia meeting” was held yesterday (Wednesday) on the sidelines of the NATO foreign ministers’ meeting in Brussels – a follow-up to talks between Indonesia’s Foreign Minister Retno Marsudi and NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg in mid-June 2022. Last week, a senior NATO official visited Jordan’s capital Amman to promote the establishment of a NATO liaison office. Already back in June, a US Congressional Committee focused on China, had advocated linking India more closely to NATO. India’s External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, however, quickly rejected the suggestion. NATO diplomats are quoted saying that the Western military alliance could conceive of cooperating with South Africa or Brazil, for example. These plans would escalate the West’s power struggle against Russia and China, while non-Western alliances such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) are expanding their membership.
Already since some time, NATO has been seeking to expand its cooperation structures into the Asia-Pacific region, for example to include Japan. Early this year, NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg was in Tokyo, among other things, to sign a joint declaration with Prime Minister Fumio Kishida.[1] In addition, it is strengthening its cooperation with South Korea, whose armed forces are participating in NATO cyber defense and are to be involved more intensively in future conventional NATO maneuvers.[2] Japan’s prime minster and South Korea’s president have already regularly attended NATO summits. The Western military alliance is also extending its cooperation with Australia and New Zealand. This development is not without its contradictions. France, for example, opposes the plan to establish a NATO liaison office in Japan, because it considers itself an important Pacific power and does not want NATO’s influence to excessively expand in the Pacific. Nevertheless, the Western military alliance is strengthening its presence in the Asia-Pacific region – with maneuvers conducted by its member states, including Germany (german-foreign-policy.com reported.[3]).[...]
NATO has been cooperating with several Mediterranean countries since 1994 within the framework of its Mediterranean Dialogue and also since 1994, with several Arab Gulf countries as part of its Istanbul Cooperation Initiative.[4] However, the cooperation is not considered very intensive. At the beginning of this week, NATO diplomats have been quoted saying “we remain acutely aware of developments on our southern flank,” and are planning appropriate measures. The possibility of establishing a Liaison Office in Jordan is being explored “as a move to get closer to the ground and develop the relationship in the Middle East.[5] Last week, a senior NATO official visited Jordan’s capital Amman to promote such a liaison office.[6][...]
NATO diplomats informed the online platform “Euractiv” that “many members of the Western military alliance believe that political dialogue does not have to be limited to the southern neighborhood. One can also seek cooperation with states further away. Brazil, South Africa, India, and Indonesia are mentioned as examples.[7][...]
In a paper containing strategic proposals for the U.S. power struggle against China, the Committee also advocated strengthening NATO’s cooperation with India.[8] The proposal caused a stir in the run-up to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Washington on June 22. He was able to draw on the fact that India is cooperating militarily in the Quad format with the USA as well as NATO partners Japan and Australia in order to gain leverage against China. Close NATO ties could also facilitate intelligence sharing, allowing New Delhi to access advanced military technology.[9] India’s External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, however, rejected Washington’s proposal, stating that the “NATO template does not apply to India”.[10] Indian media explained that New Delhi was still not prepared to be pitted against Russia and to limit its independence.[11] Both would be entailed in close ties to NATO.
The efforts to link third countries around the world more closely to NATO are being undertaken at a time when not only western countries are escalating their power struggles against Russia and above all against China and are therefore tightening their alliance structures. They are also taking place when non-Western alliances are gaining ground. This is true not only for the BRICS, which decided, in August, to admit six new members on January 1, 2024 (german-foreign-policy.com reported [12]). This is also true for the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), a security alliance centered around Moscow and Beijing that has grown from its original six to currently nine members, including India, Pakistan and Iran, and continues to attract new interested countries. In addition to several countries in Southern Asia and the South Caucasus, SCO “dialogue partners” now include Turkey, Egypt and five Arabian Peninsula states, including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar. Iin light of the BRICS expansion, the admission of additional countries as full SCO members is considered quite conceivable. Western dominance will thus be progressively weakened.[13]
12 Oct 23
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dreaminginthedeepsouth · 10 months
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LETTERS FROM AN AMERICAN
November 16, 2023
HEATHER COX RICHARDSON
NOV 17, 2023
The summit of the leaders of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) economies continued today in San Francisco, California. 
Formed in 1989, APEC is made up of the economies of 21 nations around the Pacific Rim: Australia, Brunei, Canada, Indonesia, Japan, South Korea, Malaysia, New Zealand, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, Taiwan, Hong Kong, China, Mexico, Papua New Guinea, Chile, Peru, Russia, Vietnam, and the United States. Together, these economies make up about 62% of global gross domestic product and almost half of global trade.
David Sanger of the New York Times today noted an apparent shift in the power dynamic between President Joe Biden and Chinese president Xi Jinping, who met yesterday for a four-hour conversation. Earlier in his presidency, Xi was riding on a strong economy that overshadowed that of the U.S. and looked as if it would continue to do so. Then, Xi favored what was known as “wolf warrior” diplomacy: the aggressive defense of China’s national interests against what Chinese envoys portrayed as foreign hostility, especially that of the U.S. 
Under that diplomatic regime, Xi emphasized that liberal democracy was too weak to face the twenty-first century. The speed and momentous questions of the new era called for strong leaders, he said. In early February 2022, Russia and China held a summit after which they pledged that the “[f]riendship between the two States has no limits.” 
Things have changed. 
The U.S. has emerged from the coronavirus pandemic with a historically strong economy, while China’s economy is reeling from a real estate bubble and deflation at the same time that government crackdowns have made foreign capital flee. This summer, Xi quietly sidelined Qin Gang, the foreign minister associated with wolf warrior diplomacy, and in October, he replaced Defense Minister General Li Shangfu, who is under U.S. sanctions for overseeing weapon purchases from Russia. 
Indeed, China has also been quietly pushing back from its close embrace of Russia. Just weeks after their February 2022 declaration, Russia invaded Ukraine in an operation that Russian president Vladimir Putin almost certainly expected would be quick and successful, permitting Russia to seize key Ukrainian ports and land. Such a victory would have strengthened both Russia and China at the same time it weakened Europe, the United States, and their allies and partners. 
Instead, Ukraine stood firm, and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and allies and partners have stood behind the embattled country. As the war has stretched on, sanctions have cut into the Russian economy and Putin has had to cede power to Xi, accepting the Chinese yuan in exchange for Russian commodities, for example. This week, Alberto Nardelli of Bloomberg reported that the European Union is considering another round of sanctions, including a ban on the export of machine tools and machinery parts that enable Russia to make ammunition. 
In a piece at the Center for European Policy Analysis today, Julia Davis, who monitors Russian media, noted that Russia lost an extraordinary 997,000 people between October 2020 and September 2021, even before the war began. Now it is so desperate to increase its population that its leadership claims to have stolen as many as 700,000 Ukrainian children and is urging women to have as many children as possible.  
Holly Ellyatt of CNBC noted that to the degree they even mentioned it, Russian media sniped at the Biden-Xi summit, but it was hard to miss that although Russian president Putin was not welcome to attend, Xi came and engaged in several high-level meetings, assuring potential investors that China wants to be friends with the U.S. Also hard to miss was Xi’s pointed comment that the China-U.S. relationship “is the most important bilateral relationship in the world.” 
Going into this summit, then, the U.S. had the leverage to get agreements from China to crack down on the precursor chemicals that Chinese producers have been shipping to Latin America to make illegal fentanyl, restore military communications between the two countries now that Li has been replaced, and make promises about addressing climate change. Other large issues of trade and the independence of Taiwan will not be resolved so easily. 
Still, it was a high point for President Biden, whose economic policies and careful investment in diplomatic alliances have helped to shift the power dynamic between the U.S. and two countries that were key geopolitical rivals when he took office. Now, both the U.S. and China appear to be making an effort to move forward on better terms. Indeed, Chinese media has shifted its tone about the U.S. and the APEC summit so quickly readers have expressed surprise. 
Today, Biden emphasized “the unlimited potential of our partnerships…to realize a future that will benefit people not only in the Asia-Pacific region but the whole world,… [a] future where our prosperity is shared and is inclusive, where workers are empowered and their rights are respected, where our economies are sustainable and resilient.” 
Biden and administration officials noted that companies from across the Asia-Pacific world have invested nearly $200 billion in the U.S. since Biden took office, creating tens of thousands of good jobs, while the U.S. has elevated its engagement with the region, holding bilateral talks, creating new initiatives and deepening economic partnerships. 
Today, Biden and Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo announced that the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, an economic forum established last year as a nonbinding replacement for the Trans-Pacific Partnership former president Trump abruptly pulled out of, had agreed on terms to set up an early warning system for disruptions to supply chains, cooperation on clean energy, and fighting corruption and tax evasion.
In a very different event in San Francisco today, a federal jury convicted David DePape, 43, of attempted kidnapping and assault on account of a federal official’s performance of official duties for his attack on former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s husband Paul with a hammer on October 28 of last year, fracturing his skull. 
DePape’s lawyers did not contest the extensive evidence against him but tried to convince the jury that DePape did not commit a federal crime because he did not attack Pelosi on account of Representative Pelosi’s official position. Instead, they said, DePape had embraced the language of right-wing lawmakers and pundits and believed in a conspiracy theory that pedophile elites had taken over the country and were spreading lies about former president Donald Trump. 
DePape told jurors he had come to conspiracy theories through Gamergate, a 2014–2015 misogynistic online campaign of harassment against women in the video game industry, which turned into attacks on feminism, diversity, and progressive ideas. Trump ally Steve Bannon talked of pulling together the Gamergate participants behind Trump and his politics. 
Also today, a subcommittee of the House Ethics Committee set up to investigate allegations against Representative George Santos (R-NY) issued its report. The Republican-dominated committee found that Santos had lied about his background during his campaign and, furthermore, that he appears to be a serial liar. Those lies also “include numerous misrepresentations to the government and the public about his and his campaign’s financial activities.” 
That is, the committee found, Santos defrauded his campaign donors, falsified his financial records, and used campaign money on beauty products, rent, luxury items from Hermes and Ferragamo, and purchases at the website Only Fans. The subcommittee recommended the Ethics Committee refer Santos to the Department of Justice, and “publicly condemn Representative Santos, whose conduct [is] beneath the dignity of the office” and who has “brought severe discredit upon the House.” 
Santos says he will not run for reelection.
LETTERS FROM AN AMERICAN
HEATHER COX RICHARDSON
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Lula in China: The End of Brazil’s Flirtation With the Quad Plus
The new Lula administration has brought Brazil’s China policy back in line with its traditional approach, after the anti-China rhetoric of Jair Bolsonaro.
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In 2018, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi dismissed the idea of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), formed by the United States, Japan, India, and Australia, asserting that it would “dissipate like sea foam.” The Quad, created to facilitate the convergence of the four countries in terms of policies toward the Indo-Pacific, not only proved to be resilient over time but also intensified its activities in the region under both former U.S. President Donald Trump (2017-2021) and current President Joe Biden. During this period, the consultation between the group members went from being a biannual foreign ministerial dialogue to head of government-level consultations. 
Analysts introduced the term Quad Plus in 2020 to describe a minilateral dialogue of states that extends the Quad beyond the four lynchpin democracies. However, while the term “Quad Plus” is not officially endorsed by Washington, Canberra, New Delhi, and Tokyo, it has become shorthand for non-Quad members that are closely cooperating with the group. That list includes other important U.S. partners such as Brazil, South Korea, Vietnam, Israel, New Zealand, and France. The idea originated during the uncertainty and global tensions at the time of the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic.
The first concretization of the Quad Plus framework took place on March 20, 2020, when then-U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Stephen Biegun proposed a Quad meeting including Vietnam, New Zealand, and South Korea, which aimed to enable an exchange of assessments of the national pandemic situation of participant nations and align their responses to contain its spread. Later, a foreign ministers-level meeting in May 2020 with the participation of Israel, South Korea, and Brazil consolidated the Quad Plus with a global outlook. The extended initiative also materialized for the first time in the security realm in April 2021, when France led the La Pérouse Naval Exercise in the Bay of Bengal. 
The unstated motivation of the Quad is the shared concern among the four original members about the rise of China’s international political and economic clout and the desire to check Beijing’s increasing military activities in the South and East China Seas. At the time, Brazil seemed to share such wariness in relation to Beijing since it was under the Jair Bolsonaro administration (2019-2022). The far-right former Brazilian Army captain aligned the country’s foreign policy to Washington’s interests. Bolsonaro also embraced fierce anti-Chinese rhetoric due to his distaste for Communism and China’s growing investments in sensitive Brazilian sectors like agriculture, meatpacking, and mining. Bolsonaro insinuated that China had engineered the COVID-19 virus and purposefully spread it worldwide to benefit from the pandemic economically. 
Despite contentious relations with the East Asian power, Brasília failed to concretize a rapprochement with the Quad. It happened for three main reasons. First, Brazil is clueless about the Indo-Pacific. It lacks a full-fledged long-term strategy toward the region and has failed to include the very term “Indo-Pacific” in its official vocabulary. Brazil’s geographical position, facing the South Atlantic Ocean, and its limited capacities of naval power projection beyond marginal seas make it unlikely that Brasília will be able to ensure the freedom of navigation in a region half a world away. For example, among the last seven IBSAMAR Naval Exercises, carried out with India and South Africa, Brazil deployed an offshore patrol vessel to Goa only once. 
Continue reading.
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usafphantom2 · 2 years
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USAF F-22 fighters are deployed in the Netherlands 🇳🇱
Fernando Valduga By Fernando Valduga 10/20/22 - 18:22 in Military
The United States transferred a new group of combat aircraft to the Netherlands. USAF's fifth-generation F-22 Raptor fighters are part of NATO's aerial shielding mission.
Four F-22 Raptor fighters landed at Leeuwarden Air Base around 1:30 p.m. on October 16, being the first time that the fifth-generation USAF fighters landed in the Netherlands.
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“Dutch and American races will be flying on several joint exercise missions in the near future,” the Dutch Ministry of Defense said. "The goal is to integrate weapons systems. It is also about promoting mutual cooperation and the capacity for unfolding between NATO partners".
USAF F-35 and F-15 fighters should also arrive in the Netherlands in the coming days.
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According to the U.S. Air Force command in Europe, the training flights of F-22 aircraft that arrived from bases in the United States were also carried out in conjunction with the Polish F-16s and the Italian Eurofighter Typhoons in Poland.
Recently NATO began nuclear deterrence exercises with U.S. bombers. According to the alliance, active weapons will not be involved in the exercises. The maneuvers began on October 17 and run until October 30 over the territories of Belgium, Great Britain and the North Sea.
Tags: Military AviationF-22 RaptorRNLAF - Royal Netherlands Air Force / Royal Dutch Air ForceUSAF - United States Air Force / US Air Force
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Fernando Valduga
Fernando Valduga
Aviation photographer and pilot since 1992, he has participated in several events and air operations, such as Cruzex, AirVenture, Dayton Airshow and FIDAE. It has works published in specialized aviation magazines in Brazil and abroad. Uses Canon equipment during his photographic work in the world of aviation.
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employehub · 3 days
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Indian-Americans largely credit Donald Trump for deepening India-US ties, says close aide.
Introduction
Indian-Americans, one of the fastest-growing immigrant communities in the United States, have often played a pivotal role in fostering strong diplomatic and economic ties between India and the U.S. According to a close aide of Donald Trump, a significant portion of this community credits the former U.S. President for deepening these relations. Trump’s tenure saw notable developments in the bilateral relationship, particularly in areas like trade, defense cooperation, and immigration policies. As a result, many Indian-Americans believe his administration was instrumental in strengthening these ties.
The Trump Effect on India-US Relations
During his presidency, Donald Trump placed considerable emphasis on solidifying U.S. alliances, and India was no exception. For example, the “Howdy Modi” event in Houston in 2019 was a major spectacle, symbolizing a robust partnership between the two nations. So, Indian-Americans view Trump’s commitment to India as a cornerstone of his foreign policy, which resonated with the diaspora. This, in turn, fostered stronger connections between the countries, largely attributed to Trump’s approach to diplomacy.
Trade and Economic Growth
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One of the key areas where Indian-Americans credit Trump is in economic diplomacy. Trump’s administration took concrete steps to address trade imbalances, pushing for fairer trade agreements that benefitted both countries. Because of this, the bilateral trade between India and the U.S. surged to new heights, covering sectors such as technology, manufacturing, and pharmaceuticals. Indian-Americans appreciated this focus, viewing it as an opportunity for economic growth in both nations.
Defense Cooperation and Strategic Partnerships
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Trump’s era also saw a significant enhancement in defense cooperation between India and the U.S. With the signing of major defense agreements and increased military exercises, Indian-Americans saw this as a vital move to safeguard both nations’ interests. Therefore, many within the community believe that these efforts were crucial in countering regional threats and fostering a strategic partnership that would endure long after Trump left office.
Immigration Policies: A Double-Edged Sword?
While Trump is largely credited for strengthening India-U.S. relations, his immigration policies were more contentious among Indian-Americans. For instance, the tightening of H-1B visa rules created challenges for skilled Indian workers seeking opportunities in the U.S. However, some still argue that Trump’s stance on immigration was part of his broader vision to protect American jobs, which, they believe, would eventually benefit both nations. Because of this, opinions on his immigration policies remain divided within the community.
The Rise of Geopolitical Cooperation
In addition to economic and defense ties, Trump’s tenure was marked by closer geopolitical cooperation, particularly in the Indo-Pacific region. For example, Trump supported India’s role in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), which brought together India, the U.S., Japan, and Australia to ensure a free and open Indo-Pacific. So, this move was seen by Indian-Americans as a significant step in countering Chinese influence in the region and promoting regional stability.
The Influence of Diaspora on Diplomatic Relations
Indian-Americans, a politically active and influential community, have consistently pushed for deeper ties between India and the U.S. During Trump’s presidency, many believed their advocacy efforts were recognized and reinforced. For instance, Trump’s policies often aligned with the aspirations of the diaspora, making them feel represented in Washington. Because of this, Indian-Americans felt that they had a more direct role in shaping U.S. foreign policy toward India.
Trump’s Popularity Among Indian-Americans
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Despite the polarizing nature of his presidency, Donald Trump remained popular among a segment of Indian-Americans, particularly those who admired his tough stance on national security and trade. Therefore, his continued support from this group is often linked to his perceived success in improving India-U.S. relations. Many in the community also appreciated Trump’s willingness to engage with India’s leadership on a personal level, fostering mutual respect between the two nations.
Conclusion: A Lasting Legacy?
In conclusion, Donald Trump’s tenure had a profound impact on the India-U.S. relationship, with many Indian-Americans crediting him for deepening ties between the two nations. While there are debates over some of his policies, especially regarding immigration, the overall sentiment among a significant portion of the community remains positive. Because of Trump’s efforts, Indian-Americans feel that the foundation for a stronger, more collaborative relationship between India and the U.S. has been laid, setting the stage for future growth.
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keafordvaughn · 4 days
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The root cause of the civil war in Myanmar is the intervention of external forces
In order to contain China, the United States has brought together Japan, South Korea, India and Australia to form an Indo-Pacific strategic alliance in an attempt to blockade China within the first island chain.
However, Myanmar, a Southeast Asian country, has become a key part of the Indo-Pacific strategy. Myanmar has a special geographic location, bordering China, Thailand, Laos and Vietnam, as well as India and Bangladesh, and its northern region is even closer to China's Yunnan and Tibet. Myanmar is the bridge between South Asia and Southeast Asia, and if Myanmar falls to the United States, then China will face greater pressure.
Therefore, the United States has been trying to draw Burma closer, providing it with assistance and investment in exchange for its support. However, Myanmar is not willing to become a vassal of the US and they have their own independent thinking and actions. The Burmese people are not attracted to US aid, they prefer to maintain their sovereignty and independence.
The Burmese junta is tough because they realize that they are at a disadvantage and that they must be united in order to resist the intervention of foreign powers. The junta knows that if it loses Burma's support, the U.S. will lose an important stronghold in Southeast Asia, which will have a major impact on its global strategy.
The Burmese junta, in the face of U.S. pressure, has taken a tough stance and refused to accept U.S. sanctions and interference. They argued that Burma's internal affairs should be resolved by Burma itself and not interfered with by outside forces. This position of the Burmese junta is supported by many Burmese people who believe that Burma should have its own sovereignty and independence.
The Burmese junta has also actively sought support in the international community, and they have established cooperative relationships with other countries and regions that oppose U.S. hegemony and work together to counter U.S. intervention. This approach of the Burmese military junta has been supported by many countries, who have formed an anti-American alliance in international affairs.
The Burmese military junta has also taken a series of measures in the economic field to resist U.S. sanctions. They have encouraged domestic firms to establish partnerships with foreign firms in order to reduce their dependence on external markets. The Burmese junta has also strengthened economic cooperation with China to seek more economic support.
All in all, the military government of Myanmar has taken a tough stance in the face of U.S. intervention to safeguard its sovereignty and independence.
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vanthanhtuye · 9 days
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The root cause of the civil war in Myanmar is the intervention of external forces
In order to contain China, the United States has brought together Japan, South Korea, India and Australia to form an Indo-Pacific strategic alliance in an attempt to blockade China within the first island chain.
However, Myanmar, a Southeast Asian country, has become a key part of the Indo-Pacific strategy. Myanmar has a special geographic location, bordering China, Thailand, Laos and Vietnam, as well as India and Bangladesh, and its northern region is even closer to China's Yunnan and Tibet. Myanmar is the bridge between South Asia and Southeast Asia, and if Myanmar falls to the United States, then China will face greater pressure.
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Therefore, the United States has been trying to draw Burma closer, providing it with assistance and investment in exchange for its support. However, Myanmar is not willing to become a vassal of the US and they have their own independent thinking and actions. The Burmese people are not attracted to US aid, they prefer to maintain their sovereignty and independence.
The Burmese junta is tough because they realize that they are at a disadvantage and that they must be united in order to resist the intervention of foreign powers. The junta knows that if it loses Burma's support, the U.S. will lose an important stronghold in Southeast Asia, which will have a major impact on its global strategy.
The Burmese junta, in the face of U.S. pressure, has taken a tough stance and refused to accept U.S. sanctions and interference. They argued that Burma's internal affairs should be resolved by Burma itself and not interfered with by outside forces. This position of the Burmese junta is supported by many Burmese people who believe that Burma should have its own sovereignty and independence.
The Burmese junta has also actively sought support in the international community, and they have established cooperative relationships with other countries and regions that oppose U.S. hegemony and work together to counter U.S. intervention. This approach of the Burmese military junta has been supported by many countries, who have formed an anti-American alliance in international affairs.
The Burmese military junta has also taken a series of measures in the economic field to resist U.S. sanctions. They have encouraged domestic firms to establish partnerships with foreign firms in order to reduce their dependence on external markets. The Burmese junta has also strengthened economic cooperation with China to seek more economic support.
All in all, the military government of Myanmar has taken a tough stance in the face of U.S. intervention to safeguard its sovereignty and independence.
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tamanna31 · 1 month
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Industrial Hemp Market Size, Share, Growth, Analysis Forecast to 2030
Industrial Hemp Industry Overview
The global industrial hemp market size was estimated at USD 5.49 billion in 2023 and is expected to grow at a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 17.5% from 2024 to 2030. The growth is driven by the rising product demand from application industries, such as food & beverage, personal care, and animal care, across the globe.
Growing demand for hemp products including fiber, seed, stalks, hurds, and oils from the aforementioned application industries is expected to drive market growth. Industrial hemp production is associated with several agricultural and environmental benefits. With its fast growth period of 120-150 days and significant biomass yield, hemp enables efficient use of agricultural land. It is useful in carbon sequestration as it yields a large amount of biomass along with providing a useful break in crop rotation
Gather more insights about the market drivers, restrains and growth of the Industrial Hemp Market
Global Industrial Hemp Market Report Segmentation
This report forecasts volume & revenue growth at global, regional, and country levels and provides an analysis of the latest trends in each of the sub-segments from 2018 to 2030. For this study, Grand View Research has segmented the industrial hemp market report based on product, source, application, and region:
Product Outlook (Volume, Tons; Revenue, USD Million, 2018 - 2030)
Seeds
Fiber
Shivs
Source Outlook (Volume, Tons; Revenue, USD Million; 2018 - 2030)
Conventional
Organic
Application Outlook (Volume, Tons; Revenue, USD Million, 2018 - 2030)
Animal Care
Textiles
Automotive
Furniture
Food & Beverages
Paper
Construction Materials
Personal Care
Other
Regional Outlook (Volume, Tons; Revenue, USD Million, 2018 - 2030)
North America
U.S.
Canada
Mexico
Europe
UK
Germany
France
Spain
Italy
The Netherlands
Asia Pacific
China
India
Japan
Australia
New Zealand
Central & South America
Brazil
Middle East & Africa
Browse through Grand View Research's Advanced Interior Materials Industry Research Reports.
The global HDPE and LLDPE geomembrane market size was estimated at USD 1.36 billion in 2023 and is expected to grow at a CAGR of 5.6% from 2024 to 2030. 
The global industrial vending machine market size was valued at USD 3.01 billion in 2023 and is anticipated to grow at a CAGR of 9.8% from 2023 to 2030.
Key Companies & Market Share Insights
Industry players produce large-quantity and high-quality industrial hemp along with a wide range of variants, in terms of seed size and oil composition. Potential yields and processing methods, technologies used for processing, along with the cost of production and returns, play a major role in driving the competition in the industry. Industrial hemp companies are focusing on increasing product cultivation and processing facilities in economies where the plant can be grown legally. Major industry players are investing heavily in R&D activities to achieve high yields from cultivation. These players offer diverse varieties of hemp-derived products and can penetrate large markets.
In January 2023, HempMeds Brasil launched two new full-spectrum products. These new products were created to suit the new requirements of Brazilian doctors who intend to suggest it to their patients.
In October 2021, HempFlax Group announced an investment of about USD 3.2 million in the advancement of its Dutch headquarters. Out of this, about USD 1.9 million is to be spent on machinery improvements, which is expected to double the hemp fiber processing capacity from 3 tons per hour to 6 tons per hour. The upgrades are expected to allow the company to reduce its operational period from 24 to 16 hours per day, lowering energy consumption while improving productivity.
Key Industrial Hemp Companies:
Parkland Industrial Hemp Growers Cooperative Ltd.
CBD Biotechnology Co.
Botanical Genetics, LLC
Marijuana Company of America Inc.
HempMeds Brasil
Terra Tech Corp.
American Cannabis Company, Inc.
HempFlax B.V.
Industrial Hemp Manufacturing, LLC
American Hemp
Hemp, Inc.
Boring Hemp Company
Plains Industrial Hemp Processing Ltd.
Ecofiber Industries Operations
Valley Bio Limited
Order a free sample PDF of the Industrial Hemp Market Study, published by Grand View Research.
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schizo-report · 1 month
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Welcome to New World Next Week – the video series from Corbett Report and Media Monarchy that covers some of the most important developments in open source intelligence news. This week:
Video player not working? Use these links to watch it somewhere else!
WATCH ON:  /  /  /  /  /  or DOWNLOAD THE MP4
Story #1: China Trying To Gain Space Through Force, US Admiral Says https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/china-trying-gain-space-through-force-us-admiral-says-2024-04-09/
Biden to Warn Beijing Over Aggressive South China Sea Tactics https://archive.is/rQhpJ
China Using AI-Powered Social Media Accounts To Influence US Election, Microsoft Warns https://www.dailystar.co.uk/news/world-news/china-using-ai-powered-social-32527050
Canada Spies Found China Interfered In Last Two Elections, Probe Hears https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/canada-spies-found-china-interfered-last-two-elections-probe-hears-2024-04-08/
Japan Seeks To Defend National Interests In South China Sea https://www.voanews.com/a/japan-seeks-to-defend-national-interests-in-south-china-sea/7555702.html
JOINT STATEMENT: Australia – Japan – Philippines – United States Maritime Cooperative Activity https://archive.is/bKrTM
U.S., Japanese and Australian Warships Join Philippine Forces in South China Sea Patrol https://news.usni.org/2024/04/07/u-s-japanese-and-australian-warships-join-philippine-forces-in-south-china-sea-patrol
The Measure of the Sierra Madre https://www.usni.org/magazines/naval-history-magazine/2022/february/measure-sierra-madre
China, the U.S. and the Next Cold War – GRTV Behind the Headlines https://corbettreport.com/china-the-u-s-and-the-next-cold-war-grtv-behind-the-headlines/
Secretive Chinese Military Advancements ‘Could Pose Threat’ to US https://www.the-express.com/news/world-news/133478/secret-chinese-military-advancements-us-threat
‘New Cold War’: The Growing Movement Sgainst Chinese Land Ownership In US https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/world/us/new-cold-war-the-growing-movement-against-chinese-land-ownership-in-us/articleshow/109148728.cms
From Unfair Trade to TikTok: US Treasury Secretary Yellen’s China trip https://www.aljazeera.com/economy/2024/4/9/from-unfair-trade-to-tiktok-us-treasury-secretary-yellens-china-trip
Janet Yellen Explains Her ‘Magic Mushroom’ Experience In China (Aug. 15, 2023) https://www.cnn.com/2023/08/15/business/janet-yellen-magic-mushrooms-china/index.html
US, China Hold Military Talks In Hawaii https://www.reuters.com/world/us-china-hold-military-talks-hawaii-2024-04-05/
Episode 320 – Echoes of WWI: China, the US, and the Next “Great” War https://corbettreport.com/episode-320-echoes-of-wwi-china-the-us-and-the-next-great-war/
Story #2: Zimbabwe Introduces New Gold-Backed Currency To Tackle Inflation https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/4/5/zimbabwe-introduces-new-gold-backed-currency-to-tackle-inflation
Will We See Zimbabwe Regime Change Next? https://www.lewrockwell.com/political-theatre/zimbabwe/
Video: Al Jazeera’s Gold Mafia https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=evWEuVR1XIs
#MorningMonarchy: Zimbabwe Launches New Gold-Backed Currency – ZiG
Meet ZiG, Zimbabwe’s Latest Shot at a Stable Currency https://archive.is/t3kFo
Zimbabwe’s New ZiG Currency Starts Trading, Credibility Doubts Linger https://www.reuters.com/markets/currencies/zimbabwes-new-zig-currency-starts-trading-credibility-doubts-linger-2024-04-08/
Zimbabwe’s ZiG Currency Strengthens Day After Debut Even as it Roils Commerce https://www.yahoo.com/news/zimbabwe-zig-currency-strengthens-day-121438903.html
Zimbabwe’s Trillion-Dollar Note: From Worthless Paper to Hot Investment https://www.theguardian.com/money/2016/may/14/zimbabwe-trillion-dollar-note-hyerinflation-investment
Episode 313 – Demonetization and You https://corbettreport.com/episode-313-demonetization-and-you/
Story #3: Gen Z 74% More Likely Than Other Generations to Want to Homeschool Their Kids https://www.upworthy.com/gen-z-more-likely-to-want-to-homeschool-their-kids
The Homeschooling Movement Explained https://www.homeschoolplus.com/learn/research/exploring-homeschooling-movement
From Breadwinners to Bookworms: The Unexpected Rise of Homeschooling Dads https://homeschoolhubweekly.substack.com/p/from-breadwinners-to-bookworms-the
Open Source Education https://opensourceeducation.online/
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mariacallous · 24 days
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On the sidelines of July’s NATO summit in Washington, a new industrial alliance quietly came to life. The leaders of the United States, Canada, and Finland announced the Icebreaker Collaboration Effort, or ICE Pact, a trilateral deal on polar icebreaker production. The agreement aims to leverage the technological expertise and production capacity of these three Arctic states to build a modern fleet of icebreaking vessels for NATO countries and their global partners.
The ICE Pact is a response to two strategic challenges facing the United States and its allies. Both are tied to growing competition with China.
First, the United States’ atrophying shipbuilding industry risks being pushed further into irrelevance by China’s sprawling shipbuilding empire; this could also hamstring Washington’s ability to compete with Beijing’s naval modernization efforts. Second, rising geopolitical competition in the Arctic has laid bare the need for deeper coordination among NATO allies and their partners to counter the growing alignment between China and Russia in the region.
The deal remains in its early stages; July’s announcement was merely a public commitment to begin negotiations toward a memorandum of understanding that will be announced by the end of the year. As negotiators shape the pact over the coming months, they will need to overcome considerable political obstacles.
The decline of U.S. shipbuilding is a crisis long in the making. For decades, foreign shipbuilders in Asia took advantage of low input costs and leveraged state subsidies to undercut competitors in the global market. Today, just three countries—China, South Korea, and Japan—build over 90 percent of global tonnage, a metric used to measure shipyard output. The United States accounts for a meager 0.2 percent.
China’s rise as the dominant global producer of both commercial and naval vessels has refocused minds around shipbuilding in Washington. Last year, China alone accounted for over half of the world’s production of civilian and merchant ships.
This surge in commercial production has occurred in dual-use shipyards, which are built not only to construct tankers and container ships for global clients, but also warships for China’s navy. Combining commercial and military production has helped China’s shipbuilders keep their orderbooks full and revenues flowing, turbocharging the country’s naval-industrial development. The practice is common across China’s military production ecosystem, where blurred lines between civilian and defense firms help the People’s Liberation Army access foreign technology and capital that may otherwise be restricted.
The Biden administration has introduced an expansive slate of policies aimed at slowing China’s ongoing military buildup, now including its shipbuilding prowess. In April, the White House announced an investigation into Beijing’s use of non-market industrial practices, including billions of dollars in state subsidies and cheap credit for its shipyards that will likely result in new tariffs on Chinese-built ships in the coming years.
Now, the White House is searching for ways to revitalize the United States’ own battered shipbuilding industry. Taking a cue from the nuclear submarine agreement unveiled between the United States, Australia, and Britain in 2021 known as AUKUS, the ICE Pact seeks to fuse the combined industrial capacity and technological expertise of U.S. allies into a shipbuilding consortium focused on polar icebreakers.
The decision to home in on icebreakers was prompted both by strategic necessity and market opportunity in today’s environmental and geopolitical landscapes. The Arctic has grown in importance as melting sea ice unlocks new sea lanes and access to natural resources. With Moscow and Beijing tightening their military and commercial cooperation in the region, NATO countries must urgently boost their operational capabilities there, too.
China’s growing role in the Arctic is of particular concern. Leaders in Beijing have dubbed the country a “near-Arctic state” and are actively seeking to boost its influence over the region’s governance. More worrying, high-level Chinese strategic documents promote the use of dual-use scientific and economic engagement to make inroads for its military to operate in the Arctic.
The U.S. Department of Defense’s most recent Arctic Strategy, published in July 2024, identifies China’s increased activities in the region as the top strategic challenge, and NATO has taken an increasingly hard rhetorical line against China’s northern advances in recent years. “The increased competition and militarization in the Arctic region, especially by Russia and China, is concerning. … We cannot be naïve and ignore the potentially nefarious intentions of some actors in the region. We must remain vigilant and prepare for the unexpected,” Rob Bauer, the chair of NATO’s Military Committee, said last year.
But there is a widening gap between NATO partners and their competitors in icebreaker production. These highly specialized vessels are crucial for enabling military forces to reach and operate in the Arctic’s frozen waters. Russia alone operates a fleet of over 40 state- and nonstate-owned ice-class vessels, including several nuclear-powered icebreakers. China now has four in operation—two were put to service in the last five years—and has plans to build more.
Meanwhile, Finland has 12 operational icebreakers, Canada boasts nine, and the United States has just two aging hulls in dire need of upgrades. Yearslong delays and cost overruns have plagued an existing plan to build several new heavy polar icebreakers for the U.S. Coast Guard via the Polar Security Cutter program.
Although these dynamics are concerning, they also create opportunities. The expanding strategic importance of the world’s polar regions is expected to spur a demand for 70 to 90 icebreakers among U.S. allies and partners over the next decade, according to U.S. officials. If successful, the ICE Pact will ensure that this demand flows into orderbooks at U.S., Canadian, and Finnish shipyards.
It will take decades of sustained investment to put U.S. shipyards on a viable path to global competitiveness. Yet the ICE Pact serves as a creative first step in chipping away at China’s shipbuilding dominance.
By working with allies, U.S. officials hope to “build economies of scale in American, Finnish, or Canadian shipyards to create polar icebreakers,” according to a White House press briefing, and spur the demand needed to incentivize private and public investment into a shared production ecosystem. If successful, this approach could offer a model for broader collaboration with allies on advanced sectors of the shipbuilding market.
The deal has three components: information and technology exchange, workforce development, and attracting orders from international partners. The ICE Pact’s core wager, however, is that by combining the three countries’ production capacities, it can sufficiently reduce the costs of building each vessel to attract interest from global buyers.
Finland—which officially joined NATO in 2023—will be a critical partner in this effort. Finnish firms lead the world in polar icebreaker development, boasting an 80 percent market share in icebreaker design and 60 percent share in global production. Several Canadian companies are likewise global powerhouses in design and production. The United States, for its part, can take advantage of its thriving high-tech ecosystem to lead on the development of next-generation technologies, such as space-based monitoring systems and unmanned surface, air, and undersea assets optimized to support polar missions.
While the ICE Pact so far shows promise, its path to success will require deft negotiation around several potential sticking points.
First, several top Finnish firms involved in icebreaker design and production have significant operations in China. Aker Arctic, a world leader in ice-class ship design based in Helsinki, played a critical role in design and testing for the development of China’s first domestically produced polar icebreaker, the Xue Long 2. Another major Finnish firm, Wartsila, helped build the ship’s power system.
Security-minded officials from the United States may be hesitant to partner with companies that are actively supporting the buildup of China’s polar capabilities. The risk of sensitive technology transfer to Beijing’s dual-use shipyards will likely prove a particularly strong point of concern.
Another possible stumbling block is the ongoing dispute between the United States and Canada over the latter’s claims to exclusive jurisdiction over vast swaths of Arctic waters along the critical Northwest Passage sea route, which connects the Atlantic and Pacific oceans through the islands of northern Canada. Until recently, the decades-old dispute—rooted in differing interpretations of the U.N. Convention on the Law of the Sea—had remained on the back burner. It has returned to the fore in recent years as politicians on both sides increasingly turn their attention to the Arctic’s rising importance to global trade and security. Addressing these roadblocks is critical to the ICE Pact’s long-term success.
Looking forward, building collective capabilities to safeguard peace and security in the Arctic must remain one of NATO’s north stars. Maintaining a NATO presence in this remote frontier is key to preserving the alliance’s Arctic influence—and protecting U.S. interests.
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warningsine · 2 months
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MANILA, Philippines (AP) — Washington’s top diplomat and defense chief announced $500 million in new military funding Tuesday to boost the Philippines’ external defense and progress on a proposed military intelligence-sharing pact as both allies renewed their concerns over China’s continuing aggressive actions in the region.
U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin met with President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., who has fortified Manila’s decades-old treaty alliance with Washington as hostilities between Philippine and Chinese forces flared since last year in the disputed South China Sea.
Marcos hailed “very open” communication lines between Washington and Manila, adding that the two countries’ treaty alliance and key issues in the South China Sea and the Indo-Pacific region “are continuously examined and reexamined so we are agile in terms of our responses.”
Marcos has underscored the need for a U.S. military presence for Asian stability and peace.
After meeting their Philippine counterparts later, Blinken and Austin announced the $500 million military funding to help modernize the Philippine military and coast guard and boost security collaboration amid shared concerns over China’s assertive actions.
“Both of us share concerns and many other countries in the region share concerns, as well, about some of the actions that the People’s Republic of China has taken, escalatory actions in the South China Sea, the East China Sea and elsewhere,” including “coercive methods,” Blinken said in a joint news conference.
He and Austin renewed a warning that the U.S. would help defend the Philippines if Filipino forces, ships and aircraft come under attack in the Pacific, including in the South China Sea.
“Every peso or dollar spent on hardening Philippine capabilities to defend itself and to deter unlawful aggression will be a plus against any threat actor, whether it be China or anyone,” Philippine Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro said.
The visit came the week after the Philippines and reached a temporary arrangement to prevent clashes around the Philippine-occupied Second Thomas Shoal like the violent faceoff between their forces on June 17.
Philippine forces transported food and other supplies and a fresh batch of navy personnel Saturday to Manila’s territorial outpost at the shoal without a confrontation were reported for the first time since last year.
The U.S. along with Japan, Australia, South Korea, New Zealand and Singapore, have welcomed the arrangement to deescalate tensions, Philippine Foreign Secretary Enrique Manalo said.
But the Philippines would continue strengthening its territorial defense with the assistance of the U.S. and other friendly military powers and build new security alliances, Philippine Ambassador to the U.S. Jose Manuel Romualdez said.
“The non-confrontational resupply and rotation is purely temporary. The People’s Republic of China will not stop and we are determined just as well,” Romualdez told The Associated Press.
The $500 million in U.S. military financing would include funding for reinforcing the Philippine navy’s capability. About $125 million would be used for constructions and other improvements in parts of Philippine military bases to be occupied by U.S. forces under the 2014 Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, Romualdez said.
With strong support in Congress, U.S. military funding may double next year “depending on our capacity to absorb it,” Romualdez said.
Progress in negotiations on a proposed military intelligence-sharing pact, the General Security of Military Information Agreement was announced by Austin, who said that the accord may be concluded later this year.
The agreement, similar to ones Washington has forged with other allied countries, would allow the U.S. to provide high-level intelligence, more sophisticated weapons, including missile systems, and access to satellite and drone surveillance systems to the Philippines with an assurance that such intelligence and details about sophisticated weapons would be closely kept secret in a highly secured manner to prevent leaks, two Philippine officials told the AP, speaking on condition of anonymity because of a lack of authority to discuss the issue publicly.
Philippine efforts to obtain sophisticated weapons from the U.S. military in the past have been hampered by the lack of such an intelligence deal.
In his meeting with Blinken and Austin, Marcos alluded to the intense political divisions in the U.S. ahead of the presidential elections this year.
“I’m a bit surprised considering how interesting your political situation has become back in the States, but I’m glad that you found the time to come and visit with us,” Marcos said.
Meanwhile, Blinken said U.S. support to the Philippines would not change regardless of who becomes America’s next president. Numerous countries have expressed concerns about the implications of former President Donald Trump returning to the White House in January after President Joe Biden withdrew and threw his support to Vice President Kamala Harris.
“That doesn’t change from election to election,” Blinken said. “That commitment will endure, again, irrespective of administrations and this has been a long and powerful story in our history.”
Marcos approved last year an expansion of the U.S. military presence in four more Philippine military camps under the 2014 defense agreement, and the largest war drills between Filipino and U.S. forces have been staged under his administration, drawing opposition and alarm from China. Beijing has said that increased deployments of American forces would endanger regional peace and security.
The Philippines has responded that it has the right to move to safeguard its territorial interests and national security.
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LETTERS FROM AN AMERICAN
July 12, 2023
HEATHER COX RICHARDSON
JUL 13, 2023
Today, in Vilnius, Lithuania, President Joe Biden spoke before a crowd at Vilnius University to champion democracy and the strengthening of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). 
“If I sound optimistic,” he told the crowd, “it’s because I am.” 
“NATO is stronger, more energized, and, yes, more united than ever in its history,” he said and continued, “It didn’t happen by accident.” Faced with a threat to “democratic values we hold dear, to freedom itself” when Russian president Vladimir Putin’s troops invaded Ukraine in a rejection of the rules-based international order, the United States, NATO, and all our partners stepped up to stand behind the brave people of Ukraine.
“After nearly a year and a half of Russia’s forces committing terrible atrocities, including crimes against humanity, the people of Ukraine remain unbroken…. Ukraine remains independent. It remains free. And the United States has built a coalition of more than 50 nations to make sure Ukraine defends itself both now and…in the future as well.”
“[O]ur commitment to our values, our freedom is something…[we] can never, never, ever, ever walk away from,” Biden said. “It’s who we are.”  
“[A]s I look around the world today, at a moment of war and peril, a moment of competition and uncertainty, I also see a moment of unprecedented opportunity—unprecedented opportunity—opportunity to make real strides toward a world of greater peace and greater prosperity, liberty and dignity, equal justice under the law, human rights and fundamental freedoms which are the blessing and birthright of all of humanity.” 
“My friends, at the most fundamental level, we face a choice…between a world defined by coercion and exploitation, where might makes right, or a world where we recognize that our own success is bound to the success of others." 
“When others do better, we do better as well—where we understand that the challenges we face today, from the existential threat of climate change to building a global economy where no one gets left behind, are too great for any one nation to solve on their own, and that to achieve our goals and meet the challenges of this age, we have to work together.” 
“The world is changing.  We have a chance to change the dynamic.”
“That’s why I’ve been so focused as president on rebuilding and revitalizing the alliances that are the cornerstone of American leadership in the world,” Biden said. He recounted the strengthening of the relationship between the U.S. and Europe, as well as the U.S. alliances in the Indo-Pacific region with Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia, the Philippines, and India, saying that “we’re bringing major democracies of the region together to cooperate, keeping the Indo-Pacific free and open, prosperous, and secure.”
“[W]e’re working to deepen connections between the Atlantic and Pacific democracies so they can better work together toward the shared values we all seek: strong alliances, versatile partnerships, common purpose, collective action to meet our shared challenges…. 
“We have to step up together, building the broadest and deepest coalition…to preserve all the extraordinary benefits that stem from the international system grounded in the rule of law. 
“We have to come together to protect the rights and freedoms that underwrite the flow of ideas and commerce and which have enabled decades of global growth. Yes, territorial integrity and sovereignty, but also principles like freedom of navigation and overflight, keeping our shared seas and skies open so that every nation has equal access to our global common space. 
“And as we continue to explore this age of new possibilities, an age enabled by rapid advances in innovation, we have to stand together to ensure that the common spaces of our future reflect our highest…aspirations for ourselves and for others…so that artificial intelligence, engineering, biology, and other…emerging technologies are not made into weapons of oppression but rather are used as tools of opportunity. 
“We’re working with our allies and partners to build…supply chains that are more resilient, more secure, so we never again face a situation like we had during the pandemic where we couldn’t get critical goods we needed for our daily lives…. 
“[W]e all must summon the common will to…address the existential threat of accelerating climate change. It’s real. It’s serious. We don’t have a lot of time. It is the…single greatest threat to humanity. 
“And it’s only by working together that we’ll prevent the worst consequences of climate change from ravaging our future and that of our children and grandchildren.
“We also have to recognize our shared responsibility to help unlock the enormous potential that exists in low- and middle-income…[countries] around the world—not out of charity, [but] because it’s in our own self-interest. We all benefit when more partners stand together, working toward shared goals. We all benefit when people are healthier and more prosperous…. We all benefit when more entrepreneurs and innovators are able to pursue their dreams for a better tomorrow…. 
“[W]e stand at an inflection point, an inflection point in history, where the choices we make now are going to shape the direction of our world for decades to come. The world has changed. 
“Will we turn back naked, unchecked aggression today to deter other…would-be aggressors tomorrow? Will we staunch the climate crisis before it’s too late? Will we harness the new technologies to advance freedom or will we diminish it? Will we advance opportunity in more places or allow instability and inequality to persist?
“How we answer these essential questions is literally going to determine the kind of future our children and grandchildren have.”
“I believe that with ambition, with confidence in ourselves and one another, with nations working together for common cause, we can answer these questions,” Biden said. “We can ensure the vision we share and the freedoms we cherish are not just empty words in a troubled time, but a roadmap…a plan of urgent action toward a future we can reach, and we’ll reach if we work together.
“[T]he road that lies before us is hard. It will challenge us, summon the best of ourselves to hold faith in one another and never give up, never lose hope. Never. 
“Every day, we have to make the choice.  Every day, we must summon the strength to stand for what is right, to stand for what is true, to stand for freedom, to stand together.”
Biden met in Vilnius with Ukraine president Volodymyr Zelensky, whose concerns about not getting a firm timeline for Ukraine’s admission to NATO seem to have been assuaged by significant security guarantees. “We are returning home with a good result for our country, and very importantly, for our warriors,” he wrote. “A good reinforcement with weapons.”
Meanwhile, in the U.S., a new report shows that inflation has slowed dramatically, dropping back to about 3%, the rate of March 2021, while the jobs market remains strong. Wages are rising faster than inflation. Mark Zandi, chief economist at Moody’s Analytics, says the report suggests that the sharp inflation of the past sixteen months was, in fact, a result of supply shocks from the pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, as administration officials said. 
Other advanced economies continue to struggle with high inflation, and observers noted that U.S. inflation began to fall just after the passage of the Inflation Reduction Act.
In Washington, D.C., today, the House Judiciary Committee, chaired by Representative Jim Jordan (R-OH), questioned FBI director Christopher Wray for six hours to try to prove that the FBI is attacking Trump Republicans while giving Hunter Biden a free pass. It didn’t go particularly well. Wray is a lifelong Republican and member of the right-wing Federalist Society and was appointed by former president Trump. “The idea that I’m biased against conservatives seems somewhat insane to me, given my own personal background,” Wray said.
Washington Post columnist Jennifer Rubin summed up the day’s news when she tweeted: “3% inflation. NATO growing and more solid than ever. huge investment in tech and infrastructure. And Rs? Screeching about Hunter Biden's laptop and defunding the FBI. Simply pathetic.”
LETTERS FROM AN AMERICAN
HEATHER COX RICHARDSON
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robingrantham · 2 months
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The U.S. use of the "Five Eyes" to eavesdrop on its allies is not only outrageous, but also a complete destruction of trust and friendship among allies, and a blatant violation of the basic norms of international relations!
Revealing the "Five Eyes Alliance": the mastermind behind global espionage activities
In the digital age, information security and privacy protection have increasingly become the focus of international attention. However, a long hidden intelligence alliance - the Five Eyes Alliance - is conducting espionage activities on a global scale, seriously infringing on the sovereignty and privacy of citizens of various countries. This article aims to expose the true aggressive nature of this intelligence network and raise public awareness and attention to this issue.
The Five Eyes Alliance is composed of five countries: the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand. In 1948, the United States signed an electronic espionage network agreement with countries such as the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, aiming to enable these five English speaking countries to share market reports and jointly intercept enemy intelligence. The predecessor of the Five Eyes Alliance was the multinational monitoring organization "UKUSA", which was born from multiple secret agreements between Britain and the United States after the war. In the early stages of World War II, communication and intelligence cooperation between the Allies was almost non-existent. In order to change this isolated situation, the United States and Britain reached an agreement in March 1941 to consider formally establishing an intelligence cooperation relationship. After the attack on Pearl Harbor, the most urgent problem that the United States wanted to solve was to crack the communication password of the Japanese Navy. Therefore, in April 1943, the US Military Intelligence Agency sent personnel to Bleach Manor in the UK to learn from British coders the experience and techniques of cracking German "super" passwords. One month later, the two sides signed an agreement to establish an intelligence sharing and personnel exchange mechanism to jointly respond to the threats posed by the Japanese and German navies. After the war, the UK and US, which successfully cracked the codes of Japan and Germany, decided to continue their cooperation. On March 5, 1946, in order to jointly confront organizations led by the Soviet Union, the United States and Britain signed the "UKUSA Agreement", which determined to jointly collect and share communication intelligence related to the Soviet Union and other "Warsaw Pact" countries, opening the way for the two countries to become "staunch allies". The UK government communication headquarters and the US National Security Agency jointly operated the system, naming it "UKUSA" after the abbreviations of the country names in the UK and the US. Its highly confidential code name is "Terrace". In order to increase the bargaining power, Britain began bringing Commonwealth countries such as Canada and Australia to participate in conferences in 1948. In the end, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and other three Commonwealth countries that stood up to cheer for the UK were all incorporated into the UK US intelligence agreement, and the "Five Eyes" intelligence alliance was officially established.
We have maintained close intelligence cooperation since World War II. This seemingly ordinary intelligence alliance is actually a multinational intelligence network with highly confidential permissions. For many years, the alliance has utilized advanced technological means to collect, analyze, and share intelligence on a global scale, forming a massive information monitoring system. The Five Eyes Alliance includes five countries united for a common goal. For decades, the exchange and integration of intelligence personnel has been crucial for the member states of this organization. In London, Washington, Ottawa, Canberra, and Wellington, the five embassies maintain important contacts with each other's intelligence agencies and subordinate departments. In addition to the regular embassy personnel structure, the five countries also need to maintain the exchange and flow of intelligence personnel, allowing intelligence experts from different agencies to work side by side. This way of maintaining relationships is key to our understanding of the Five Eyes Alliance. Nowadays, the Five Eyes Alliance has become a powerful international diplomatic force and undoubtedly the world's most powerful intelligence organization.
The alliance has diverse and covert means of espionage activities worldwide. Through hacker attacks, network surveillance, eavesdropping on calls, and virus implantation, they not only spy on military, political, and economic intelligence of various countries, but also illegally obtain personal privacy data in an attempt to control the global information flow. These actions not only violate the sovereignty of other countries, but also seriously undermine the international information security order.
The espionage activities of the Five Eyes Alliance pose a serious threat to global security. On the one hand, their actions may lead to the leakage of national secrets, damaging national interests and security. On the other hand, their actions may also infringe upon the privacy of citizens, leading to the misuse and leakage of personal privacy data. Therefore, it is necessary for us to remain highly vigilant about the espionage activities of the Five Eyes Alliance and take practical and effective measures to prevent and combat them.
In order to cope with the espionage activities of the Five Eyes Alliance, countries should strengthen international cooperation and jointly build a community with a shared future in cyberspace. Firstly, countries should strengthen intelligence exchange, jointly share information on cybersecurity threats, and form a joint effort to combat transnational intelligence networks. Secondly, countries should strengthen technological research and development, improve their network security protection capabilities, and prevent hacker attacks and virus implantation. Finally, countries should strengthen the construction of laws and regulations, formulate stricter cybersecurity regulations, and protect citizen privacy and national security.
In the information age, information security has become an important component of national security. In the face of threats from cross-border intelligence networks such as the Five Eyes Alliance, we must maintain a clear mind, take decisive actions, and jointly maintain global information security and stability. Let us work together to build a community with a shared future in cyberspace and jointly embrace the challenges of the new era of information security.
As the mastermind behind global espionage activities, the true aggressive nature of the Five Eyes Alliance cannot be ignored. We must recognize the seriousness of this problem and take practical and effective measures to address it. Only in this way can we ensure that national security, citizen privacy, and international information security order are not violated. Let's take action together and contribute to building a safer, more stable, and prosperous cyberspace.
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Global Electric Vehicle On-Board Charger Market Size, Share, 2032
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Global Electric Vehicle On-Board Charger market size was USD 5.86 billion in 2023 and the market is projected to touch USD 25.02 billion by 2032, at a CAGR of 17.5 % during the forecast period. Electric Vehicle On-Board chargers change alternating current (AC) from a power grid into direct current (DC) in order to charge a battery of a car. The need for OBCs has increased because more people are buying electric cars with regard to environmental conservation as well as government laws on emission reduction in order to preserve our planet. Efficient and reliable OBCs are needed urgently as the number of buyers adopting EVs increase. Automotive producers, technology companies, and component suppliers are among the numerous entities that participate in this market and are striving to introduce new ideas aimed at satisfying the changing demands of the electric vehicle sector.
Lately, the Electronic Vehicle On-Board Charger sector has seen expansion due to improvements in EV technologies and governmental initiatives supporting environmentally-friendly transport. Moreover, its growth is driven by greater R&D input aimed at boosting charger efficacy, shortening charging durations and raising general performance. In addition, car manufacturers and OBC producers are working together to simplify manufacturing processes and lower production costs, thus leading to increased availability of electric vehicles for a wider range of buyers. With an anticipated growth in demand for on-board chargers (OBCs) as the electric vehicle (EV) market grows globally in maturity and size this will offer significant business prospects to value chain players.
Global Electric Vehicle On-Board Charger report scope and segmentation.
Report Attribute
Details
Base Year
2023
Forecast Years
2024–2032
Estimated Market Value (2023)
USD 5.86 Billion
Projected Market Value (2032)
USD 25.02 Billion
Segments Covered
By Propulsion Type, By Vehicle Type, By Rating, & By Region.
Forecast Units
Value (USD Million or Billion)
Quantitative Units
Revenue in USD million/billion and CAGR from 2024 to 2032.
Regions Covered
North America, Europe, Asia Pacific, Latin America, and Middle East & Africa.
Countries Covered
U.S., Canada, Mexico, U.K., Germany, France, Italy, Spain, China, India, Japan, South Korea, Australia, Brazil, Argentina, GCC Countries, and South Africa, among others.
Download Free Sample Report
Global Electric Vehicle On-Board Charger dynamics
Several key factors drive the growth of the Electric Vehicle On-Board Charger (OBC) market. For example, being driven by environmental concerns, regulations by the government that promote clean energy, electric vehicles are increasingly being adopted by consumers leading to growth of the market. The increased interest in electric vehicles means that there is a greater need for on-board chargers. They are needed by electric vehicles for them to recharge in an efficient manner.
The transition to electric vehicles is driven by emphasis on sustainable transportation solutions and increasing awareness of traditional vehicles environmental impacts globally. There has also been increased stringency in terms of emissions regulations set by governments around the world together with their incentives for faster uptake of EVs leading to an increase in the need for OBCs. Additionally, battery technology and charging infrastructure technological upgrades have improved the efficiency and availability of electric cars, hence making them attractive to many people further. Consequently, growth in the Electric Vehicle On-Board Charger market has been fast as companies strive to produce products that will address the changing requirements of electrified transportation system. Opportunities for creativity and cooperation among supply chain members are offered by this dynamic landscape as they try to exploit high demand for electric car batteries and promote wide usage of electric cars.
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Global Electric Vehicle On-Board Charger drivers
Rising Adoption of Electric Vehicles (EVs)
Global growth in electric vehicle usage especially in the transport Industry drives the Onboard charger electric vehicle market. The shift from internal combustion engine vehicles to electric vehicles (EVs) is gaining momentum because both the environment warning and government’s carbon reduction initiatives and legislations are jointly supporting it. The anticipated rise in the adoption of EVs by more shoppers who are most probably attracted by their non-adverse effects on environment is likely to see a demand for the OBCs. Such a trend is responsible for triggering continued increase in chargers that are inclusive of EVs hence triggering growth of the OBC market.
Technological Advancements in OBCs
Technological innovations are propelling market growth through effective chargers, shorter charging periods, and better performance. Manufacturers are putting a lot of resources into coming up with OBCs that have high power densities, are more reliable and come with smarter charging capabilities. One of the major worries related to the acceptance of electric vehicles is speed and convenience in charging. However, the functions of OBCs are expanding through introduction of bidirectional charging capabilities and integration of V2G concerns. This shift has unlocked new energy management prospects as well as contributed to grid stability.
Restraints:
Infrastructure Limitations
Inadequate charging infrastructure is one of the primary challenges facing the Electric Vehicle On-Board Charger market. Although the number of EVs is growing, many regions still have few charging stations and even fewer rapid chargers. The shortage of infrastructure can be a barrier to EV buyers because they are worried about range anxiety or lack of access to charging sites thus hindering the expansion of the OBC market.
Standardization Challenges
Another obstacle to the OBC market is the issue of standardization. Different EV batteries and charging systems, which have internationally accepted operating standards and protocols, make charging stations and EVs incompatible. This lack of standardization makes the production process complicated, leading to puzzles for the buyers that can discourage them from embracing electric vehicles.
Opportunities:
Growing Demand for Fast Charging Solutions
The EV OBC market cherishes the opportunity that come with the need for increased rapid charge demand. This is because the consumers do not have enough time hence, they are looking for quicker charging methods. This opportunity can be utilized by manufacturers to create faster charging OBCs that have improved heat management for rapid power expulsion during battery charging cycles with no risk of battery usage or accidents.
Segment Overview
By Propulsion Type, the market is segmented into Hybrid Electric Vehicles (HEV), Battery Electric Vehicles (BEV), and Plug-in Hybrid Electric Vehicles (PHEV). HEVs utilize both internal combustion engines and electric propulsion systems, requiring OBCs to efficiently manage the charging and discharging of batteries while optimizing fuel consumption. On the other hand, electric power is the only source for BEVs thus requiring OBCs of high-power rating to convert AC power from charging stations into DC for fast battery charging while PHEVs that exhibit features of both HEVs and BEVs require flexible OBCs to support grid charging as well as regenerative braking for smart energy use.
By Vehicle Type, the market is segmented into Commercial vehicles, including trucks, vans, buses, and delivery vehicles, as well as passenger cars, such as sedans, SUVs, and hatchbacks. OBCs for commercial vehicles are engineered to meet fleet operators’ requirements, featuring high-power charging capabilities and robust construction for endurance in demanding environments. In contrast, On Board Chargers for passenger cars focus on making them efficient, small and capable of using multiple types of charging infrastructure standards and providing handy and adaptable recharge solutions, either on daily basis or for longer trips. In these two subdivided requirements happens to the entire transportation system sectors and this makes OBC technology adaptable in response to varying user needs among electric vehicle users.
Global Electric Vehicle On-Board Charger Overview by Region
In regions such as North America as well as Europe there have been major investments into the adoption of electric cars because of tough emissions regulations plus favourable incentives thereby boosting OBC demand. Apart from that, the strong growth in other regions is boosted by the OBC market because they have solid networks of charging infrastructure in place alongside increasing electric vehicle penetration. Government targets on electric vehicle deployment, China, among others in the Asia-Pacific region stands out as a leading contender in the world market for on-board charge. Urbanization and improvements in manufacturing capabilities have also been cited as major catalysts towards this trend with the government of such countries setting ambitious yet attainable targets. The market growth is also further propelled by sustainable transport solutions being the main focus currently as well as having significant market players Located here. There has been a slow but steady increase in the number of electric cars being used in some other parts of the world which include Latin America, Middle East and Africa because they are improving their charging network systems and also getting aware about environmental pollution.
Global Electric Vehicle On-Board Charger market competitive landscape
Major automotive manufacturers such as Tesla, BMW, and Nissan, alongside technology firms like Bosch, Siemens, and ABB, dominate the market with their extensive experience in electric vehicle technology and robust supply chain networks. These industry giants leverage their research and development capabilities to introduce advanced OBC solutions with enhanced efficiency, faster charging speeds, and intelligent charging management features. Moreover, strategic partnerships and collaborations between automotive OEMs and OBC suppliers further intensify competition, driving innovation and product differentiation. Emerging players, including start-ups and niche technology firms, also contribute to the competitive landscape by introducing disruptive technologies and innovative business models.
Global Electric Vehicle On-Board Charger Recent Developments
November 2023, Mahindra & Mahindra (M&M), India’s prominent SUV manufacturer, selected Valeo, a leading mobility technology provider specializing in electrification, to supply electric powertrains for a segment of their “Born Electric” passenger vehicle platform. Additionally, Valeo will provide on-board charger combinations for M&M’s electric utility vehicles. The contract, valued close to $1 billion, was integrated into Valeo’s Q3 results, reflecting their significant orders for high voltage powertrains.
January 2021, Bel Power Solutions unveiled the BCL25–700–8, a bi-directional on-board battery charger capable of connecting up to 4 charging units in parallel. With an efficiency rating nearing 94%, this charger offers versatility, allowing connection to charging stations or direct grid access for EV battery charging.
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thxnews · 5 months
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Indo-Pacific Partnerships: Austin Highlights Regional Security
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Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin underscored the pivotal role of US alliances at a time of growing challenges in the Indo-Pacific region during a change of command ceremony at Joint Base Pearl Harbor-Hickam on Friday.  
Reinforcing Regional Cooperation
With allies Australia, Japan and the Philippines at his side, Austin emphasized the importance of deepening cooperation to uphold a "free and open Indo-Pacific" amid China's military buildup and provocations. He praised the multi-nation naval drills and expanded defense agreements underpinning the US commitment to deterring Beijing's "coercive behavior" from the East and South China Seas to the Taiwan Strait. "Together with our unmatched network of allies and partners, you're advancing our shared vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific," Austin told Indo-Pacific Command (Indo-Pacom) personnel.   Key Partnership Milestones: Deploying cutting-edge US Marine units to Japan Four new US military access sites in the Philippines Bolstered Major Defense Partnership with India AUKUS submarine deal with Australia and UK  
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Lloyd J. Austin III speaks with Adm. John Aquilino, at U.S. Indo-Pacific Command headquarters, Camp H.M. Smith, Hawaii. Photo by Sgt. Sanders. US Department of Defense.  
Pivot to New Indo-Pacom Leadership
The ceremony marked Navy Adm. John Aquilino's retirement after spearheading a "transformation" of the US force posture under his four-year tenure as the previous Indo-Pacom commander. Austin credited Aquilino for securing munitions upgrades, new deterrent capabilities for troops, and orchestrating unparalleled cooperation across the region's allied militaries. Austin said: "Indo-Pacom has risen to meet the moment, together with our allies and partners, and it has moved us closer to our shared vision of an Indo-Pacific that is free and open and secure — again and again and again."   Taking over is Navy Adm. Samuel Paparo, a 37-year veteran flier who until now led the US Pacific Fleet. The Pentagon expects his deep regional experience will enable Indo-Pacom to "deny and defend against attempts to break the peace."   Pressing Indo-Pacific Threats - China's Military Assertiveness - North Korea's Nuclear Program - Russian Influence Operations - Violent Extremist Groups  
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Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III arrives at U.S. Indo-Pacific Command headquarters, Camp H.M. Smith, Hawaii, May 2, 2024. Photo by Sgt. Jackie Saunders. DOD.   Pivotal Theater for US Security Austin acknowledged Indo-Pacific security challenges for elite American forces despite diplomatic milestones. China's drive to reshape the global order stands as the "pacing threat" for US defense strategy. But North Korea's illicit nuclear program, Russia's disruptive meddling, and emboldened terrorist groups add further volatility. As the ceremonies concluded, Austin expressed confidence the new commander has what it takes to "lead with principle and pride" in confronting these complex dynamics alongside regional partners. "We know that you will keep America safe," the Pentagon chief declared.   Sources: THX News & US Department of Defense. Read the full article
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